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Full text of "The works of Hubert Howe Bancroft"








VOL. I. 1542-1800. 



Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1884, by 


In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 

All Eights Reserved. 


THE past of California, as a whole and in each 
successive phase, furnishes a record not excelled 
either in variety or interest by that of any New World 
province. From the time when it was a mere field 
of cosmographic conjecture, its position, somewhere on 
the way from Mexico to India, being vaguely fixed by 
such bounds as Asia, the north pole, Newfoundland, 
and Florida, it has drawn upon itself a liberal share 
of the world's notice. The period of Spanish occupa- 
tion, of spiritual conquest and mission development 
growing out of Franciscan effort, of quiet pastoral 
life with its lively social monotony, is a fascinating 
subject that in no part of America can be studied 
more advantageously than here. Even the minia- 
ture struggles between church and state, the polit- 
ical controversies of the Mexican regime, the play at 
war and state-craft, are full of interest to the reader 
who can forget the meagre outcome. On the ocean, 
as on a great maritime highway, California was visited 
by explorers and traders from all parts of the world, 
thus escaping much of the tedious isolation of inland 
provinces, to the manifest enlivenment of her annals. 
Over the mountains presently came adventurous path- 
finders, followed by swarms of Anglo-Saxon im- 
migrants to seek homes by the Pacific; and their 



experiences on the overland way, with the dissensions 
and filibusterings that followed their coming, from 
the ' Graham affair' to the 'Bear Flag 'revolt, furnish 
matter for a narrative not wanting in dramatic in- 
terest. Then came the conquest, the change of flag, 
and the interregnum of military rule under the 
United States; closely followed by the crowning 
excitement of all, the discovery of gold, an event that 
not only made California famous among the nations, 
but imparted a new interest to the country's past. 
The gold-mines with their immense yield, the anoma- 
lous social conditions and developments of the ' flush 
times,' the committees of vigilance and other strange 
phenomena, for years permitted no relaxation of the 
world's interest. And then dawned the latest epoch 
of industrial progress, of agricultural wealth, of trans- 
continental railways, of great towns on the Pacific; 
an epoch that in a measure places California side by 
side with older states in a career of progressional 

My resources for writing a history of California are 
shown, in the accompanying list of authorities, and in 
Chapter II. of the present volume, where a classifica- 
tion of the authorities is given. Existing printed 
material for such a history is in the aggregate exten- 
sive and valuable. The famous collectors and editors 
of old, such as Hakluyt and Purchas, the standard 
historians of the Spanish Indies, Torquemada and 
Herrera, with Mercator, Ortelius, and all the school 
of cosmographers, aided by such specialists as Vene- 
gas and Cabrera Bueno, published what was known 
and imagined of California in the earliest period of 
its annals. Then the early navigators from the time 


of La Perouse and Vancouver gave much atten- 
tion to the history of the country they visited; and 
while few of them made the best use of their oppor- 
tunities, yet their narratives may be regarded as 
the most valuable material in print, unless we except 
Palou's missionary annals. Meanwhile Fleurieu and 
Navarrete, like Forster .and Burney, turned their 
attention to the summarizing of early voyages; and 
others, like Forbes and Mofras, gave a more practical 
scope to their researches. Documentary records were 
printed from time to time in Mexico, and even in 
California; articles more or less historical found 
their way into the world's periodicals, and mention of 
the far-off province appeared in general works on 
Spanish America. Foreign pioneers, following the 
lead of Robinson, described in print the condition and 
prospects of their new home; overland immigrants and 
explorers, like Bidwell and Hastings and Fremont, 
pictured the western coast for the benefit of others to 
follow. The conquest was voluminously recorded in 
documents printed by the government of the United 
States, as well as in such books as those of Colton and 
Cutts, also making California a prominent topic of 
newspaper mention. From the finding of gold there 
has been no lack of books and pamphlets published 
in or about the country; while national, state, and 
municipal records in type, with the addition of news- 
papers, have forever abolished the necessity of search- 
ing the unprinted state and county archives. 

Of late there has been manifest commendable 
diligence on the part of early Californians in his- 
toric research. Many pioneer reminiscences have 
been printed in one form or another, one journal 


having been devoted for years almost exclusively to 
that labor. A few documents of the older time have 
seen the light, with comments by such men as Taylor 
and Evans, who, like Stillman, have studied the old 
voyages. John T. Doyle, besides publishing several 
historical pamphlets, has edited a reprint of Palou's 
works. Several men, like Hopkins of San Francisco 
and Wilson of Santa Cruz, have brought out small 
collections of California documents. Other memorials 
of the Mexican time have been translated, printed, 
and to some extent utilized in periodicals and legal 
records. Some members of the legal profession, such 
as Dwinelle, have expanded their briefs into formal 
history. Several old narratives or diaries of early 
events, as for instance those of Ide and Sutter, have 
been recently published. Benjamin Hayes has been 
an indefatigable collector of printed items on southern 
California. Lancey has presented in crude form a 
valuable mass of information about the conquest. 
Specialists, like McGlashan on the Donner party, 
have done some faithful work. Particularly active 
have been the local annalists, headed by Hittell, 
Soule, Hall, and Gilbert, whose efforts have in sev- 
eral instances gone far beyond mere local and personal 
records, and who have obtained some original data 
from old residents and a partial study of documentary 
evidence. And finally there are a few writers, like 
Tuthill and Gleeson, who have given the w r orld popular 
and creditable versions of the country's general annals. 
The services of the lawyers and legal tribunals in 
years past merit hearty recognition. My corps of 
involuntary legal assistants has been more numerous 
than that of the twenty skilled collaborateurs employed 


directly by me as elsewhere explained; and though 
they examined but a small part of the archives, yet 
they employed the finest talent in the profession, 
labored for more than twenty years, submitted their 
work to the courts, and collected, I suspect, larger 
fees than I should have been able to pay. The notes 
of these workmen were scattered broadcast, and were 
practically inaccessible in legal briefs, printed argu- 
ments, court reports, and bulky tomes of testimony 
in land and other cases; but I have collected, classi- 
fied, and used them to test, corroborate, or supple- ' 
ment notes from other sources. This duplication of 
data, and the comments of the profession on the thou- 
sands of documents submitted alternately to partisan 
heat and judicial coolness in the crucible of litigi.ti jn, 
have not only doubled the value of those papers/ 1 at 
have greatly aided me in making proper use of o: or 
tens of thousands never submitted to such a test. And 
to documentary evidence of this class should be added 
the testiYiiOijy ot pioneers elicited by : iuterTgato^ 
who, through personal interests or the subpcenc, had 
a power over reticent witnesses which I never r>os- 

But while much credit is due to investigators of 
the several classes who have preceded me, the path, 
so, far as original research on an extended scale ir 
concerned, has to this time remained untrodden. X o 
writer Las even approximately utilized the informa- 
on extant in print. It has now been collected tod 
studied for the first time in its entirety. Yet so nmcl'i 
further has the investigation been carried, and so v. % m - 
paratively unimportant is this class of data, that 

viii PREFACE, v 

a largo part of the period covered namely, from 1769 
to 1846 the completeness of my record would not 
be very seriously affected by the destruction of every 
page that has ever been printed. Never has it been 
the fortune of any writer, aspiring to record the 
annals of his country, to have at the same time so 
new a field and so complete, a collection of original 
a,nd unused material. I may claim without exaggera- 
tion to have accumulated practical! yjll^ that exists on 
the subject, not only in print but m manuscript. I 
have copied the public archives, hitherto but very 
superficially consulted; and I have ransacked the 
country for additional hundreds of thousands of orig- 
inal documents whose very existence was unknown. 
I have also taken statements, varying in size from 
six to two thousand pages each, from many hun- 
dreds of the early inhabitants. For details respecting 
these new sources of information I refer the reader 
to the list and chapter already cited. It is true that 
doomed is will be found aslhe years pass by to 
throw a clearer light on many minor points; but now 
material whatever new talent and new theories may 
do will necessitate the reconstruction of few if any of 
cse chapters. It is to me a matter of pride that, using 
^ term in the limited and only sense in which it can 
c,, r be properly applied to an extended historical 
work, I have thus been able, to exhaust the subject. 
Possibly I have at the same time exhausted the 
patience of my readers ; for it is in the HISTORY OF 
CALIFORNIA that I have entered more fully into de- 
tails than in any other part of the general work. The 
plan originally announced carries inc from national 
history into local annals as I leave the south for the 


north ; and among the northern countries of the Pacific 
States California claims the largest space. That this 
treatment is justified by the extent and variety of 
the country's annals, by its past, present, and pro- 
spective importance in the eyes of the world, will not 
probably be questioned. Yet while the comparative 
prominence of the topic will doubtless be approved, it 
may be that the aggregate space devoted to it will 
seem to some excessive. But such would be the case 
if the space were reduced by one half or two thirds; 
and such a reduction could only be made by a radical 
change in the plan of the work, and a total sacrifice of 
its exhaustive character. A history of California is a 
record of events from year to year, each being given a 
space, from a short paragraph to a long chapter, in 
proportion to its importance. Any considerable re- 
duction in space would make of the work a mere 
chronological table of events that would be intolerably 
tedious, or a record of selected illustrative events 
which would not be history. That the happenings to 
be chronicled are not so startling as some of the des- 
tiny-deciding events of the world's history, is a state 
of things for which the writer is not responsible; and 
while from a certain point of view it might justify him 
in not writing of California at all, it can by no means- 
excuse him, having once undertaken the task, from 
telling the whole story. The custom has been in 
writing the annals of this and other countries to dwell 
at length on one event or epoch recorded in a book or 
document the writer happens to have seen, and to 
omit for want of space! twenty others equally im- 
portant which have escaped his research, a happy 
means of condensation not at my command. 

HIST. CAL., VOL. I. 2 J 


There will be found in these volumes no long-drawn 
narratives or descriptions. In no part of this series 
has my system of condensation been more strictly 
applied. I am firm in the belief that the record is 
worth preserving, and for its completeness I expect 
i time the appreciation and approbation of all true 
( /alifornians. Unless I am greatly in error respect- 
; ig what I have written, no intelligent reader desiring 
formation on any particular event of early Cali- 
fornian history information on the founding or early 
annals of any mission or town; on the development 
of any political, social, industrial, or religious institu- 
tion; on the occurrences of any year or period; on the 
life and character of any official or friar or prominent 
citizen or early pioneer'; on the visit and narrative of 
any voyager; on the adventures and composition 
of any immigrant party; on any book or class of books 
about California; or on any one or any group of the 
incidents that make up this work will accuse me of 
having written at too great length on that particular 
topic. And I trust the system of classification will 
enable the reader to select without inconvenience or 
confusion such portions as may suit his taste. 

To government officials of nation, state, and coun- 
ties, who have afforded me and my agents free access 
to the public archives, often going beyond their official 
obligations to facilitate my investigations, most hearty 
acknowledgments are due. I am no less indebted to 
Archbishop Alemany of San Francisco and Bishop 
Mora of Los 'Angeles and Monterey, by whose au- 
thority the parochial archives have been placed at my 
disposal; and to the curates, who with few exceptions 
have done much more in appreciation of my work 


than simply to comply with the requests of their su- 
periors. Acknowledgments are also due to Father 
Homo and his Franciscan associates at Santa Ba>- 
bara for permitting me to copy their unrivalled col- 
lection of documents, the real archive de misiones. 
Nor must I forget the representatives of native Cali- 
fornian and early pioneer families, duly mentioned by 
name elsewhere in this history, who have generously 
and patriotically given me not only their personal 
reminiscences, but the priceless treasures of their 
family archives, without which documents the early 
annals of their country could never have been written. 
Lastly there are the strong, intelligent, and energetic 
men of Anglo-Saxon origin, conspicuous among the 
world's latter-day builders of empire, who have laid 
the foundations of the fullest and fairest civilization 
in this last of temperate climes to these for informa- 
tion furnished, with a heart full of admiration and 
trust, I tender my grateful thanks. 





History of the North Mexican States, 1520 to 1769 Corte"s on the Pacific 
Coast His Plans Obstacles Nuilo de Guzman in Sinaloa Hur- 
tado, Becerra, and Jimenez Cortes in California Diego de Guz- 
man Cabeza de Vaca Niza Ulloa Coronado Diaz Alarcon 
Alvarado Mixton War Nueva Galicia Nueva Vizcaya Mission 
Work to 1000 Conquest of New Mexico Coast Voyages Seven- 
teenth Century Annals Mission Districts of Nueva Vizcaya Tepe- 
huanes and Tarahumares Jesuits and Franciscans Revolt in New 
Mexico Sinaloa and Sonora Kino in Pimeria Vizcaino Gulf 
Expeditions Occupation of Baja California Eighteenth Century 
Annals of New Mexico, Chihuahua, Sonora, and Baja California, to 
the Expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767 1 



List of Authorities A Catalogue of California Books Taylor's List 
Proposed Classification Periods of History Sixteen Hundred Titles 
before 1848 Printed Material Epoch of Discovery to 1769 Cos- 
mographies and Voyage Collections Spanish Epoch 1769-1824 
Books of Visitors Books, Periodicals, and Documents The Mexican 
Period, 1824-1846 Voyages Overland Narratives First Prints of 
California Works of Mexican Authors Government Documents 
Histories Local Annals One Thousand Titles of Manuscripts- 
Archives, Public, Mission, and Private Vallejo and Larkin Docu- 
mentary Titles Scattered Correspondence Dictations of Natives 
and Pioneers Value of Reminiscences After the Gold Discovery 

Manuscripts Books Printed in and abput California 34 

( xiii ) 






Origin of the Name Conjectures Sergas of Esplandian Mr Hale's 
Discovery Later Variations of the Name Who First Saw Alta 
California? Ulloa, Alarcon, Diaz Five Expeditions Voyage of 
Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo, 1542-3 Exploration from San Diego to 
Point Concepcion Ferrelo in the North Voyage of Sir Francis 
Drake, 1579 New Albion Drake did not Discover San Francisco 
Bay Maps-^The Philippine Ships Galli's Voyage, 1584 Cape 
Mendocino Voyage of Sebastian Rodriguez de Cermenon, 1595 
The Old San Francisco Explorations of Sebastian Vizcaino, 1602-3 
Map Discovery of Monterey Aguilar's Northern Limit Cabrera 
Bueno's Work, 1734 Spanish Chart, 1742 The Northern Mystery 
and Early Maps 64 




State of the Spanish Colonies Accidental Awakening from Apathy 
Revival of Old Motives Fear of the Russians Visitador Jose de 
Galvez on the Peninsula Character and Authority of the Man 
Condition of Affairs in Lower California Instructions and Plans of 
Galvez for the Occupation of San Diego and Monterey A Fourfold 
Expedition by Sea and Land Vessels, Troops, and Supplies Por- 
tola, Rivera, and Serra Plans for the Conquista Espiritual Galvez 
Consults the Padre Presidente Sacred Forced Loans Active Prep- 
arations Sailing of the Fleet from La Paz and Cape San Liicas 
March of the Army from the Northern Frontier Loss of the ' San 
Jose ' Tidings of Success , 110 



Voyage of Perez in the 'San Antonio' Arrival in San Diego Bay A 
Miracle Discovery of Santa Cruz Island Waiting for the Capi- 
tana Voyage of Vila in the 'San Carlos' Fages and his Catalan 
Volunteers Instructions by Galvez A Scurvy-stricken Crew A 
Pest-house at San Diego Arrival of Rivera y Moncada Crespi's 
Diary Camp and Hospital Moved to North San Diego Coming of 
Portold and Junipero Serra Reunion of the Four Expeditions 
Thanksgiving to Saint Joseph The 'San Antonio' Sent to San 
Bias Portold Sets out for Monterey Founding of San Diego Mis- 
sion A Battle with the Natives A Mission without Converts . . . 126 






Portold, Marches from San Diego His Company Crespi's Journal Note 
on Geography and Nomenclature Table of Names and Distances 
First Baptism in California Earthquakes in the Los Angeles Region 
ATI Hospitable People and Large Villages on the Santa Barbara 
Channel Across the Sierra and down the Salinas River Unsuc- 
cessful Search for Monterey Causes of the Error Northward. 
along the Coast In Sight of Port San Francisco under Point Reyes 
Confusion in Names Mystery Cleared Exploration of the Penin- 
sula Discovery of a New and Nameless Bay Return of the Expe- 
dition to Monterey and San Diego 140 




Affairs at San Diego A Disheartened Governor California to be Aban- 
doned Rivera's Trip to the South Prayer Answered Arrival of 
the 'San Antonio' Discovery of Monterey In Camp on Ca,rmelo 
Bay Founding of the Presidio and Mission of San Cdrlos Despatches 
Sent South by Land and Sea Portold Leaves Fages in Command 
Reception of the News in Mexico Ten Padres Sent to California 
Palou's Memorial Mission Work in the North Arrival of the New 
Padres Stations Assigned Founding of San Antonio Transfer of 
San Carlos to Carmelo Bay Events at San Diego Desertions Re- 
tirement of Parron and Gomez Establishing of San Gabriel" Out- 
rages by Soldiers , 164 




Events of 1772 Search for the Port of San Francisco Crespi's Diary 
First Exploration of Santa Clara, Alameda, and Contra Costa Coun- 
ties Fages Discovers San Pablo Bay, Carquines Strait, and San 
Joaquin River Relief Sent South Hard Times at Monterey 
Living on Bear-meat Fages and Serra Go South Founding of San 
Luis Obispo Events at San Diego A Quarrel between Command- 
ant and President Serra Goes to Mexico Cession of Lower Cali- 
fornian Missions to Dominicans New Padres for the Northern 
Establishments Palou's Journey to San Diego and Monterey in 
1773... . 183 





Palou's Report of December, and Serra's in May Condition of Cali- 
fornia at Close of the First Historical Period Names Applied 
Presidio and Five Missions Baptisms, Marriages, and Deaths 
Gentiles Friendly Pre-pastoral Calif ornian Architecture Palisade 
Enclosures Agriculture and Stock-raising New Presidio Regula- 
tions of September 1772 Father Junipero in Mexico Memorial of 
March Memorial of April San Bias Establishment Saved Action 
of the Junta Aids and Reforms Reglamento Eighty Soldiers for 
California Ways and Means Serra's Report Provisional Instruc- 
tions to Fages Fiscal's Report Condition of Pious Fund Final 
Action of the Junta Rivera Appointed to Succeed Fages Instruc- 
tions Preparations of Rivera and Anza Serra Homeward Bound. . 193 



Want in the Missions Anza's First Expedition The Overland Route 
from Sonora Return of Padre Junipero Rivera Assumes the Com- 
mand Departure of Fages Exploring Voyage of Perez to the 
Northern Coast San Diego Mission Moved from Cosoy to Nipa- 
guay Coming of Soldiers and their Families Third Exploration of 
San Francisco Bay A Mission Site Selected First Drive on the 
Beach to the Cliff and Seal Rocks Troubles between the Francis- 
cans and Governor Barri in the Peninsula Much Ado about Noth- 
ing Felipe de Neve Appointed Governor to Succeed Barri Second 
Annual Report on Mission Progress 220 





A California-bound Fleet Franciscan Chaplains Voyage of Quiros in 
the 'San Antonio' Voyage of Ayala in the 'San Carlos' Voyage 
of Heceta and Bodega y Cuadra to the Northern Coasts Discovery 
of Trinidad Bay Discovery of Bodega Bay Death of Juan Perez 
Exploration of San Francisco Bay by Ayala Trip of Heceta and 
Palou to San Francisco by Land Preparations for New Missions 
Attempted Founding of San Juan Capistrano Midnight Destruction 
of San Diego Mission Martyrdom of Padre Jaume A Night of 
Terror Alarm at San Antonio 240 




1775-1776. PAGE 

Anza and his Colony Preparations in Mexico and Sonora Two Hundred 
Immigrants Original Authorities March to the Bio Colorado 
Missionaries Left Itinerary Map A Tedious March to San Ga- 
briel Anza Goes to the Relief of San Diego Rivera Excommuni- 
cated Anza Brings his Force to Monterey His Illness Rivera 
Comes North and Anza Goes South A Quarrel Rivera versus Anza 
and the Friars Strange Actions of the Commandant His March 
Southward Insanity or Jealousy Anza's Return to the Colorado 
and to Sonora Explorations by Garcds Up the Colorado Across 
the Mojave Desert '-Into Tulare Valley A Remarkable Journey 
. Pominguez and Escalante 257 




Anza's Exploration of the Peninsula of San Francisco Itinerary The 
Camp on Mountain Lake Survey" of the Peninsula Arroyo de los 
Dolores Trip to the Great River Blunders of Font in Correcting 
Crespi Return to Monterey Orders for the Foundation A Hit at 
the Padres Arrival of the Transport Vessels Moraga Leads the 
Colony to the Peninsula Camp on Lake Dolores Coming of the 
'San Carlos' The Presidio Founded New Exploration of Round 
Bay and Rio de San Francisco Flight of the Natives Formal Dedi- 
cation of the Mission Discussion of Date, Location, and Name 
Early Progress Annals of 1777 Visits of Governor and President 
and Commandant , 279 




Indian Affright at Monterey Fire at San Luis Obispo Affairs at San 
Diego Rivera and Serra Eeestablishment of . the Mission The 
Lost Registers Founding of San Juan Capistrano Father Serra 
Attacked Founding of Santa Clara Change of Capital of the Cali- 
fornias Governor Neve Comes to Monterey Rivera as Lieutenant- 
governor at Loreto Provincias Internas Governor's Reports 
Precautions against Captain Cook Movements of Vessels Neve's 
Plans for Channel Establishments Plans for Grain Supply Experi- 
mental Pueblo Founding of -San Jose" Indian Troubles in the 
South A Soldier Killed Four Chieftains $hot The First Public 
Execution in California . 293 

xviii CONTENTS. 




A Period of Preparation Schemes for the Future Government Re- 
forms Pueblos Channel Establishments Neve Wants to Resign 
and is Made Colonel Sacrament of Confirmation Episcopal Powers 
Conferred on Padre Serra Tour of the Missions Quarrel with 
Neve Ecclesiastic Prerogative and Secular Authority A Friar's 
Sharp Practice Serious Charges by the Governor Movements of 
Vessels Arrival of Arteaga and Bodega from a Northern Voyage 
The First Manila Galleon at Monterey Local- Events and Progress 
Presidio Buildings 317 




Neve's Reglamento in Force Inspectors of Presidios Supply System 
Habilitado The Santa Barbara Channel to be Occupied Coloniza- 
tion System Mission Extension Preparations for New Establish- 
ments Rivera's Recruiting in Sonora and Sinaloa Plans for the 
March Coming of Rivera via the Colorado, and of Ziiiiiga via Lo- 
reto Arrival at San Gabriel Founding of Los Angeles Neve's 
Instructions Names of the Original Settlers Early Progress 
Final Distribution of Lands in 1786 Map of Survey San Jose" 
Distribution in 1783 Map Local Items Laying the Corner-stone 
of the Church at Santa Clara Movements of Vessels and Mission- 
aries 333 




Preliminary Re'sume' Reports of Garce"s and Anza Palma in Mexico 
Arricivita's Chronicle Yumas Clamorous for Missionaries Orders 
of General Croix Padres Garce's and Diaz on the Colorado No 
Gifts for the Indians Disgust of the Yumas Mission-pueblos 
Founded A New System Powers of Friars Curtailed Franciscan 
Criticism A Dangerous Experiment Founding of Concepcion and 
San Pedro y San Pablo Names of the Colonists Spanish Oppres- 
sionForebodings of Disaster Massacre of July 17, 1781 Four 
Martyrs Fifty Victims Death of Rivera Fruitless Efforts to 
Punish the Yumas Captives Ransomed Expeditions of Fages, 
Fueros, Romeu, and Neve 353 





Ready to Begin Missionaries Expected Neve's Instructions to Ortega 
Precautions against Disaster Indian Policy Radical Changes in 
Mission System San Buenaventura Established Presidio of Santa 
Barbara Visit of Fages Arrival of the Transports News from 
Mexico No Mission Supplies No Priests Viceroy and Guardian 
Six Friars Refuse to Serve Control of Temporalities False Charges 
against Neve Changes in Missionaries Fages Appointed Gov- 
ernor Neve Inspector General Instructions Fugitive Neophytes 
Local Events Death of Mariano Carrillo Death of Juan 
Crespi 372 




An Uneventful Decade Statistics of Progress Missions, Presidios, and 
Pueblos Population, Padres, and Neophytes Pedro Fages Brings 
his Family to California DonaEulalia A Jealous Catalan A Mon- 
terey Court Scandal Fages and Soler Inspection of Presidios 
Soler's Proposed Reforms Troubles with Habilitados Governor 
and Franciscans A Never Ending Controversy General Reports of 
Palou and Lasuen Charges and Counter Charges Franking Privi- 
lege Cruelty to Natives Chaplain Service Patronato Prices for 
Mission Products Inventories License to Retire Natives on 
Horseback Mission Escorts Native Convicts and Laborers 387 




President Serra's Last Tours Illness and Death Burial and Funeral 
Honors His Life and Character Succession of Palou and Lasuen 
Mugartegui as Vice-president Confirmation Notice of Palou 's His- 
torical Works Vicla de Junfpero Noticias de California Map 
Proposed Erection of the Missions into a Custodia New Missions 
Founding of Santa Barbara Innovations Defeated Five Years' 
Progress Mission of La Purisima Concepcion Founded Early 
Annals . . 409 





No Fears of Foreigners Isolation of California War Contributions 
against England Visit of the French Voyager La Pdrouse His 
Instructions An Hospitable Reception The Strangers at San Car- 
los Fate of the Expedition Observations on the Country and the 
Mission System Commerce The Salt-trade The Fur-trade Va- 
sadre's Project A Failure The Manila Galleon Current Prices 
Arrival of Transport Vessels Northern Voyages of Martinez and 
Elisa General Washington's Ship the 'Columbia' The Chigoes 
Ex-governor Neve and the Proviiicias Internas 426 




Plan of Local Annals San Diego Presidial District Presidio Officials 
Alfe"rez Jose" Velasquez Force and Population Buildings Garrison 
Life Indian Affairs Explorations San Diego Mission Juan Fi- 
gueroa Rioboo Material and Spiritual Progress San Juan Capis- 
trano Gregorio Amurrio Pablo Mugartegui San Gabriel Pueblo 
of Los Angeles Settlers Felix as Comisionado Presidio of Santa 
Barbara Plan of Buildings A Volcano Soldiers Killed While 
Prospecting for Mines San Buenaventura Presidio of Monterey 
Official Changes Surgeon Davila San Carlos Noriega San An- 
tonio San Luis Obispo Jose" Cavalier Presidio of San Francisco 
Lieutenants Moraga and Gonzalez Lasso de la Vega Presidio 
Chapel The Mission Francisco Palou Map of the Bay Santa 
Clara New Church Murguia Pueblo de San Jose" Vallejo as 
Comisionado 450 




Resignation of Pedro Fages Transfer of the Office at Loreto Instructions 
to the New Governor Last Acts of Fages Life and Character 
Arrival of Romeu Failing Health Journey to Monterey Policy 
with the Friars Romeu's Death Visit of Malaspina in the ' Descu- 
bierta' and 'Atrevida' The First American in California Prepara- 
tions for New Missions Lasuen's Efforts Establishing of Santa 
Cruz Annals of First Decade Indian Troubles Statistics Church 



Dedicated Flouring Mill Misfortune Q uarrelsome Padres 
Alonso Isidro Salazar Baldoraero Lopez Manuel Fernandez 
Founding and Early Annals of Soledad Mission Immoral Friars 
Mariano Rubi Statistics 481 




Council at Monterey to Appoint a Temporary Governor Arrillaga's 
Accession Arrival at Monterey California Separated from Provin- 
cias Internas Arrillaga's Policy and Acts The Jordan Colony 
Maritime Affairs and Foreign Relations Northern Explorations 
Spanish Policy The Nootka Question Voyage of the 'SutiP and 
'Mexicana 3 Boundary Commission Vancouver's First Visit Re- 
ception at San Francisco, Santa Clara, and Monterey English 
Deserters The Governor in a Dilemma Precautions against Foreign 
Vessels Revilla Gigedo's Report Attempted Occupation of Bo- 
dega Vancouver's Second Visit A Disgusted Englishman Sus- 
picions of Arrillaga Hospitalities in the South End of the Nootka 
Settlement Vancouver's Last Visit His Observations on Cali- 
fornia ' 501 




Diego de Borica Arrival at Loreto Branciforte Viceroy Borica's Jour- 
ney to Monterey Arrillaga's Instructions Charms of California 
Re'sume' of Events in Borica's Term of Office Coast Defences 
Promised Reinforcements French War Contribution Foreign Ves- 
sels Precautions The 'Phoenix' Broughton's Visit The 'Otter' 
of Boston A Yankee Trick Arrival of Alberni and the Catalan 
Volunteers Engineer Cordoba's Surveys War with England 
Coasting Vessels War Contribution Distribution of Forces Map 
of California The 'Eliza' The 'Betsy' War with Russia Indian 
Afiairs Minor Hostilities Campaigns of Amador, Castro, and Mo- 
raga 530 




Search for Mission Sites Exploration of the Alameda San Benito Las 
Pozas Encino Pale" Lasuen's Report Foundation of Mission San 
Jose at the Alameda Local Annals to 1800 Mission San Juan 



Bautista at Popeloutchom Earthquake Mission San Miguel at 
Vahid Paclre Antonio de la Concepcion Horra Mission San Fer- 
nando on Reyes' Rancho, or Achois Comiliavit Mission San Luis 
Key at Tacayme A New Pueblo Preliminary Correspondence 
Search for a Site Reports of Alberni and Cordoba San Francisco 
and Alameda Rejected in Favor of Santa Cruz Arrival of Colo- 
nists Founding of the Villa de Branciforte Protest of the Fran- 
ciscans Plan to Open Communication with New Mexico Colorado 
Route to Sonora 550 




Arrival and Departure of Padres General Statistical View The Presi- 
dent Episcopal Powers The Inquisition Revilla Gigedo's Report 
Views of Salazar Carmelite Monastery Pious Fund Hacienda 
Controversies The Old Questions Discussed Anew Reduction in 
Number of Friars Retirement Travelling Expenses Chaplain 
Duty Guards Runaway Neophytes Mission Alcaldes Indians 
on Horseback Local Quarrels Charges of Concepcion de Horra 
Investigation Borica's Fifteen Questions Replies of Comandantes 
and Friars President Lasueu's Report The Missionaries Acquitted 
Ecclesiastical Miscellany 575 



Pueblo Progress Statistics Jordan's Proposed Colony Reports of Gov- 
ernment Marriage Encouraged Inns Views of Salazar, Seuan, 
and Costans6 Women Wanted Convicts Foundlings Tenure of 
Lands Pueblo and Mission Sites Chronological Statement, 1773- 
90 Presidial Pueblos Provisional Grants Land-titles at End of 
Century Labor Indian Laborers Sailors Artisan Instructors 
Manufacturers Mining Agriculture Flax and Hemp Stock- 
raising 600 




Commerce Trade of the Transports Otter-skins Projects of Marquez, 
Mamancli, Inciarte, Ponce, Mendez, and Ovineta Provincial Fi- 
nances Habilitados Factor and Commissary Complicated Ac- 
countsSupplies and Revenues Taxes Tobacco Monopoly Tithes 

CONTENTS. xxiii 


Military Force and Distribution Civil Government Proposed 
Separation of the Californias Administration of Justice A Cause 
Celebre Execution of Rosas Official Care of Morals Use of Li- 
quors Gambling Education Borica's Efforts The First Schools 
and School-masters 624 




San Diego Presidio Lieutenants Zu.fi iga and Grajera Military Force 
Population Rancho del Rey Finances Presidio Buildings Van- 
couver's Description Fort at Point Guijarros Indian Affairs Pre- 
cautions against Foreigners Arrivals of Vessels Mission San Diego 
Torrens and Mariner Statistics San 1 Luis Rey San Juan Capis- 
trano Fuster Buildings Pueblo de Los Angeles Private Ranches 
San Gabriel Oramas San Fernando Presidio of Santa Barbara 
Officers, Forces, and Population Buildings and Industries Local 
Events First Execution in California The 'Phoenix' A Quick- 
silver Mine Warlike Preparations Death of Ortega Mission of 
Santa Barbara Paterna Rancherias of the Channel New Church 
San Buenaventura La Purisima Concepcion Arroita 645 




Montery Presidio Military Force and Inhabitants Officers Leon Par- 
rilla Hermeiiegildo Sal Perez Fernandez Presidio Buildings 
Battery Rancho del Rey Private Ranches Industries Company 
Accounts Indian Affairs San Carlos Mission Missionary Changes 
Pascual Martinez de Arenaza Statistics of Agriculture, Live- 
stock, and Population Vancouver's Description A New Stone 
Church A Wife-murder San Antonio de Padua de Los Robles 
Miguel Pieras Benito Catalan San Luis Obispo Miguel Giribet 
Bartolome" Gili Indian Troubles 677 




San Francisco Officials Military Force Population Finance Presidio 
Buildings Plan Castillo de San Joaquin at Fort Point Cordoba's 
Report Ravages of Elements Repairs Battery of Yerba Buena 
at Black Point Vancouver's Visits Captain Brown Mines Dis- 
covered Alberni's Company Wreck of the 'San Carlos' The 



'Eliza' Rancho del Rey Mission versus Presidio Indian Affairs 
Runaway Neophytes Amador's Campaigns Padre's Cruelty San 
Francisco Mission Fathers Cambon, Espi, Danti, Garcia, and Fer- 
nandez Buildings, Statistics, Industries Pueblo of San Jose" 
Inhabitants and Officials Statistics Hemp Culture Local Events 
Proposed Removal Boundary Dispute Santa Clara Pefia and 
Noboa Population, Agriculture, Buildings, and Manufactures 692 



End of a Decade and Century Borica's Policy and Character Indus- 
trial Revival Fruitless Efforts Governor's Relations with Friars, 
Soldiers, Neophytes, and Settlers Efforts for Promotion A Knight 
of Santiago Family Relations Leave of Absence, Departure, and 
Death Arrillaga and Alberni in Command List of Secondary Au- 
thorities on Early California History List of Inhabitants of Cali- 
fornia from 17G9 to 1800 . . . 726 




[There are more than one thousand titles of works actually consulted in these volumes, and many 
of them named in foot-notes, which do not appear in this list. The catalogue is, however, complete doivn 
to the discovert/ of gold in 1848, and practically so down to 185G. The omissions of later date are 
general works of reference, cyclopedias, etc.; speeches, addresses, orations, not directbj historical in their 
nature; publications emanating from or relating to various California institutions, associations, com- 
panies, orders, churches, banks, courts, schools, etc.; legal briefs, county and municipal regulations, law 
text-books, briefs, and miscellaneous public documents ; works of fiction and science ; newspapers, and 
other similar clauses. These works in the aggregate have afforded me much information; indeed there is 
hardly a Calif omian book, pamphlet, or paper in my Library which is not in a certain seme historical; 
but space docs not permit a full catalogue, and lam obliged to restrict the list with few exceptions to 
material that bears directly on histori/. See chapter it. of this volume for a classification of the works 
here named.] 

Aa (Pieter van der), Naaukeurige Versameling. Ley den, 1707. SO vols. 

Abbey (James), A Trip across the Plains in 1850. New Albany, 1850. 

Abbott (John S. C.), Christopher Carson. New York, 1876. 

Abell (Alexander), Copy of agreement on behalf of U. S. in relation to island 
of Santa Cruz [32d Cong., 1st Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 87]. Washington, 
* Abella (Ramon), Correspondencia del Misionero. MSS. in various archives. 

Abella (Ramon), Diario de un Registro de los Bios Graiides, 1811. MS. 

Abella (Ramon), Noticia de una Batalla entre Cristianos y Gentiles, 1807. MS. 

Abrego (Jos6), Asuntos de la Tesoreria. MSS. in various archives. 

Abrego (Joso), Cai-tas sobre la Colonia de 1834. MS. 

Abrego (Jose), Relation. MS. 

Acosta (Josef de), Historia Natural y Moral de las Indias. Sevilla, 1590. 

Act of Congress Creating the Office of Shipping Commissioner. S. F. 1873. 

Actas de Eiecciones. MS. In Archivo de California. 

Adam (George), Dreadful Sufferings and Thrilling Adventures of an Over- 
land Party of Emigrants to California. St Louis, 1850. 

Addresses. See Speeches. 

Adventures (The) of a Captain's Wife. . .to California in 1850. New York, 
etc., 1877. 

Aimard (Gustavo), The Gold Seekers. Philadelphia, n.d. 

Alaman (Lucas), Ceriso de California-, 1832. MS. 

Alaman (Ericas), Historia de Mexico. Mexico, 1849-52. 5 vols. 

Alaman (Liicaa), Sucesos de California en 1831. MS. 

Alamcda, Abstract of Title, lots 17-20, survey of Jones. San Francisco, 1873. 

Alameda, Argus, Encinal, Messenger, Post, etc. 

Alameda County, Historical Atlas. San Francisco, 1878. atlas folio. 
' HIST. CAL., Vox,. I. 3 ( xxv ) 


Albany (Or.) Register. 

Albatross (The ship), Log of a Voyage to the N. W. Coast, 1809-12. MS. 

Albatross and Lydia, Comunicaciones relativas. 1816. MS, 

Alberni (Pedro), Comunicaciones del Teniente Coronel, 1796-1800. MSS. 

[In different archives.] 

Alberni (Pedro), Parecer sobre el sitio de Branciforte, 1796. MS. 
Album Mexicano. Mexico, 1849 et seq. 
Alcedo (Antonio de), Diccionario Geografico Historico de las Indias Occiden- 

tales. Madrid, 1786-9. 5 vols. 
Alexander (B. S.), GK H. Mendell, and G. Davidson, Report on Irrigation of 

San Joaquin. Washington, 1874. 
Alexander (J. H.), Memoir on the Routes of Communication between Atlantic 

and Pacific. Washington, 1849. 
Alger (Horatio, Jr.), The Young Adventurer. Boston, 1878; The Young 

Miner. Boston, 1879. 

Allsopp (J. P. C.), Leaves from my Log-book. MS. 
Allsopp (Robert), California and its Gold Mines. London, 1853. 
All the Way Round. London, etc. (1875). 
Almanacs. A great number, only a few of which are named in this list as 

follows: Alta California. S. F., 1868 et seq.; California Merchants find 

Miners. S. F., 1857 et seq.; California Miners. S. F., 1834; California 

Pictorial. S. F., 1858 et seq.; California State. S. F., 1854; Califor- 

nischer Volkskalender. S. F., 1858; Carrie and Damon's California. 

S. F., 1856; Jacoby (Philo), Almanack fiir Cal. S. F., 1865 et seq.; 

Knight (Wm. H.,), Handbook for Pacific States. S. F. , 1862 et seq. ; Langley 

(Henry G. ), Pacific Coast. S. F. , 1868 et seq. ; Id. , State. S. F. , 1 83; Id. , 

State Register. S. F., 1857 et seq.; San Francisco. S. F., 1850, etc. 
Alric (Henry J. A.), Dix Ans de Residence d'un Missionnaire dans les deux 

Californies. Mexico, 186Q. 

Altimira (Jose'), Diario de la Expedicion, 1823. MS. 

Altimira (Jose"), Journal of a Mission-founding Expedition, 1823. In Hutch- 
ings' Cal. Mag., v. 58, 115. 
Alturas, Modoc Independent. 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Campana de Las Flores, 1838. MS. 
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Carta Confidencial, 7 de Nov. 1836. MS. 
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Carta en que relata la Campafia de S. Fernando, 

Enero 1837. MS. 
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Carta en que relata los sucesos de Los Angeles, 

Feb. 1837. MS. 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Cartas Relaciones, Revolucion de 1844-5. MS. 
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Cornunicaciones al Ayuntamiento de Los Angeles, 

Enero 1837. MS. 
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), El C ... Coronel de la Milicia Givica, etc. [Despacho 

de Capitan a. favor de J. J. Vallejo.] Monterey, 12 Die. 1836. 
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), El C. . . Gobernador Interino del Estado Libre de 

Alta Cal. d sus Habitantes, Monterey, Mayo 10, 1837. 
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Gobernador Constitucional, etc. [Suprimiendo los 

Empleos de Administradores de Misiones.] Monterey, 1 Mayo, 1840. 
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Historia de California. MS. 1876. 5 vols. 
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Instrucciones al Prefecto Castro. 1840. MS. 
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Instrucciones que debe observar el Visitador. 

1840. MS. 
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Instrueciones que deberd observar el Visitador 

Hartnell. 1839. MS. 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Manifiesto del Gob?-, 10 Mayo, 1837. 
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Oficios Varies y Cartas Particiiiares. MSS. Very 

numerous in different public and private archives. 
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), [Proclama del] Gefe Politico 21 Nov. 1838, 
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), [Proclama del] Gobernador Intermo, 9 Julio, 

1837. MS. 


Alvarado ( Juan Bantista), [Proclama del] Gobernador sobre Destierro de Ex- 

trangeros. 1840. 

Alvarado (Juan Bantista), Primitivo Descubrimiento de Oro en Cal. , 1841 . MS. 
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Reglamento de ex-misiones. Monterey, 1843. 
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Reglamento Provisional para Admiiiistradores de 

Misiones, 1839. MS. 

Alvarado and Castro, Esposicion contra Micheltorena, 1845. MS. 
Alviso (Jose* Antonio), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS., 


Alviso (Jos6 Antonio), Campafia de Natividad, 184G. MS. 
Amador (Jose" Maria), Memorias sobre la Hist, de Cal. MS. 
Amador (Pedro), Diario de la Expedicion para fundar la Mision de S. Jose", 

1797. MS. 

Amador (Pedro), Expedicion contra los gentiles Sacalanes, 1796. MS. 
Amador (Pedro), Expediente de Servicios, 1765-91. MS. 
Amador (Pedro), Papeles del Sargento. MSS. In various archives. 
Amador (Pedro), Prevenciones al Cabo de la Escolta de S. Jose", 1797. MS. 
Amador (Pedro), Reconocimiento desde Sta Cruz liasta S. Francisco, 1795. MS. 
Amador (Pedro), Salida contra Indies Gentiles, 1800. MS. 
Amador County, History. Oakland, 1881. folio. 
Amelia Sherwood. Richmond, 1850. 
America, Descripcion, 1710. MS. 

America, or an Exact Description of the West Indies. London, 1655. 
American Antiquarian Society, Proceedings. Worcester, 1820 et seq. 
American Educational Monthly. New York, 1864 et seq. 
American and Foreign Christian Union. New York, 1851 et seq. 
American Geographical and Statistical Society. New York, 1850 et seq. 
American Quarterly Register and Magazine. Philadelphia, 1848 et seq. 
American Quarterly Review. Philadelphia, 1827 et seq. 
American Review. Philadelphia, 1811 et seq. 
American State Papers. Boston, 1817-19. 12 vols.; Washington, 1832-4; 

1858-61. folio. 39 vols. 

Americans at Sea. In Niles' Register, xviii. 417. 

Ames (John G.), Report on Mission Indians of California. Washington, 1873. 
Amesti (Jose"), Cartas de un Comerciante Espanol. MSS. In different 


Amigo del Pueblo. Mexico, 1827 et seq. 
Amulet (The), A tale of Spanish California. London, 1865. 
Anaheim, Gazette, Review, etc. 

Anaheim, Its People and its Products. New York, 1869. 
Anderson (Alexander C.), Northwest Coast History. MS. 
Anderson (Alexander D.), The Silver and Gold of the Southwest, etc. Sfc 

Louis, 1877; The Silver Country, etc. New York, 1877. 
Anderson (David C.), Statement of Theatrical Events. MS. 
Anderson (Mary E.), Scenes in the Hawaiian Islands and California. Boston 


Annals of Congress. [1st to 18th Congress.] Washington, 1834-56. 42 vols. 
Annual of Scientific Discovery. Boston, 1850-67. 1870-1. 19 vols. 
Anquetil, Universal History. London, 1800. 9 vois. 
Ansted (David T.), The Gold-seeker's Manual. New York, 1849. 
Anthony (E. M.), Siskiyou County Reminiscences. MS. 
Antioch, Ledger. ' 

Auza (Juan. Bautista), Descubrimiento de Sonora a California, 1774. MS. 
Anza (Juan Bautista), Diario de una expedicion desde Sonora a S. Francisco, 

Cal., 1775-6. MS. 
Apalategui y Torres, Averiguacion en Sonora del Tumulto de Los Angeles, 

1835. MS. 

Apalategui y Torres, Causa seguida contra los conspiradores, 1835. MS. 
Apodaca (Virey), Cartas. MSS. In the archives. 
Apostolicos Af unes de la Compaiiia de Jesus. Barcelona, 1754. 


Apponyi (Flora Haines), Libraries of California. San Francisco, 1878. 

Arab, Log-book, 1821-5. MS. 

Arancel de Precios, 1782. MS. 

Arancel de Precios, 1788. MS. 

Arce (Francisco), Documented para la Historia de Cal. MS. 

Arce (Francisco), Memorias Hist6ricas y Documentos Origiuales. MS. 

Archbald (John), Why 'California.' In Overland Monthly, ii. 43f. 

Archer (L.), Speech on Assembly Bill No. 182. n.pl., n.d. 

Archivo del Arzobispado de San Francisco. MS. 5 vols. 

Archivo de California. MS. 273 vols. and a great mass of loose papers. 
Documents preserved in the U. S. Surveyor-general's office at San Fran- 
cisco. Copies in my Collection. Divided as follows: Prov. St. Pap.; 
Prov. Rec.; Dept. St. Pap.; Dept. Rec.; Leg. Rec.; State Pap.; Sup. 
Govt. St. Pap.; Actas de Elecciones; Brands and Marks; and Unbound 
Doc., q. v. for full sub-titles and further subdivisions. 

Archivo de las Misiones. MS. 2 vols. 

Archivo del Obispado de Monterey y Los Angeles. MS. 

Archivo de Santa Barbara. MS. 11 vols. 

Archuleta (Florentino), Comunicaciones Pedagogicas. MS. In the archives, 

Arco Iris. Vera Cruz, 1847 et seq. folio. 

Areche, Parecer 14 de Jun. 1773. MS.; also in Palou, Not., i. 572. 

Areche, Respuesta 30 de Jun., 1773. MS. 

Argelo, Calaveras Mountaineer. 

Argiiell (Gervasio), Escritos de un Habilitado General y Diputado. MSS. In 
public and private archives. 

Argii ello (Gervasio), Observacicnes, 1816. MS. 

Argiiello(Jose"), Relacion de lo que declararon los gentiles Sacalanes, 1797. MS. 

Argiiello (Jose"), Relacion que form6 sobre Indios huidos de S. Francisco, 

1797. MS. 

Argiiello (Jos6), Cartas de un Gobenaador de las Californias. MSS. In the 

different archives. 

Argiiello (Jose"), Informe sobre Rancho del Rey en S. Francisco, 1798. MS. 
Argiiello (Jose"), Instruccion que ha de observar el teniente Luis Argiiello en 

S. Francisco, 1806. MS. 
Argiiello ( Jose"), Respuesta a las quince Preguntas sobre at>usos de Misioneros, 

1798. MS. 

Argiiello (Luis Antonio), Cartas del Comandante y Gobernador. MSS. In 

the different archives. 

Argiiello (Luis Antonio), Hoja de Servicios hasta 1828. MS. 
Argiiello (Santiago), Correspondencia del Comandante y Prefecto. MSS, 

Archives, passim. 

Argiiello (Santiago), Correspondencia Particular. MS. 
Annan (H. M. Van), The Public Lands of California. San Francisco, 1876. 
Annona (Matias), Carta do 1770. In Doc. Hist. Mex. serie iv., tom.ii. p. 156. 
Armstrong (William), '4$ Experiences. MS. 
Arnaz (Jose"), Recuerdos de Un Comerciante. MS. 
Arrangoiz (Francisco de Paula), M6jico desde 1808 hasta 1867. Madrid, 

1871-2. 4 vols. - 

Arricivita (J. D.), Cr6nieaSerafica y Apostolica. Mexico, 1792. folio. 
Arrillaga (Basilio Jose"), Recopilacion de Leyes, etc. Mexico, 1838-50. 16 vols. 
ArrHaga (Jose* Joaquin), Borrador de Carta a Vancouver, 1793. MS. 
Arrillaga (Jose" Joaquin), Correspondencia del Gobernador. MS. Archives, 

Arrillaga (Jose" Joaquin), Hojas de Servicio, 1791-8. MS. 

Arrilln.ga (Jose" Joaquin), Informe sobre el estado de Indios, Misiones, etc., 

1804. MS. 

Arrillaga (Jose" Joaquin), Informe al Virey sobre Defensas, 1793. MS. 
Arrillaga (J'ose" Joaquin), Papel de Puntps para conocimiento del Gobernador, 

1794. MS. 
Arrillaga (Jose" Joaquin), Preceptos Generales para Comandantes, 1806. MS. 


Arrillaga (Jos6 Joaquin), Relacion del estado que guardan los Presidios y 
Pueblos, 1806. MS. 

Arrillaga (Jose 1 Joaquin), Testamento, 1814. MS. 

Arroyo de la Cuesta (Felipe), Cartas del Misionero. MS. In mission and 
secular archives. ( 

Arroj r o de la Cuesta (Felipe), Grammar of the Mutsun Language. "New York, 
1861; also original MS. 

Arroyo de la Cuesta (Felipe), A Vocabulary or Phrase Book of the Mutsun 
Language. New York, 1861; also original MS. 

Arteaga (Ignacio), Tercera Exploracion, 1779. MS. 

Ascension (Antonio de la), Descubrimiento de California, 12 Oct. 1620. In 
Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., torn. viii. 

Ashburner (William), Report upon the "App." Gold Quartz Mine. San 
Francisco, 1866. 

Ashland (Or.), Tidings. 

Ashley (D. R.), Documents for the History of California. MS. 

Ashley (D. R.), Records kept during journey made by members of California 
Association from Monroe, Mich., to Cal., 1849. MS. 

Asia y Constante, Tratado de Capitulacion de los Navies, 1825. MS. 

Assembly, Sessions of 1846. In U. S. vs. Bolton, App. Brief U. S. Sup. 

Associations. See Institutions. 

Astoria, Astorian. 

Atanasio, Causa Criminal contra el Indio. Abril 26, 1831. 'MS. 

Atlantic Monthly. Boston, 1858 et seq. 

Atlantic and Pacific R. R. Co. Act granting lands. New York, 1866; Cir- 
cular. New York, 1855; and other documents. 

Atleta (El). Mexico, 1829 et seq. 

Auburn, Placer Herald, Stars and Stripes, Union Advocate, etc. 

Auger (Edouard), Voyage en Californie, 1852-3. Paris, 1854. 

Austin (Nev.), Reese River Reveille. 

Australian Newspapers in Mechanics' Library of San Francisco and elsewhere. 

Autobiografia Autogrdfica de los Padres Misioneros, 1817. MS. 

Averett (T. H.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. March 27, 1850^ to admit Cali- 
fornia. Washington, 1850. 

Averill (Charles E. ), Life in California. Boston, n.d. 

Avery (Benjamin Parke), Californian Pictures. New York, 1878. 

Avila (Antonio), y otros, Papeles tocantes d su sedicion, 1832. MS. 

Avila (Juan), Notas Californianas. MS. 

Avila (Maria Inocenta), Cosas de California. MS. 

Avila (Miguel), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 

Avila de Rios (Catarina), Recuerdos. MS. 

Ayala (Tadeo Ortiz), Resiimen de la Estadistica del Imp. Mex. Mexico, 1822. 

Ayers (F. H.), Personal Adventures. MS. 

Ayuntamientos, Decreto de las Cortes, 23 de Mayo, 1812. In Mexico, Leyea 
Vigentes, 1829. 

Azanza (Virey), Ordenes. MS. In the archives. 

Azanza (Virey), Ynstruccion, 1800. MS. 

Bacon (L. H.), Memoir of Early Times. MS. 

Baird (Spencer F.), Fish and Fisheries [45th Cong., 2d. Sess,, Sen. Mis. Doc. 
49]. Washington, 1377. 

Baker (E. D.), Speech before California Senate Feb. 1st and 2d. 1854. San 
Francisco, 1854; also other speeches. 

Baker City (Or.), Herald. 

Bakersfield, Kern County Californian, Kern County Courier, Kern County 
Gazette, Southern Californian, etc. 

Baldridge (William), The Days of '46. MS. 

Baldwin (R. S.), Speech in U. S. Sen. March 27, 1850, Admission of Califor- 
nia, etc. Washington, 1850. 


Ball (N. B. ), Sketch by a Pioneer. MS. 

Ballenstedt (C. W. T.), Bescln-eibung meiner Reise nach den Goldminen. 
Californiens. Schoningen, 1851. 

Ballon (John), The Lady of the West. Cincinnati, 1855. 

Ballon (William T.), Adventures. MS. 

Baltimore (Md. ), Patriot, Sun. 

Bancroft (A. ft.), Diary of a Journey to Oregon. MS. 

Bancroft (Hubert Howe), History of the Pacific States of North America. 
San Francisco, 1882 et seq. 28 vols.; Native Races of the Pacific States. 
New York, 1875. 5 vols.; Popular Tribunals. San Francisco. 2 vols., etc.; 

Bancroft (Hubert Howe), Personal Observations in California, 1874. MS. 

Bancroft Library, MS. Scrap-books, containing classified notes used in writing 
Bancroft's works. 

Bancroft Library, Newspaper scraps classified under the following headings: 
Academy of Sciences; Amusements and Celebrations; Art; Authors; 
Banks and Banking; Bibliography; Biography; Births, Deaths, etc.; 
Charitable Institutions; Chinese; Climate; Constitutional Convention; 
Counties; Crimes and Society; Earthquakes; Education and Schools; 
Fares and Freights; Fisheries; Floods; Fruit-raising; Indians; Journalism; 
Kearney ism and the Workingmen's Party; Lands; Legal; Libraries; Lum- 
ber Question; Manufactures; Military Affairs; Mineral Springs; Mining 
Stocks; Miscellaneous; Modoc W T ar; New Charter; Oil and Petroleum; 
Pioneer Celebrations; Politics; Population and Colonization; Railroads; 
Religion; Resources; Revenue and Taxation; Roads and Routes; Ship- 
ping and Navigation; Silver Remonetization; State Fairs; Stock-raising; 
Stories and Legends; Telegraphs; Trade and Commerce; Trips across the 
Continent and Voyages by Sea; United States Mails; Water Supply. 
68 vols. 4to. 

Bandini (Juan), Acusaciones contra Angel Ramirez, 1834-7. MS. 

Bandini (Juan), Apuntes Politicos, 1832. MS. 

Bandini (Juan), Carta Hist6rica y Descriptiva de California, 1828. MS. 

Baudini (Juan), Carta Particular 6. Vallejo sobre cosas politicas. 12 Die., 
1836. MS. 

Bandini (Juan), Carta d Vallejo sobre Revoluciones. 3 Die., 1836. MS. 

Bandini (Juan), Contestacion a la Alocucion de Victoria, 1831. MS. 

Bandini (Juan), Correspondencia Particular y Oficial. MSS. A large num- 
ber of documents in private and public archives, in addition to those 
specially named in this list. 

Bandini (Juan), El Diputado de la Alta California a sus Comitentes. 6 Agosto, 
1833. Mexico, 1833. 

Bandini (Juan), Discurso ante el Ayunt. de Los Angeles. 27 Mayo, 1837. MS. 

Bandini (Juan), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 

Baudini (Juan), Historia de Alta California. MS. 

Bandini (Juan), Informacion del Visitador de Aduana, 1835. MS. 

Baudini (Juan), Manifiesto a la Diputacion sobre ramos de Hacienda Terri- 
torial, 1832. MS. 

Bandini (Juan), Proyecto de Misiones, 1846. MS. 

Bandini (Juan), Sucesos del Sur, Mayo-Agosto, 1837. MS. 

Banfield (J. A.), Historical Sketch of Yolo County. In Woodland Yolo 
Democrat, July 6, 1876. 

Banker's Magazine and Statistical Register. Baltimore, etc., 1846 et seq. 

Banks. See Institutions. 

Baranof (Alexander), Shizneopissanie. St Petersburg, 1835. 

Barber (John W.), and Henry Howe. History of Western States and Terri- 
tories. Cincinnati, 1867. 

Barnard (Helen M.), The Chorpenning Claim, n.pl., n.d. 

1 '.i.i-iifs (Dernas), From the Atlantic to the Pacific Overland. New York, 1866. 

Barnes (G. A.), Oregon and California. MS. 

Felipe), Oficios del Gob*- de la Baja California, MS. In Prov. St. 
Pap. passim. 

The 1885 edition of Bancroft's History 
of California, volume 2, states on page 709 
that Jose Bandini is author of Cart a Historic a 
y Descriptiva de California. 


Barrow (Jolin), The Life, Voyages, and Exploits of Admiral Sir Francis Drake. 
London, 1843. 

Barrow (William), The General; or Twelve Nights in a Hunter ""s Camp. Bos- 
ton, 1869. 

Barry (W. J.), Up and Down. London, 1879. 

Barry (T. A. ), and B. A. Patten, Men and Memories of San Francisco. San 
Francisco, 1873. 

Barstow (Alfred), Statement of a Pioneer of 1849. MS. 

Barstow (D. P.), Recollections of 1849-51. MS. 

Barstow (George), Introductory Address. San Francisco, 1859; other ad- 

Bartlett (John Russell), Personal Narrative of Explorations and Incidents in 
Texas, New Mexico, California, etc. New York, 1854. 2 vols. 

Bartlett, (John Russell), Report on the Boundary Line between the U. S. and 
Mexico. [32d Cong., 2d Sess., Sen. Ex. .Doc. 41.] Washington, 1851. 

Bartlett (Washington), Statement of a Pioneer of 1849. MS. 

Barton (James R.), Statement of an Early Settler. MS. 

Barton (Stephen), Early History of Visalia. Scrap-book. 

Basellandschaftlichen Zeitung, 1868. 

Bates (D. B.), Four Years on the Pacific Coast. Boston, 1858; Boston, 1860. 

Bates (H. W.), Illustrated Travels. London, n.d. 

Bates (J. C.), Report of the Proceedings ... Will and Testament of Horace 
Hawes. San Francisco, 1872. 

Battle Mountain (Nev.), Messenger. 

Bauer (John A. ), Statement of a Pioneer of 1849. MS. 

Bausman (William), Early California. San Francisco, 1872. 

Baxley (H. Willis), What I saw on the Western Coast. New York, 1865. 

Beadle ( J. H. ), The Undeveloped West. Philadelphia [1873]; Western Wilds. 
Cincinnati, 1879. 

Beadle's Monthly. New York, 1865 et seq. 

Beale (E. F.), Wagon Road from Fort Defiance to the Colorado River. [35th 
Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 124.] 

Bean (Edwin F.), see Directories, Nevada County, Cal., 1867. 

Bear Flag Papers, 1846. MS. 

Beard (Henry), Argument. John Roland. . .Land Claim, "La Puente." 
Washington, 1866. 

Beckwith (E. G.), Report of Exploration of a Route for the Pacific Rail- 
road near the 38th and 39th Parallels [33d Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 
129]. Washington [1854]. 

Bee (F. A.) ; Opening Argument. . .Chinese Immigration. S. F., 1876. 

Bee (Henry J.), Recollections of California from 1830. MS. 

Beechey (F. W.), Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific, etc., in 1825-8; 
London, 1831, 2 vols.; Philadelphia, 1832. 

Beechey (F. W.), Zoology of Voyage. See Richardson (J.) et al. 

Beers (George A.), Vasquez. New York, 1875. 

Belcher (Edward), Narrative of a Voyage round the World in 1836-42. 
London, 1843. 2 vols. 

Beldcn (David), Speech in Sen. of Cal. Feb. 9, 1866, against the Repeal of 
the Specific Contract Act. Sacramento, 1866. 

Belden (Josiah), Historical Statement. MS. 

Belden (Josiah), Letters of a Pioneer of 1841. MS. 

Belfast (Me.), Republican Journal. 

Bell (A. D.), Arguments in favor of Immigration. San Francisco, 1870. 

Bell (Horace), Reminiscences of a Ranger. L. Angeles, 1881; also scrap book. 

Bell (J. C.), Obituary Address on Death of. Sacramento, 1860. 
.Bell (W. A.), New Tracks in North America. London, 1870. 

Belleville (111.), Advocate. 

Bellows (Henry W.), In Memory of Thos. StaiT King. Discourse, May 1, 
1864. San Francisco, 1864. 

Belniont (Nev.), Courier. 


Benham (Calhoun), Testimony in behalf of the U. S. vs. Gutter. "New 

Helvetia." San Francisco, 1861. 

Benicia, Chronicle, New Era, Pacific Churchman, Tribune, etc. 
Benicia, Official Documents in Relation to Land Titles. Suisun, 1867. 
Bennett (H. C.), Chinese Labor. A Lecture. San Francisco, 1870. * 
Bennett (Henry), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., May 27, 1850, on Admission of 

California. Washington, 1850. 
Bennett (Nathaniel), The Queue Case, n.pl., n.d. 
Bentley (William R. ), Pleasant Paths of the Pacific Northwest. San Fran- 

cisco, 1882. 

Benton (J. A.), The California Pilgrim. Sacramento, 1853. 
Benton (Thomas H.), Abridgment of Debates in Congress, 1759-1856. New 

York, 1857-63. 16 vols. ; Defence of Fremont. In Niles' Register, Ixxi. 

173; Speech in U. S. Senate, July, 1848. In Cong. Globe, 1847-8, A r p. 

977; Speech in U. S. Senate, Jan. 15, 1849, on Adjudication of Land 

Titles, etc., in New Mexico and California. Washington, 1849; Thirty 

Years' View. New York, 1854. 2 vols. 
Berenger ( J. P. ), Collection de Tous les Voyages faits autour du Monde. 

Paris, 1788-9. 9 vols. 
Berkeley, Advocate, Berkeleyan. 
Berkeley Quarterly. San Francisco, 1880-1. 2 vols. 
Bermudez (J. M.), Verdadera Causa de la Revolucion. Toluca, 1831. 
Bernal (Juan), Memoria de un Californio. MS. 
Berreyesa (Antonio), -Relacion de sus Recuerdos. MS. 
Berreyesa and Carrillo, Quarrel at Sonoma, 1846. MS. 
Berry (George), The Gold of California. London, 1849. 
Bestard (Buenaventura), Pastoral del Comisario General de Indias. 28 de 

Agosto, 1816. MS. 

Bestard (Buenaventura), Pastoral. 6 de Mayo, 1816. MS. 
Betagh (William), A Voyage round the World. London. 1728; London, 

1757; also in Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. xvi.; Harris' Col., vol. i. 
Beyer (Moritz), Das Auswanderungsbuch. Leipzig, 1846. 
Biart (Lucien), My Rambles in the New World. London, 1877. 
Bidleman (H. J.), see Directories, Sacramento, 1861-2. 
Bidwell (John), California in 1841-8. MS. 
Bidwell (John), Journey to California, n. pi. [1842]. 
Bigelow (John), Les Etats-Unis D'Ame"rique. Paris, 18G3; Memoir of the 

Life and Public Services of John C. Fremont. New York, 185(5. 
Biggs, Butte County Register, Silver Bend Reporter. 
Bigler (Henry W.), Diary of a Mormon in California. MS. 
Bigler (John), Address at a Meeting of Citizens of Santa Clara County, n.pl. 

[1855]; Scrap Book, 1850-2; Speech at Sacramento July 9, 1867. .Sacra- 
mento, 1867; and other speeches. 
Bigly (Cantell A.), Aurifodina. New York, 1849. 
Billings (Frederick), Address, Sept. 23, 1854. San Francisco, 1854. 
Bilson (B. ), The Hunters of Kentucky, etc. New York", 1847. 
Biographical Sketches in S. Jose" Pioneer, 1878-83. 

Bird (Isabella L. ), Lady's Life in the Rocky Mountains. New York, 1879-81. 
Birnie (Robert), Personal Adventures. MS. 

Black (George), Report on the Middle Yuba Canal. San Francisco, 1864. 
Black (J. S:), Reports of Cases argued and determined in the Supreme Court 

of the United States. Washington, 1863, 

Blaeu (or Jansz), America. (Atlas Maior). Amstelaedaml, 1662. 
Blagdon (Francis William). The Modern Geographer. London, n.d. 5 vols. 
Blake (William P.), Geological Reconnaissance in California. New York, 

1858. 4to; The Production of the Precious Metals. New York, etc. 

Blanchet (F. N.), Historical Sketches of the Catholic Church in Oregon. 

Portland, 1878. 
Biedsoe (A. J.), History of Del Norte County. Eureka, 1881. 


Bliss (William E.), Paradise in the Pacific. New York, 1873. 

Bluxome -(Isaac), Vigilance Committee, by '33 Secretary.' MS. 

B'nai B'rith. Various pamphlets of different lodges of the Society. 

Bodega y Cuadra (Juan Francisco), Comento de la Navegacion, 1775. MS.. 

Bodega y Cuadra (Juan Francisco), Navegacion y Descubrimiento, 1779. MS-. 

Bodega y Cuadra (Juan. Francisco), Segunda Salida, 1779. MS. 

Bodega y Cuadra (Juan Francisco), Viage de 1775. MS. 

Bodie, Chronicle, Free Press, Morning News, Standard, etc. 

Boggs (William M.), Reminiscences from 1846. MS. 

Boggs (William M.), Trip across the Plains in 1846. In Calistoga Tribune, 

1871; Napa Register, 1872. 

Bojorges (Juan), Recuerdos sobre la Historia de California. MS. 
Bolcof ( Jose"), Cartas de tin Ruso. MS. 

Bonilla (Jose" Mariano), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 
Bonilla (Mariano), Varias : Cartas, 1834-47. MS. Archives, passim. 
Bonner (T. D.), Life and Adventures of James P. Beckwourth. N. Y., 1858. 
Bonnycastle (R. H.), Spanish America. London, 1818. 2 vols. 
Boiiwick (James), The Mormons and the Silver Mines. London, 1872, 
Booth (Newton), Address, Aug. 8, 1868. San Francisco, 1868; also various 

addresses and letters. 
Borbon, Parecer del Fiscal sobre el Proyecto de abrir Comunicacion entre 

California y N. Mexico, 1801. MS. 

Borica (Diego), Castigos que lian de sufrir los Indios, 1797. MS. 
Borica (Diego), Correspondencia del Sr Gobernador, 1794-1800. MS. 
Borica (Diego), Infornie sobre comunicacion con N, Mexico, 1796. MS. 
Borica (Diego), Informe de Nuevas Misiones, 1796. MS. 
Borica (Diego), Instruccion de dirigir la fundacion de Branciforte, I797r MS. 
Borica (Diego), Instruceion para la escolta de S. Juan Bautista, 1797. MS. 
Boiica (Diego), Proyecto sobre Division de Californias, 1796. MS. 
Boronda (Jose Canuto), Notas de California. MS. 
Boronda (Jos6 E.), Apuntes Hist6ricos. MS. 
Borthwick (J. D.), Three Years in California. London, 1857. 
Boscana (Geronimo), Chinigchinich. New York, 1846. With Robinson ( Alf . } 

Life in Cal. 

Boscana (Geronimo), Escritos Sueltos del Padre. MSS. 
Boston (Mass.), Advertiser, Commercial Bulletin, Journal, Post, Traveller, etc. 
Boston in the Northwest, Solid Men of. MS. 
Botello (Narciso), Anales del Sur. MS. 

Botello (Narciso), Comunicaciones Sueltas de un Angelino. MS. 
Botica General de los Remedies Esperimentados. Sonoma, 1838. 
Botta (P. E.), Observations sur les Habitans de la Californie. In Nouv. An. 

Voy., lii. 156. 
Bottn, (P. E.), Osservazioni sugli Abitanti della California. In Duhaut Cilly, 


Botts (C. T.), Address, Speech, etc. 

Bouchacourt (Ch.), Notice Industrielle sur la Californie. Lyon, 184<X 
Bouchard Affair, Testimonio de Prisioneros acerca de'InSurgeivtes, 1818. MS. 
Bound Home, or the Gold Hunter's Manual. New York, 1852. 
Bowcn (Asa M.), Statement on San Pascual, 1846. MS. 
Bowers (Stephen), Santa Rosa Island. In Smithsonian Report, 1877. 
Bowie (Aiig. J.). Hydraulic Mining in California. San Francisco, 1878. 
Bowie (Richard I.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., June 6, 1850, on the Califor- 

nian Question. Washington, 1850. 
Bowles (Samuel), Across the Continent. Springfield, 1866; Our New West. 

Hartford, etc., 1869; The Pacific Railroad. Boston, 1869. 
Boyer (Lanson), From the Orient to the Occident. New York, 1878. 
Boynton (J. S.), Statement of a Pioneer. MS. 
Brace (Charles Loring), The New West. New York, 1869. 
Brackett (Albert G.), History of the U. S. Cavalry. New York, 1865. 
Brackctt (Albert G.), Indian War in California and Nevada, 18o6-7. MS. 


Bracket* (Albert G.), List of Officers of California Battalion, 1846-7. MS. 

Brackett (Albert G.), Sketch of 1st Regiment New York Volunteers. MS. 

Brackett (Albert G.), Sketch of the Mormon Battalion. MS. 

Branciforte (villa de-), Dictamen del fiscal sobre fundacion, 1797. MS 

Branciforte (villa de), El Discretorio de S. Fernando al Virey, 1797. MS. 

Branciforte (villa de), Informe del Real Tribunal sobre la fundacion, 1795. MS. 

Branciforte (Virey), Autorizacion para la fundacion de Nuevas Misiones, 
1796. MS. 

Branciforte (Virey), & Borica sobre Baterias de S. Francisco, 1795. MS. 

Branciforte (Virey), Instruccion, 1794-7. MS. 

Branciforte (Virey), Varies Oficios, 1794-8. MS. 

Brands and Marks. MS. 1 vol. In Archive de California. 

Bray (Edmund), Memoir of a Trip to California, 1844. MS. 

Breck, Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., March 25, 1850, on the Message of the 
President relating to California. Washington, 1850. 

Breen (John), Pioneer Memoirs. MS. 

Breen (Patrick), Diary of one of the Donner Party, 1846. MS. 

Brereton (R. M.), Report on Messrs Bensley and Co. 's Canal Project, etc. 
San Francisco, 1872; other reports. 

Brewerton (George D.), A Ride from Los Angeles to New Mexico. In Har- 
per's Magazine. 1853. vol. vii. T 

Bribery, or the California Senatorial Election. San Francisco, 1868. 

Brief e aus den Vereinigten Staaten. Leipzig, 1853. 2 vols. 

Briefs of California Supreme Court and other courts, more than 5,000 in num- 
ber, about 1,000 of which contain items of historical evidence, and over 
100 of which are cited in my notes by the names of the cases. Not 
named in this list. 

Briggs (C. P.), Narrative of 1846. In Napa Reporter, Aug. 31, 1872. 

Bristow (E. L.), Rencounters with Indians, etc. MS. 

Brock (Joseph M.), Recollections of '49. MS. 

Brockett (L. P.), Our Western Empire. Philadelphia, etc., 1881. 

Brodie (S. H.), Statement of Legal Matters. MS. 

Brooklyn, Vidette. 

Brooklyn (The) Mormons in California. From a newspaper. 

Brooks (B. S. ), Alcalde Grants in the City of San Francisco. In Pioneer, 
vol. i. 129. 

Brooks (Charles Wolcott), Chinese in California. S. F., 1877; Early Migra- 
tions of Ancient Western Nations. S. F., 1876; Early Migrations, Origin 
of Chinese Race. S. F., 1876; Japanese Wrecks. S. F. 1876. News- 
paper Reports of Papers on Origin of the Japanese Race. Scraps. 

Brooks (H. S.), The California Mountaineer. San Francisco, 1861. 

Brooks (J. Tyrwhitt), Four Months among the Gold-finders. London, 1849; 
New York, 1849; Paris, 1849; Vier maanden onder de Goudzoekers in 
Opper-Californie. Amsterdam, 1849; Vier Monate unter Goldnndeni ia 
Ober Kalifornien. Leipzig, 1849; Zurich, 1849. 

Brooks (James), A Seven Months' Run. New York, 1872. 

Brooks (N. C.), A Complete History of the Mexican War. Phrl., 1849. 

Brooks (R. S.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., June 14, 1854, on Pacific Railroad. 
Washington, 1854. 

Bross (William), Address on Resources of Far West. Jan. 25, 1866. New 
York, 1866. 

Brown (Charles), Early Events in California. MS. 

Brown (Elam), An old Pioneer. In San Jose" Pioneer, Jan. 26, 1878. 

Brown (H. S.), Early Days of California. MS. 

Browne (J. Ross), Address to the Territorial Pioneers of California. In S. F. 
News Letter, Sept. 11, 1875; Hubert H. Bancroft and his Literary Under- 
takings. In Overland Monthly; Lower Cal. See Taylor; Relacion de los 
Debates tie la Convencion de California, Set. y Oct., 1849, Nueva York, 
1851; Report of Debates in Convention of California. Sept. and Oct., 
1849, Washington, 1850; Report upon the Mineral Resources of the States 


find Territories "West of the Rocky Mountains. Washington, 1867; Wash- 
ington 1868; San Francisco, 1868; Reports upon the Mineral Resources 
of the United States. Washington, 1867; Resources of the Paciiic 
Slope, etc., San Francisco, 1869. 

Bryant (Edwin), Voyage en Californie, etc. Paris, n.d.; What I saw in 
California. New York, 1848; New York, 1849. 

Bryant (William Cullen), History of the United States. New York, 1876-81. 
4 vols. 

Bucareli (Virey), Comunicaciones al Com. Gen. y Gob r - de Cal., 1772-9. MS. 

Bucareli (Virey), Instruccion al Comandante de Cal 8 -, 1773. MS. 

Bucareli (Virey), Instruccion del Virey. 17 Agosto, 1773. MS. 

Bucareli (Virey), Instruccion del Virey. 30 Set., 1774. MS. 

Bucareli (Virey), Providencias del Virey. 26 Mayo, 1773. MS. 

Buchanan (James), Instructions of the Secretary of State to Thos. 0. Larkin 
as Confidential Agent of the U. S., 1845. MS. 

Buchanan (James), Instructions to Vorhies, Oct. 7. 1848. In Cal. and N. 
Mex., Mess, and Doc. 1850. p. 6. 

Buelna (Antonio), Cartas de un Vecino de S. Jose. MS. 

Buelna (Felix), Narracion sobre Tiempos Pasados. MS. 

Buffalo (N. Y.), Courier. 

Buffum (E. Gould), Six Months in the Gold Mines. Philadelphia, 1850; 
London, 1850. 

Burnett (Peter H. ), Recollections and Opinions of an Old Pioneer. N. Y. , 1880. 

Burnett (Peter H.), Recollections of the Past. MS. 2 vols._ 

Burney (James), Chronological History of the Discoveries in the South Sea, 
or Pacific Ocean. London, 1803-17. 4to. 5 vols. 

Burns'(Aaron), Statement of Vigilance Committee. MS. 

Burr (H. T.), Chart showing Age, etc., of Officers of State and Members of 
Legislature, 1865-6. Sacramento, 1866. 

Burris (Davis), Narrative. MS. 

Burton (John), Official and Private Letters. MS. 

Burton (Mrs M. A.), Biographical Sketch. MS. 

Burton (Richard F.), City of the Saints, etc. London, 1861; N. Y., 1862. 

Burton (Robert), The English Hero. London, 1687; London, 1710. 

Bushnell (Horace), Characteristics and Prospects of California. San Fran- 
cisco, 1858; Movement for a University in California, etc. San Fran- 
cisco, 1857. 

Bustamante (Anastasio), Escritos del Sr Presidente tocante a California, 
1830-2. MS. 

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Apuntes para la Historia del Gobierno del General 
Santa Anna. Mexico, 1841-3. MS. 3 vols. ; also print. Mexico, 1845. 

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Cuadro Hist6rico de la Revolucion Mexicana. 
Mexico, 1823-7. 5 vols.; Mexico, 1832-46. 6 vols. 

Bustamante (Cdrlos Maria), Diario de lo especialmente ocurrido en Mexico, 
Sept. de 1841 a Junio de 1843. Mexico, 1841-3. MS. 4to. 4 vols. 

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Gabinete Mexicano. Mexico, 1839-41. MS. 4 
vols.; also print. Mexico, 1842. 2 vols. 

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Invasion de Mexico de los Anglo- Americanos. MS. 

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Medidas para la Pacificacion de la America Mex- 
icana. MS. 1820. 

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), El Nuevo Bernal Diaz del Castillo 6 sea Historia de 
la Invasion de los Anglo- Americanos en Mexico. Mexico, 1847. 2 vols. 

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Suplemento d Los Tres Siglos de Cavo. Jalapa, 

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Voz de la Patria, Continuacion. Mexico, 1837-9. 
MS. 9 vols. 

Butler (A. W.), Resources of Monterey County. San Francisco, 1875,. 

C (S.), Descripcion Topografica de Misiones, 1845. In Revista Cientif, i. 327. 
Caballero (Jose" de), Estadistica del Estado Libre de Sonora y Sinaloa. MS. 


Cabot (Juan), Expedition al Valle de los Tulares, 1814. MS. 
Cabot (Juan and Pedro), Cartas de dos Frailes. MS. 

Cabrera Bueno (Joseph Gonzalez), Navegacion Especvlativa. Manila, 1734. 

Cabrillo (Juan Rodriguez), Relation 6 Diario. In Florida, Col. Doc., 173; also 
in Pacheco and Cclrdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 165. (Probably by Juan Paez.) 

Cahuenga, Capitulacion de 13 de Enero, 1847. MS. 

Caldwell (George Alfred), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. June 7, 1850, on the 
California and Territorial Questions. Washington, 1850. 

California, 1799, in Viagero Universal, xxvi. 

Calif ornia Academy of Sciences, Proceedings of the. S. F., 1858 et seq. 

California Agriculturist. San Jose", 1871 et seq. 4to. 

California, All about California. San Francisco, 1870; Id,, 1873 and Supple- 
ment; Id., 1875 and Supplement. 

California, Amount collected from customs. [31st Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex, 
Doc. 72.] Washington, 1849. 

California Anthro'pographic Chart, 1861 et seq. 

California, Appeal in Behalf of the Church, Sept. 1849. New York, 1849. 

California, Arrival of the Steamer. Festival in Celebration of the 25th 
Anniversary, Feb. 28, 1874. San Francisco, 1874. 

California as it is. San Francisco, 1882. 

California Associated Pioneers of the Territorial Days of Cal. in New York. 
Reunion 1875. New York, 1875. 

California Bible Society, Annual Reports. San Francisco, 1850, et seq. 

California, Biographical Sketches of the Delegates to Convention to frame 
New Constitution. 1878. San Francisco, 1878. 

California Characters and Mining Scenes and Sketches. San Francisco, n.d. 

California Claims. See Fremont. 

California Colored Citizens, Proceedings of Annual Conventions. San Fran- 
cisco, 1856 et seq. 

California, Compiled Laws by S. Garfielde and F. A. Snyder, 1850-3. 
Benicia, 1853. 

California, Constitution, San Francisco, 1849; also in Spanish. 

California, Correspondence relative to the Indian disturbances. [34th Cong., 
1st Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 26.] Washington, 1855. 

California, Correspondence and Reports of the Mexican Government, 1843-4. 
n.pl., n.d. 

California Culturist. San Francisco, 1858-60. 3 vols. 

California se declara Independiente de Mexico. Nov. 7, 1836. (Monterey, 

California, Emigrants' Guide to. London, 1849, 

California, Establecimiento y Progresos de las Misiones de la Antigua Cal- 
ifornia. In Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iv., torn. iv. 

California, Establishment of Mint and Light-houses. [31st Cong., 1st Sess., 
H. Ex. Doc. 47.] Washington, 1850. 

California, Fresh Water Tide Lands. San Francisco, 1869. 

Calif ornia Geological Survey. Philadelphia, etc., 1864; San Francisco, etc., 

California, Gids naar. Amsterdam, 1849. 

California Gold Regions, With a full account of the Mineral Resources, 
etc., New York (1849). 

California Grape Culture. Report of Commissioners, San Francisco, 1862. 

California, Hardy Impeachment. Sacramento, 1862. 

California Homographic Chart, 1861 et seq. 

California, Illustrated Hand-Book. London, 1870. 

California Indians. Report relative to the Colonization of. [33d Cong., 2d 
Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 41.] 

California, Industrial Interests of. San Francisco, 1862. 

California Insurance Commissioners. Annual Reports. S. F., 1868 et seq. 

California, Irrigation in San Joaquin and Tulare Plains. Sacramento, 1873. 


California, Its Gold and its Inhabitants. London, 1856. 2 vols. 

California, Its Past History; Its Present Position, etc. London, 1850, 

California, Journals of Assembly and Senate, 1st to 24th sessions, 1850-81; 
with Appendices 103 volumes in all containing all public documents 
printed by the state, which arc cited in my notes by their titles aixl dates, 
the title consisting of 'California' followed by one of the following head- 
ings: Act; Adjutant-general's Report; Agricultural, Mining, and Mechan- 
ical Arts College, Reports; Assembly, Rules; Attorney-general, Reports; 
Bank Commissioners, Reports; Bribery Investigating Committee; Citizen's 
Hand Book; Common Schools, Acts, etc.; Corporations; Deaf, Dumb, and 
Blind Institute; Educational Directory; Electors; Fees and Salaries; 
Fisheries; Inaugural Addresses of Governors; Insane Asylum Reports; 
Insurance Commissioners; Land Acts; Laws; Memorials; Messages of 
Govejnors; Militia; Mines and Mining; Pioneer Silk Growers ; Political 
Code Amendments; Public Lands; Revenue Laws; Sacramento River 
Drrinage District; Sacramento Valley Irrigation and Navigation Canal; 
School Law; Secretary of State, Reports; Senate and Assembly Bills; 
Senate Standing and Joint Rules; Special Messages of Governors; State 
Agricultural Society, Transactions; State Board of Agriculture; State 
Board of Health ; State Board of Equalization ; State Capital Commis- 
sioners; State Controller, Annual Reports; State Documents; State Geo- 
logist, Reports; State Harbor Commissioners; State Library, Reports; 
State Mineralogist, Annual Reports; State Prison, Reports; State Reform 
School, Reports; State Superintendent of Public Instruction, Reports; 
State Teachers' Association; State Teachers' Institute; State Treasurer, 
Reports; Surveyor-general, Reports; Swamp and Overflowed Lands; Tide 
Lands; Transportation; Woman's Suffrage. 

California, Journal of Education. San Jos6, 1876 et se*q. 

California Labor Exchange. [Various publications.] 

California Land Commission. Correspondence [32d Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex. 
Doc. 131]; copy of Instructions [Id., Sen. Ex. Doc., 26]; list of cases in 
Hoffman's Reports. 

California Land Titles, Copies of in U. S. Surveyor-general's Office, 1833-5. 

California Land Titles. Remarks of Messrs. Phelps and Sargent in U. S. H. 
of Rep., June 10, 1862. Washington, 1862. 

California, Last Night of the Session of the Legislature. Sacramento, 1854. 

California Law Journal and Literary Review. San Francisco, 1862 et sect. 

California, Legislative Sketches. Scraps, 1857. 

California Legislature. Directory; Sketch Book, etc. 

California, Leyes [statutes in Spanish]. Sacramento, 1859-68. 17 vols. 

California Magazine and Mountaineer. San Francisco, 1864. 

California Mail Bag. San Francisco, 1871 et seq. 

California Medical Gazette. San Francisco, 18G8 et seq. 

California Medical Society, Transactions. Sacramento, 1857 et seq. 

California, Memorial of Legislature to Congress on Dangers of Chinese Immi- 
gration. San Francisco, 1862. 

California Mercantile Journal, 1800. San Francisco, 1860. 

California, Message transmitting constitution. [31st Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex., 
Doc. 39.] Washington, 1849. 

California Nautical Magazine. San Francisco, 1862 et seq. 

California, New Constitution. San Francisco, 1879. 

California, Northern California, Scott and Klamath Rivers. Yreka, 1856. 

California Northern Railroad, Engineers' Report of Surveys, 1859. Sacra- 
mento, 1859; other reports. 

California, Notes on. New York, 1850, 

California, Noticias. See Sales. 

California Pacific Railroad Company, Articles and By-laws. Vallejo, 1868; 
various reports. 

California Pioneers (Society of), Anniversaries; Constitution and By-laws; 
Grand Excursion; Inaugural Ceremonies; Oration and Poem; Reports, etc. 


California Pioneers, Copy of Archives. MS.; Portraits in Library of the 

Society; Scrap-book. 

California Pioneers, Sketches of Fifty. MS. 

California Prison Commission, Annual Reports. San Francisco, 1866 et seq. 
California, Project for Middle Class Colonies, n.pl., u.d. 
California, Public Lands of. San Francisco, 1876. 

California, Relief of Settlers in. [40th Cong., 2d Sess., H. Mis. Doc. 23.] 
California, Reports of Cases in Supreme Court. San Francisco, etc., 1851- 

81. 58 vols. . 
California, Round Valley Indian Reservation. [43d Cong., 1st. Sess., H. Ex. 

Doc. 118.] 

California Statistical Chart. Sacramento, Jan. 1. 1855. 
California Statutes, 1st to 24th Sess. Sacramento, etc., 1850-81. 24 vols. 
California Supreme Court Briefs. San Francisco, etc., 1852 et seq. See also 


California, Tarif de Douanes de la Californie, 1851. Paris, 1851. 4to. 
California Teacher. San Francisco, 1863 et seq. 
California Text Book. San Francisco, 1852. 
California Volunteers, Correspondence Relative to the Discharge. [30th 

Cong., 1st. Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 138.] Washington, 1865 et seq. 
California Wine, Wool, and Stock Journal. San Francisco, 18Q3 et seq. 
California Workingmen's Party, An Epitome of its Rise and Progress. San 

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Goodrich (Samuel G.), History of tho Indians of North and South America. 
Boston, 1844; Boston, 1855; Boston, 18G4. 

Goodyear (W. A.), Coal Mines of the Western Coast. San Frattcisco, 1877. 

Gottfricdt (Johann Ludwig), Neuc Welt. Franckfurt, 1G55. folio. 

Gougenheim (Adelaide and Joey), Histrionic Memoirs, etc. S. F. 1856. 

Goycoechea (Felipe), Diario de Exploracion, 1708. MS. 

Goycoechea (Felipe), Escritos del Comandante de Sta Barbara, 1785-1806. MS. 

Goycoechea (Felipe), Medios para el Fornento de Calif ornias, 1805. MS. 

Goycoechea (Felipe), Oficio Instructive para el Ten*^. R. Carrillo, 1802. MS. 

Goycoechea (Felipe), Respuesta a las Quince Preguntas sobre Abusos de 
Misioneros, 1798. MS. 

Graham (J. D.), Report on Boundary Line between U. S. and Mexico [32d 
Cong., 1st Sess., Sen, Ex. Doc. 121.] Washington, 1851. 

Graham (Mary), Historical Reminiscences. San Francisco, 1876. 

Graham (Isaac) and John A. Sutter in New Mexico, Some Facts. MS. 

Grajera (Antonio), Escritos del Comandante de S. Diego, 1794-9. 

Gi\"j era (Antonio), Respuesta a las Quince Preguntas, 1799. MS. 

Grantsville, Weekly Sun. 

Grass Valley, Foot Hill Tidings, National, Union. 

Gray (A. B.), Resolution communicating report and map relative to Mex. 
Boundary. [33d Cong., 2d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 55.] Wash. 1853. 

Gray (W. H.), History of Oregon, 1792-1849. Portland, 1870. 

Great Registers, cited by name of county. Not in this list. 

Greeley (Horace), Overland Journey. New York,'lSGO. 

Green (Alfred A.) Life and Adventures of a '47 er. MS. 

Green (Talbot H.), Letters, 1841-8. MS. 

Greenhow (Robert), History of Oregon and California. Boston, 1844; Lon- 
don, 1844; New York, 1845; Boston, 1845; Boston, 1847. 

Greenhow (Robert), Memoir, Historical and Political, of the Northwest Coast 
of North America. [2Gth Cong., 1st Sess., Sen. Doe. 174.] Wash., 1840. 

Greenwood (Grace), New Life in New Lands. New York, 1873. 

Gregory (Joseph W.), Guide for California Travellers. New York, 1850. 

Gregson (James), Statement, 1845-9. MS. 

Grey (William), A Picture of Pioneer Times in California. S. F. 1881. 

Griffin (John S.), Documents for the History of California; San Pascual. MS. 

Griffin (John S.), Journal of 184G. MS. 

Grigsby (John), Papers of 1S4G-S. MS. 

Grijalva, (Juan Pablo), Cartas del Teniente, 1794-1806. MS. 

Grijalva (Juan Pablo) Explicacion del Registro desde S. Diego. MS. 

Grijalva (Juan Pablo), Informe sobre les Rancherks exploradas por P. Mari- 
ner, 1795. MS. 

Grimm (Henry), The Chinese Must Go. San Francisco, 1879. 

Grimshaw (William R.), Narrative of Events, 1848-50. MS. 

Guadalajara, Gaceta de Gobierno. Guadalajara, 1821 et seq. 

Guerra ( Francisco), et al. Investigations of a charge against as Revolutionists, 
. 1848. MS. 

Guerra (Jos6 Antonio), Cartas. MS. 

Guerra (Pablo), Comunicaciones. MS. 

Guerra y Noriega (Jose), Correspondencia del Capitan. MS. 

Guerra y Noriega (Jose"), Determinacion sobre su Ida a Mexico, 6 Instruccion. 
1819. MS? 

Guerra y Noriega (Jos<), Documentos para la Hist, de Cal. MS. 6 vols. 

Guerra y Noriega (Jose"), Ocurrencias Curiosas de 1830-1. MS. 
Guerra cntre Mexico y los Estados-Unittos, Apuntes. Mexico, 1848. 
Guerrero (Francisco), Cartas, 1839-46. MS. 
Guerrero (Vicente), Soberano Estado de Oajaca. Oajaca, 1833. 
( !uia cle Forasteros. Mexico, 1797 et seq. 

Gutierrez (Nicolas), Carta Oficial del Gcfe Politico, 4 Nov. 1S36. MS. 
Gutierrez (Nicolas), [Publica el Decreto reuniendo los Maudes, y toma 
posesion del Gobieruo Politico.] Monterrey, 2 Encro, 183G. 


Gutierrez (Nicolas), Varias Cartas del Capitan y Gefe Politico, 1832-6. MS. 

Gwin (William M.), Argument on the Subject of a Pacific Railroad. Wash., 
18GO; Congress Record, n.pl., n.d. ; Land Titles in California. Speech 
in reply to Mr Benton in U. S. Sen., Jan. 2, 1831. Wash., 1851; Navy- 
yard and Dry-dock in California. Speech in U. S. Sen., March 23, 1852. 
Wash., 1852; Remarks in U. S. Sen. Apr. 19 and 20, 1852, on Deficiency 
Appropriation Bill. Wash., 1832; Speech in U. S. Sen. Jan. 13, 1853, on 
Bill to Establish a Railway to the Pacific. Wash., 1853; Speech in U. ' 
S. Sen. March 2, 1853, on transportation of U. S. Mails. Wash., 1853; 
Speeches in the Senate of the U. S. on Private Land Titles in Cal. 
Wash., 1851; other speeches. 

Gwin (William M.), Memoirs on History. MS. 

Habersham (A. W.), North Pacific Surveying and Expl. Ex. Phila., 1858. 

Hacke (William), Collection of Original Voyages. London, 1699. 

Hakluyt (Richard), The Principal Navigations. Lond., 1599-1600. folio. 3 

vols. ; cited as Hakluyt's Voy. 
Hale (Edward Everett), Early Maps of America. Worcester, 1874; His Level 

Best, etc. Boston, 1873; The Name of California. In Amer. Antiq. Soc., 

Proc., Apr. 1862, 45; Queen of California. In Atlantic Monthly, xiii. 


Hall (Charles Victor), California. The Ideal Italy. Philadelphia, 1875. 
Hall (Edward H.), The Great West, N. Y., 1865; N. Y., 1866. 
Hall (Frederic), History of San Jose". San Francisco, 1871; San Jos6 History. 

Scrap-book. From S. Jose" Pioneer, Jan. 1877. 
Hall (John), Remarks on the harbours of Cal. [Being extracts from the log of 

the Lady JBlackwood, 1822.] In Forbes' Hist. Cal., App. 
Hall (William M.), Speech in favor of a National Railroad to the Pacific. 

July 7, 1847; New York, 1853. 
Halleck (Henry W.), Correspondence of the Secretary of State. 1846-8. In 

Cal. and N. Mex., Mess, and Doc., 1850; Mexican Land Laws. MS.; 

Report on Land Titles in California. [31st Cong., 1st. Sess., H. EK. 

Doc. 17.] Wash., 1850. 

Halley (William), Centennial Year-book of Alameda County. Oakland, 1876. 
Hamilton (Nev.), Inland Empire. 

Hancock (Samuel), Thirteen Years' Residence on the Northwest Coast. MS. 
Hanford, Public Good. 
Hansard (T. C.), Parliamentary Debates from 1803. London, 1812-77. [S. F. 

Law Library.] 
Hardenbergh (J. R.), Ansv/er to charges filed with the Commissioner of the 

General Land Office. San Francisco, 1873. 

Hardiiige (Emma), Funeral Oration on Thomas Starr King. S. F., 1864. 
Hardy (Lady Duffus), Through Cities and Prairie Lands. London, 1881. 
Hargrave (William), California in 1846. MS. 
Haro (Francisco), Cartas Sueltas. MS. 

Haro y Peralta (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gobierno de California. MS. 
Harper's New Monthly Magazine. New York, 1856 et seq. 
Harris (John), Navigantium . . . Bibliotheca. London, 1705. folio. 2 vols. 
Harrison (Henry W.), Battle-Fields and Naval Exploits. Phila., 1858. 
Hart (Albert), Mining Statutes of the U. S., Cal., and Nev. S. F., 1877. 
Hartman (Isaac), Brief in Mission Cases. 
Hartmann (Carl), Geographisch - Statistische Beschreibung von Californieii. 

Weimar, 1849. 2 vols. 
Hartmarm (Joh. Adolph), Dissertatio Geographies de vero Calif ornia3 situ et 

Conditions. Marburg, 1739. 4to. 

Hartnell (Teresa de la G.), Narrativa de una Matrona de Cal. MS. 
Hartnell (William E. P.), Convention of '49. Original Records. MS. 
Hartnell (William E. P.), Diario del Visitador Gen. de Misiones, 1839-40. MS. 
Hartnell (William E. P.), English Colonization in California, 1844. MS. 
Hartnell (William E. P. ), Miscellaneous Correspondence from 1822. MS. 


Harvey (Mrs Daniel), Life of John McLoughlin. MS. 

Hastings (Lansford W.), Emigrants' Guide to Oregon and California. Cin- 
cinnati, 1845; Letters. 1843-8. MS.; New History of Oregon and Cali- 
fornia. Cincinnati, 1849. 

Haswell (Robert), Voyage of the Columbia Rediviva, 1787, 1791-2. MS. 
Havilah, Courier, Miner. 

Hawes (Horace), Missions in California. San Francisco, 1856. 
Hawley (A. T.), Humboldt County. Eureka, 1879. 

Hawley (A. T.), The Present Condition, etc., of L. Angeles. L. Angeles, 1876. 
Hawley (David N.), Observations of Men and Things. MS. 
Hayes (Benjamin), Criminal Trials at Los Angeles. MS. 
Hayes (Benjamin), Diary of a Journey Overland, 1849-50. MS. 
Hayes (Benjamin), Documents for the History of California. MS. 
Hayes (Benjamin), Emigrant Notes. MS. and Scraps. 
Hayes (Benjamin), Land Matters in California. MS. 
Hayes (Benjamin), List of Vessels. MS. 
Hayes (Benjamin), Mexican Laws, Notes. MS. 

Hayes (Benjamin), Mission Book of Alta Cal. MS. and Scraps. 2 vols. 
Hayes (Benjamin), Notes on California Affairs. MS. 
Hayes (Benjamin), Papeles Varies Originales. MS. 
Hayes (Benjamin), San Diego, Legal History. Scraps and MS. 
Hayes (Benjamin), Scrap Books, 1850-74. 129 vols.; under the following sub- 
titles: Agriculture; Arizona. 6 vols.; California Notes. 5 vols. MS. 
and Print; California Poets; California Politic?. 10 vols.; Constitutional 
Law; Cuyamaca Case. MS. and Print; Early California Decisions; Ind- 
ians. 5 vols.; Los Angeles County. 10 vols.; Memorabilia; Mining. 13 
vols.; Monterey, Santa Barbara, etc.; Natural Phenomena. 3 vols.; Pa- 
cific Interests; Railroads. 6 vols.; San Bernardino County. 4 vols. ; San 
Diego, Five Years in. 4 vols. ; San Diego County, Local History. 3 vols. ; 
Southern California, Historical Items. 2 vols. ; Southern California Pol- 
itics. 2 vols. ; Southern California, Wilmington, etc. ; Studies in Politics. 
7 vols.; Supreme Court, 1868-74. 
Haywards, Journal, Alameda Advocate, Plaindealer. 
Eaditt (Win. Carew), Great Gold Fields of Cariboo. London, 1862. 
Healdsburg, Advertiser, Democratic Standard, Enterprise, Review, Russian 

River Flag. 

Heap (Gwinn Harris), Central Route to the Pacific. Philadelphia, 1854. 
Hearn (F. G.), California Sketches. MS. 

Hebard, Speech, March 14, 1850, on Constitution of 'Cal. Wash., 1850. 
Heceta (Bruno)-, Diario del Viage de 1775. MS. 
Heceta (Bruno), Espedicion Maritima. In Palou, Not., ii. 229. 
Heceta (Bruno), Segunda Exploracion, 1775. MS. 
Heceta (Bruno), Viage cle 1775. MS. 

Hecox (Adna A.), Biographical Sketch. In S. Josd Pioneer, Aug. 1878. 
Hecox (Adna A.), A Brief History of the Introduction of Methodism. In S. 

F. Christian Advocate, 1863. 

Helper (Hinton R.), The Land of Gold. Baltimore, 1855. 
licnshaw (Josiah S.), Historical Events. MS. 

Hernandez (Jos6 Maria P.), Compendio de la Geografia. Mexico, 1872. 
Herrera (Antonio de), Historia General de los Hechos de los Castellanos en 
las Islas i Tierra Firme del Mar Oce"ano. Madrid, 1601. 4to. 4 vols; 
Madrid, 1720-30. folio. 

Herrera (Josd Maria), Causa contra el Comisario de California, 1827. MS. 
Herrera (Jos6 Maria), Escritos del Comisario. MS. 
Herrick (William F.), Current Events from 1853. MS. 
Hesperian (The). San Francisco, 1858-G4. 11 vols. 
Heylyn (Peter), Cosmography. London, 1701. folio. 
Hijar (Carlos N. ), California in 1834. MS. 

Hijar (Jos6 Maria), Instrucciones del Gefe Politico y Director de Colonizacion, 
1834. In Figueroa, Man. 11. 


Hijar (Jos6 Maria), Instniccioaes del Gobierno al Comisionado, 1845. MS. 

Hijar (Jose Maria), Varias Cartas. MS. 

Hinckley (William C. ), Life of a Pioneer of 1847. MS. 

Hinckley (William S.), Letters of a Sea Captain. MS. 

Hinds (Richard B.), Botany of Voyage of the Sulphur. London, 1844; 
Regions of Vegetation, California Region. In Belcher's Nar., ii.; Zoology 
of the Voyage of the Sulphur. London, 1844. 

Hines (Gustavus). Voyage round the World. Buffalo, 1850. 

Hinton (Richard J. ), Handbook of Arizona. San Francisco, 1878. 

Historical Magazine and Notes and Queries. Boston, etc., 1857-69. 15 vols. 

History of the Bear Flag Revolt. In Niles' Register, Ixxiii. 110. 

Hitchcock (George B.), Statement of Rarnbiings. MS. 

Hittell (John S.), The Commerce and Industries of the Pacific Coast. San 
Francisco, 1882. 4to; The History of the Cottomvood Prospecting Ex- 
pedition. In Alta California; History of San Francisco. S. F. 1878; 
Limantour. In Overland Monthly, ii. 154; The Limantour Claim. S. F. 
1857; Mining Life at Shasta in 1849. In Dietz, Our Boys. 101; Notes 
of Californian Pioneers. In Hatchings' Cal. Mag. v. 209; Oration at the 
Nineteenth Anniversary of California Pioneers. S. F. 18GD; Papelea 
Hist6ricosdel84G. MS.; Resources of California. S. F. 18GG; S. F. 1037; 
S. F. 1874; The Resources of Vallejo. Vallejo, 18G9; Spoliation of Mex- 
ican Grant Holders in California by U. S. In Hesperian, iv. 147. 

Hittell (Theodore II.), Adventures of James Capen Adains. S. F. 1SGO. 

Hobbs (James), Wild Life in the Far West. Hartford, 1875. 

Hoffmann (Hcmmann), Californien, Nevada und Mexico. Basel, 1871. 

Hoffman (Ogden), Opinions in Mission Cases. S. Francisco, 1859; Opinions 
in various other cases; Reports of Land Cases. San Francisco, '1832. 

Hoit (C. W.)i Fraudulent Mexican Land Claims in California. Sac. 18G9. 

IL.linski (Alex. ), La Californie ct les Routes Interocoaniques. Bruxelles, 1853. 

Holland (Charles), Mines and Mining. In Coast Review. 1873. p. 73. 

Hollistcr, Advance, Central Californian, Enterprise, Telegraph. 

Homo Missionary (The). New York, 184G et seq. 

Homer (Charles), Memorial for construction of San Francisco Marine Hospital 
[33d Cong., 1st. Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 54]. Washington, 1853. 

Homes (Henry A.), Our Knowledge of Cal. and' the N. W. Coast. Albany, 

Homestead Associations. A large number of publications cited by name of 
the Association. 

Honolulu, Friend, 1843 et seq.; Hawaiian Spectator; Polynesian, 1857 et 
seq.; Sandwich Island Gazette, 183G et seq.; Sandwich Island News, 
184G ct seq. 

Hooker (Wm. J.) and G. A.W. Arnott, Botany of Captain Beechey's Voyage. 
London, 1801. 4to. 

Hopkins, Translations of California Documents, n.p., n.d. 

Hopkins (C. T.), Common Sense applied to the Immigrant Question. San 
Francisco, 1870; Taxation in California. S.F. 1881; and other pamphlets. 

Hoppe (J.), Californiens Gegenwart und Zukunft. Berlin, 1849. 

Hopper (Charles), Narrative of a Pioneer of 1841. MS. 

Horn (Hosca B.), Horn's Overland Guide. New York, 1852. 

Horra (Antonio de la Concepcion), Representacion al Virey contra los Misi- 
onerosdeCal., 1798. MS. 

Howard (Volney E.), Speech in U. S..H. of Rep. against Admission of Cali- 
fornia, June 11, 1850. Washington, 1850. 

Howard (W. D. M.), Commercial Correspondence from 1838. MS. 

Howe (J. W.), Speech, June 5, 1850, on California Question. Wash. 1850. 

Hubncr (Le Baron de), A Ramble round the World, 1871. New York, 1874. 

Hudson (David), Autobiography. MS. 

Hughes (Elizabeth), The California of the Padres. San Francisco, 1875. 

Hughes (John T.), California. Its History, etc., Cincinnati, 1848; Cincinnati, 
1849; Cincinnati, 1850; Doniphan's Expedition. Cincinnati, 1849. 


Huish (Robert), Narratives of Voyages. London, 1836. 

Humason (W. L.), From the Atlantic Surf to the Golden Gate. Hartford, 

Humboldt (Alex, de), Essai Politique sur le Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagns. 

Paris, 1811. folio. 2 vols. and atlas. 
Humboldt (Alex, de), Tablas Estadisticas del Reyno de Nueva Espaiia en el 

aflo de 1803. MS. 

. Huniboldt County. Its Resources, etc. See Hawley, A. T. 
Hunt's Merchants' Magazine. New York, 1839 et seq. 
Huse (Charles E.), Sketch of the History and Resources of Santa Barbara City 

and County. Santa Barbara, 1876. 

Hutchings' Illustrated California Magazine. San Francisco, 1857-61. 5 vols. 
Hyde (George), Historical Facts on California. MS. 

Ibarra (Juan Maria), Cartas Varias del Teniente. MS. 
Idaho City, (Id.) World. . 
' Ide (William B.), Bear Flag Revolt. MS. 
Ide (William B.), Biographical Sketch. [Claremont] 1880; Who Conquered 

California? [Clarernont] 1880. 
[lustracion Mexicana (La). Mexico, 1851-3. 4 vols. 
Independence (Cal.), Inyo Independent. 
Independence (Mo.), Mission Expositor. 
Indios, Contestacion al Interrogatorio de 1812 por el Presidents y los Padrea 

sobre costumbres, 1815. MS. 

Indios, Interrogatorio del Supremo Gobierno sobre Costumbres, 1812. MS. 
Industrial Magazine. San Francisco, 18G7 et seq. 
Informe de lo mas Peculiar de la Nueva California, 1789. MS. 
Informe sobre los Ajustes de Pobladores de la Reina de Los Angeles y demas 

de las Provincias de Calif ornias. Dec. 30, 1789. MS. 
Ingersoll (Ernest), In a Redwood Logging Camp. In Harper's Mag., Ixvi. 

Iniciativa de Ley, 1827. In Junta de Fomento de California. 

Iniestra, Expedicion de Cal., 1845. In Amigo del Pueblo, Sept.-Oct. 1845. 

Institutions, associations, societies, companies, orders, churches, banks, clubs, 

courts, etc. Publications cited in notes by name of the institution, etc. ; 

but most of them, not historical in their nature, are omitted in this list. 
Instrucciones d que debe sujetarse la Comision nombrada por este Ayunta- 

miento de Angeles, 30 Mayo, 1837. MS. 
Instrucciones para Tribunales de la Instancia. [1824] MS. 
Iiistrucciones que los Vireyes de Nueva Espana. Mexico, 1867. 
Iiivestigacion sobre la Muerte de los Religiosos enviados d la reduccion de los 

gentiles del Rio Colorado, 1781. MS. 

lone, Amador Times, Chronicle, City News, Riverside Independence. 
Iriarte (Francisco), Contestacion a la Expresion de Agravios. Mexico, 1832. 
Irving (Washington), Adventures of Bonneville. New York, 1860. 
Iturbide (Agustin), Cartas de los Sefiores Generales. Mexico, 1821. 
Iturrigaray (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gob r - de California. MS. 

Jackson, Amador Dispatch, Amador Ledger, Sentinel, Press. 

Janssens (Agustin), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 

Janssens (Agustin), Vida y Aventuras. MS. 

Jay (William), Review, etc., Mexican War. Boston, 1849. 

Jenkins (John S. ), History of the War between U. S. and Mex. Auburn, 1851 ; 

United States Exploring Expeditions. Auburn, 1850. 
Jimeno (Joso Joaquin and Antonio), Cartas de los dos Frailes. MS. 
Jimeno Casarin (Manuel), Escritos del Secretario de Estado. MS. 
John Bull. [London newspaper.] 
Johnson (Daniel H.), and Cornelius Vanderbilt, Correspondence, etc., for 

Transporting Mails via the Isthmus. [36th Cong., 1st Sess., Sen. Ex. 

Doc. 45.] Washington, 1859. 


Johnson (Theodore T.), California and Oregon, or Sights in the Gold Region. 
Phil., 1851; Phil., 1857; Phil., 1865; Sights in the Gold Regions. N. Y., 
1849; N. Y., 1850. 

Johnston (A. R...), Journal of a Trip with the First U. S. Dragoons. 1846. 
. [30th Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 41.] Washington, ICiS; In Emory's 

Jones (John C.), Cartas Comerciales, 1831 et seq. MS. 

Jones (Thomas Ap. C.), Agresion en Californias. 1842. In Mexico, Mem. 
Relac., 1844, An. 87-97; At Monterey. in 1842. [27th Cong., 3d Sess., 
H. Ex. Doc. 166.] Washington, 1842; Miscellaneous Proclamations, 
1849; Unpublished Narrative, 1842. From Los Angeles Southern Vine- 
yard, May 22, 1858. 

Jones (William Carey), Report on Land Titles in California. Washington, 
1850; The Pueblo Question Solved. San Francisco, 1860. 

Jonesborough (Tenn.), Sentinel. 

Juarez (Cayetano), Notas sobre Asuntos de Cal. MS. 

Julio Cesar, Cosas de Indios. MS. 

Junta de 5 de Abril de 1791 en Monterey. MS. 

Junta Consultativa y Economica en Monterey, 1843. MS. 

Junta de Fomento de Californias, Coleccion de los Trabajos. Mex. 1827. 

Junta de Guerra y Rendicion de Monterey, 4 Nov. 1836. MS. 

Junta Primera de Guerra en Monterey, 4 Oct. 1769. MS. 

Kalama, Beacon. 

Kearny (Stephen W. ), Orders and Correspondence, 1847. In Cal. and N. Mex., 
Mess. & Doc. 1850; Proclamation, March 1, 1847. Original MS.; also 
in print;. Report to Adjutant -General Jones, March 15, 1847. [31st 
Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex^Doc. 17, p. 283.] Washington, 1848; Reports 
of San Pascual. [30th Cong., 1st Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 513-16.] 
Washington, 1848. 

Kelley (Hall J.), A History of the Settlement of Oregon. Springfield, 1868; 
Memoir on Oregon, 1839. [25th Cong., 3d Sess., H. Rept. 101.] Wash- 
ington, 1838; A Narrative of Events and Difficulties. Boston, 1852. 

Kelly (George Fox), Land Frauds of California. Santa Rosa, 1864. 

Kelly (William), An Excursion to California. London, 1851. 2 vols. 

Kendrick (John), Correspondencia sobre Cosas de Nootka, 1794. MS. 

Kern (Edward M.), Journal of Exploration, 1845. In Simpson's Rept., 477. 

Kerr (J. G.), The Chinese Question Analyzed. San Francisco, 1877. 

Kerr (Robert), General History and Collection of Voyages, Edinburgh and 
London, 1824. 18 vols. 

Keyser (Sebastian), Memoir of a Pioneer. MS. 

Khlebnikof (K.), Zapiski o America. St Petersburg, 1861. 

King (Clarence), Mountaineering in the Sierra Nevada. Boston, 1874; 1882. 

King (Thomas Butler), California; The Wonder of the Age. New York, 1850; 
Report on California. Washington, 1850 [message of President, March 
26, 1851. 31st Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 59.] 

King of William (James), Assassination of, etc. San Francisco, 1856; Family 

King's Orphan, Visit to California, 1842-3, Scrap-book; also in Upham's Notes. 

Kinley (Joseph M.), Remarks on Chinese Immigration. San Francisco, 1877. 

Kip (Leonard), California Sketches. Albany, 1850. 

Kip (Win. Ingraham), Historical Scenes from the Old Jesuit Missions. New 
Yopk, 1875; Last of the Leatherstockings. In Overland Monthly, ii. 
407; and other works. 

Kirchhofi (Theodor), Reisebilder und skizzen. N. Y., 1875-6. 2 vois. 

Kirkpatrick (Charles A.), Journal of 1849. MS. 

Knight (Thomas), Early Events in California, of a Pioneer of '45. MS. 

Knight (Thomas), Recollections. MS* 

Knight (Wm. H.), Scrap-books. 40 volumes. 

Knight's Ferry, Stanislaus Index. 
HIST. CAL., YOL. I. 5 


Knight's Landing, News. 

Knox (Thomas W.), The Underground World. Hartford, 1878. 

Kohlcr (Charles), Wine Production in California. MS. 

Kotzebuo (Otto von), New Voyage round the World. London, 1830. 2 vols.; 

Voyage of Discovery. London, 1831. 3 vols. 
Kraszewski (Michael), Acts of the Manilas. MS. 
Kiinzel (Heinrich), Obercalifornien. Darmstadt, 1848. 

Labor Agitators; or the Battle for Bread. San Francisco, 1879. 
Laet (Joanne de), Novvs Orbis. Batav., 1633. folio. 
La Fayette, Democratic Sentinel, 
afond (Gabriel), Voyages autour du Monde. Paris, 1843. 2 vols.; Paris, 

1844. 8 vols. 4to. 
La Harpe (Jean Francois), Abrdge" de 1'Histoire Gcndrale des Voyages. Paris, 

1S1G. 24 vols. and atlas. 
Lakeport, Avalanche, Clear Lake Courier, Clear Lake Journal, Clear Lake 

Times, Lake County Bee, Lake County Democrat. 
Lakeside Monthly (The). Chicago, 1872. 

Lambertie (Charles de), Voyage pittoresque en Californie, etc. Paris, 1854. 
Lamotte (H. D.), .Statement. MS. 

Lancey (Thomas C.), Cruise of the Dale. Scrap-book, from S. Josd Pioneer. 
Lander (Frederick W.), Remarks on a double-track Railway to the Pacific. 

Washington, 1854. 

Lane (Joseph), Autobiography. MS. 
Langlcy (Henry G.), Trade of the Pacific. San Francisco, 1870. See also 


Langsdorff (G. H. von), Voyages and Travels, 1803-7. Lond., 1813-14. 2 vols. 
La Perouse (J. G. F. de), Voyage autour du Moade. Paris, 17C3. 4 vols. 

atlas, folio; Voyage round the World, 1785-8. London, 1703. 3 vols.; 

Boston, 1801. 
Laplaco (Cyrille P. T.), Campagne de Circumnavigation. Paris, 1841-54. 6 


La Porte, Mountain Messenger, Union. 
Lardner (Dionysins), History of Maritime and Inland Discovery. London, 

1830. 3voh. 

Larios (Estolano), Vida de su Padre, Manuel Larios. MS. 
Larios (Justo), Convulsiones en California^ MS. 
Larkin (Thomas 0.), Accounts 1827-42. MS. 4 vols. 
Larkin (Thomas O.), Accounts 1840-57. MS. 17 vols. 
Larkin (Thomas 0.), Correspondence Official and Private. MS. 
Larkin (Thomas 0.), Description of California, 1845. MS. 
Larkin (Thomas 0.), Documents for the History of California, 1839-56. MS. 

9 vols. 

Larkin (Thomas O.), Journal. In Monterey Californian, Feb. 27, '47. 
Larkin (Thomas 0.), Letter to Mason from San Jose", May 23, 1848. 
Larkin (Thomas 0.), Letters to Sec. of State, June 1 and 23, 1848. In 

Foster's Gold Regions. 
Larkin (Thomas 0.), Notes on the Personal Character of Californians, 1845. 

Larkin (Thomas 0.), Official Correspondence as U. S. Consul and Navy Agent. 

1844-9. MS. 2 vols. 

Larkin (Thomas 0.), Papers Unbound. MS. 
Larkin (Thomas 0.), Private Record of Lots sold, 1840-51. MS. 
Larkin (Thomas 0. ), U. S. Naval Agency Accounts. MS. 2 vols. 
Lasso de la Vega (Jos6 Ramon), Escritos del Alferez, 1784 et seq. MS. 
.Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Carta cle 1784. MS. 

Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Carta sobre Fundacion de Misiones, 1791. MS. 
Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Cartns alVisitador General Galvcz, 17G8. MS. 
Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Corrcspondencia del Padre y Presidente. MS. 
(Fermin Francisco), Fuudacion dc Misiones, 1797. Cartas. MS. 


Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Informe de 1783. MS. 

Lasuen (Fermin Fran. ), Informe sobre Sitios para Nuevas Misiones, 1798. MS. 

Lasuen (Fermin Fran.), Informes Bienales de las Misiones, 1793-1802. MS. 

Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Represeiitacion sobre los Puntos representados al 
Gobierno por el P. Antonio de la Concepcion [HorraJ, 1800. MS. 

Latham (Milton S.), Remarks on Overland Mails in U. S. Sen., May 30, 1860. 
Washington, 1860; Speech on Pacific Railroad in U. S. Sen. June 12, 1862. 
Baltimore, 1862; Speech on Steamships between San Francisco and China. 
Washington, 1855; and other Speeches. 

Lam* (P.), De la Production des Metaux Pre"cieux en Californie. Paris, 1862. 

Lauts (Gr.)> Kalifornia. Amsterdam, 1849. 

Lawson (James S. ), Autobiogi*aphy. MS. 

Lee (John D.), Mormonism Unveiled. St Louis, 1877. 

Lee (Daniel) and J. H. Frost. Ten Years in Oregon. New York, 1844. 

Leese (Jacob P.), Bear Flag Revolt. MS. 

Leese (Jacob P.), Claim for Construction of Monterey Wharf. 1846. [36th 
Cong., 2d Sess., H. Rep. 274.] Wash. 1846. 

Leese (Jacob P.), Letters from 1836. MS. 

Leese (Rosalia Valle jo), History of the 'Osos.' MS. 

Legal publications, law text-books, comity and municipal regulations, re- 
ports, etc. See California, San Francisco, Briefs, etc. Many such works 
are not named in this list. 

Legislative Records. MS. 4 vols. In Archivo de Cal. 

Leidesdorff (William A.), Letters of the U. S. Vice Consul. MS. 

Leland (Charles Godfrey), The Union Pacific Railway. Philadelphia, 1867. 
Nctrel (Edmond), Voyage autour du Monde. 1826-9. In Nouv. An. Voy., 
xlv. 129. 

Leslie (Mrs Frank), California. New York, 1877. 

Lester (John Erastus), The Atlantic to the Pacific. Boston, 1873; The 
Yosemite, its History, etc. Providence, 1873. 

Letts ( J. M. ), California Illustrated. New York, 1852; Pictorial View of Cal. 
New York, 1853. 

Levett'a Scrap Book. 

Libro de Bitdcora, archivo de la Familia Estudillo. MS. 

Ionian tour ( Jos6 Y. ), Apuntes sobre la Causa contra Augusto Jouan. Mexico, 
1835; Opinion delivered by Ogden Hoffman in the Cases of. San Fran- 
cisco, 1858; Pamphlet relating to the Claim of. San Francisco, 1853; 
Limantour Case. MS. volume of documents in S. F. Law Library; and 
various documents. 

Linares (Virey), Intendencias. MS. 

Lin sch oten (J. H. van), Rcys-Gheschrift Van de Navigation de Portugaloysers 
in Orienten. Amstrelredam, 1604. folio. 

Lippincott (Sarah J. C.), New Life in New Lands. New York, 1873, 

Lippincott's Magazine. Philadelphia, 1868 et seq. 

Lisaldc (Pedro), Reconocimiento de Tierras, 1797. MS. 

Little (John T.j, First Years of Cal. under U. S. MS. 

Livermore, Enterprise, Herald. 

Livermore (Robert), Occasional Letters from 1829. MS. 

Lloyd (B. E.), Lights and Shades in San Francisco. San Francisco, 1876. 

Loa a la Virgen. Papel de Mision. MS. 

Lobscheid (W.), The Chinese; What They Are, etc. San Francisco, 1873. 

Local histories, see name of county, town, or author. 

Lockwood (R. A.), Vigilance Committee Speeches. San Francisco, 1852. 

Lodi, Valley Review. 

Log-books, Fragments from the Larkin Collection. 3 vols. MS. 

Lompoc, Record. 

London, Echo, Engineer, Grocer, Mechanic's Magazine, Morning Post, Spec- 
tator, Times, etc. 

Lopez (Baldomero), El Guardian a los Padres, prohibiendo el uso de Carrua- 
jes, 1820. MS. 


Lopez (Baldomero), El Guardian al P. Presidente sobre cesion de Misiones, 

1820. MS. 

Lopez (Baldomero), Quejas del P. Guardian al Virey, 1819. MS. 
Lopez (Baldomero), and Isidro Alonso Salazar, Carta de los Padres de Sta 

Cruz, 1791. MS. 

Lord (John Keast), The Naturalist in Vancouver Island. Lond., I860. 2 vols. 
Lorenzana (Apolinaria), Memorias de la Beata. MS. 
Loreto, Libros de Mision. MS. [In possession of 0. Livermore.] 
Los Angeles, Archive, Copies and Extracts. MS. 5 vols. 
Los Angeles, Ayuntamiento Records. MS. 
Los Angeles, Cronica, Express, Herald, Meridional, Mirror, Morning Journal, 

News, Republican, Star, Sud. Cal. Post. 
Los Angeles, Historical Sketch of (by Hayes, Warner, and Widney). Los 

Angeles, 1876. 

Los Angeles, Homes in. See McPherson, William. 

Los Angeles, Instancia de Regidores y Vecinos sobre Tierras, 1819. MS. 
Los Angeles, Lista de los Pobladores, Iiivalidos, y Vecinos, 1816. MS. 
Los Angeles, Ordenanzas de la Ciudad. Los Angeles, 1860. 
Los Angeles, Padron, 1781. MS. 
Los Angeles, Reglamento de Policia, 1827, MS. 
Los Angeles, Reparticion de Solares y Suertes, 1786, MS. 
Los Angeles, Revised Ordinance of the City of Los Angeles, 1855. Los Ange- 
les, 1860. 2 vols. 
Los Angeles County, Historical Sketch of (L. Lewin and Co.) Los An- 

geles, 1876. 
Los Angeles County, History of (Thompson and West). Oakland, 1880. 

Atlas folio. 

Louisville (Ky.), Courier-Journal. 

Low (Conrad), Meer oder Seehanen Bucfe. Colin, 1598. 
Low (Frederick F.), Observations in Early Cal.. MS. 
Lower Lake, Bulletin, Observer, Sentinel. 

Ludlow (Fitz Hugh), The Heart of the Continent. New York, 1870. 
Lugo (Felipe), Cartas Varias. MS. 
Lugo (Jose" del Carmen),- Vida de un Ranchero. MS. 
Lull (Miguel), Exposicion del Padre Guardian sobre Reduccion de Misioneros 

en Cal., 1709. MS. 
Luyt (Joannis), Introductio ad Geographiam Novam et Veterem. Trajecti 

ad Rhenum, 1692. 

McAllister (Hall), Statement on Vigilance Committee. MS. 

McChristian (Patrick), Narrative on Bear Flag. MS. 

McClellan (R. Guy), The Golden State. Phil., etc., 1872; Republicanism in 

America. San Francisco, 1869. 
McCloskey ( J. J. ), The Early Drama in California. In San Jose" Pioneer, Dec. 

13 and 14, 1877. 
McClure (A. K.), Three Thousand Miles through the Rocky Mountains. 

Philadelphia, 1869. 

McCollum (William S.), California as I Saw it. Buffalo, 1850. 
McCue (Jim), Twenty-one Years in California. San Francisco, n.d. 
McDaniels (W. D.), Early Days of California. MS. 
McDonald (D. G. Forbes), British Columbia. London, 1863. 
McDougal (F. H.), The Donner Tragedy. In Pacific Rural Press, Jan. 21, 

McDougall (James A.), Speech on Pacific Railroad in U. S. H. Rep. Jan. 16, 

1855. Washington, 1855. 

McFarlane (James), The Coal-regions of America. New York, 1873. , 
McFie (Matthew), Vancouver Island and British Columbia. London, 1865. 
McGarrahan (William), The Quicksilver Mines of Panoche Grande. Wash 

ington, 1860; Memorial. A Collection of Documents. San Francisco, 



McGlashan (C. F.), History of the Donner Party. Truckee, 1879; San Fran- 
cisco, 1880. 
McGowan ( Edward) , Facts concernin g the Organization known as the ' Hound s ' 

in S. F. Post, Nov. 1, 1878; Narrative of Adventure while pursued by 

Vigilance Committee. San Francisco, 1S57. 
Mcllvaine (William), Sketches of Scenery and Notes of Personal Adventure 

in California, etc. Philadelphia, 1850. 
McKay (Joseph TV.), Recollections of a Chief Trader in the Hudson's Bay 

Company. MS. 

McKinstry (George), Papers on the History of California. MS. 
McLean (Finis E. ), Speech, June 5, 1850, on Constitution of Cal. Wa^h. 1850. 
McPherson, Letters of Juanita. [In various newspapers.]. 
McPherson (W.), Homes in Los Angeles. Los Angeles, 1873. 
McQueen (John), Speech, June 3, 1850, on Admission of Cal. Wash., 1850. 
McWillie (W.), Speech, March 4, 1850, on the Admission of Cal. n.pl., n.d. 
Machado (Antonio), Escritos de un Sindico. MS. 
Machado (Juana), Tiempos Pasados de California. MS. 
Madelene (Henri de la), Le Comte Gaston de Raousset-Boullfon. Paris, 1876. 
Maglianos, St Francis and Franciscans. 

Maguire (John Francis), The Irish in America. New York, 1S6& 
Maitorena (Jos6 Joaquin), Cartas Sueltas. MS. 
Malarin (Juan), Correspondencia. MS. 
Malaspina (Alejandro), Nota de Oficiales. MS. 
Malaspina (Alejandro) and Jos6 de Bustamante, Carta al P. Lasuen, y Res- 

puesta, 1794. MS. 

Malte-BruD, La Sonora et ses Mines. Paris, 1864. 
Mammoth City, Herald, Homer Mining Index, Lake Mining Review. 
Mangino (Fernando J.), Respuesta de 19 de Junio 1773. In Palou, Not., i. 


Manrow (John P.), Statement on Vigilance Committees in S. F. MS. 
Mans (Matthew), Travels in Mining Districts. MS. 
Mansfield (Edward D.), Mexican War. New York, 1S4& 
March y Laborea ( Jose"), Historia de la Marina Espauola. Madrid, 1854. 4to. 

2 vols. and atlas. 

Marchand (Etienne), Voyage autour du Monde, 1790-2. Paris, n.d. 5 yols. 
Marcou (Jules), Notes upon the First Discoveries of California. Wash., 1878. 
Marcy (W. L.), Communications of the Secretary of War. 1846-8. In Cal. 

andN. Mex., Mess, and Doc., 1848; Id., 1850. 
Marin County History (Alley Bowen & Co.) San Francisco, 1880. 
Mariposa. Free Press, Gazette, Mail. 

Mariposa Estate, Its Past, Present, and Future. New York, 1868. 
Markleville, Alpine Courier, Alpine Signal. 

-Markof (Alexey), Ruskie na Vostotchnom. St Petersburg, 1856. 
Marquina (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gob r - de Cal., 1800 et seq. MS. 
Marquinez (Marcelino), Cartas del Padre al Gob r - Sola, 1821. MS. 
Marron (Felipa Osuna), Papeles Originates. MS. 
Marron (Felipa Osuna), Recuerdos del Pasado. MS. 

Marryat (Frank), Mountains and Mole Hills. New York, 1855; London, 1855. 
Marryat (Frederick), Narrative of the Travels, etc. of Monsieur Violet. New 

York, 1843. 

Marsh (John), Letter to Commodore Jones, 1842. MS. 
Marsh (John), Letter to Lewis Cass, 1846. In Pacheco Contra Costa Gazette, 

Dec. 21, 1867. 

Marsh (John), Letters of a Pioneer Doctor. MS. 
Marshall (H.), Speech, Apr. 3, 1850, on Cal. Message. Wash., 1850. 
Marshall (Henry), Statement, 1843. MS. 

Marshall (T. W. M.), Christian Missions. New York, 1864. 2 vols. 
Marshall (W. G.), Through America. London, 1881. 
Martin (Juan), Visita & los Gentiles Tulareiios, 1804. MS. 
Martin (Thomas S.), Narrative of Fremont's Expedition, 1845-7. MS. 


Martinez, arquinez Enterprise, Express. 

Martinez (Ignacio), Defensa Dirigida al Comandante General, 1830. MS. 

Martinez (Ignacio), Entrada a las Rancherias del Tular, 1816. MS. 

Martinez (Ignacio), Escritos Varies. MS. 

Martinez (Luis Antonio), Correspondencia del Padre. MS. 

Martinez (Este"van Jose) and Gonzalo Lopez de Haro, Cuarta Exploracion, 

1788. MS. 

Marvin (John G.), The L&w Establishing , Common Schools. S. F., 1853. 
Marysville, Appeal, California Express, Herald, North Californian, Northern 

Statesman, Standard, Telegraph. 
Marysville and Benicia National Railroad. Report of Engineers on Survey. 

Marysville, 1853. 
Maseres (Bartholome"), Relacion clara del Nayarith, 1785. MS. In Pinart, 

Col. Doc. Mexico. Misiones. 
Mason (John Y.), Letters of U. S. Sec. Nav. to Commanders in Cal. 1846-7. 

In Cutts' Conquest; Speech, May 27, 1850, on Admission of California. 

Wash., 1850. 

Mason's Handbook to California. London, 1850. 
Mason (Richard B.), California and her Gold. Report to the secretary of 

war. Wash., 1850. 

Mason (Richard B.), Miscellaneous Proclamations, 1849. 
Mason (Richard B.), Orders and Correspondence of the Military Governor, 

1847-8. In Cal. and N Mex., Mess, and Doc., 1850; also, MS. [In 

Mason (Richard B.), Proclamation, Nov. 29, 1847. In English and Spanish. 

Monterey, 1847. 
Massett (Stephen C.), Drifting About. New York, 1863; Experiences of a 

'49er. MS. 

Materialui dhlia Istoriy Russkikh Zasselenig. St. Petersburg, 1861. 
Matthewson (T. D.), California _Aff airs. MS. 

Maurelle (Francisco Antonio) Diario del Viage de la Sonora, 1775. MS. 
Maurelle (Francisco Antonio), Compendio de Noticias, Viage de, 1774. MS. 
Maurelle (Francisco Antonio), Journal of a Voyage in 1775. London, 1780. 
Maurelle (Francisco Antonio), ,Navegacion, 1779. MS. 
Maxwell (R. T.), Visit to Monterey in 1842. MS. 
Mayer (Brantz), Mexico, Aztec, Spanish, etc. Hartford, 1852. 2 vols. 
Mayer Manuscripts. A collection of 30 copies from Mex. archives. 
May field, Enterprise, Pastor. 

Mayne (R. C.), Four Years in British Columbia. London, 1862. 
Mazatlan, Times. 

Meade (Edwin R.), The Chinese Question. New York, 1877. 
Meadow Lake, Sun. 

Meadows (James), The Graham Affair, 1840. MS. 
Mechanics' Institute of San Francisco. Report of Industrial Exhibitions. 

San Francisco, 1857 et seq. 
Mellus (Francis), Diary, 1838-40. MS. 
Mellus (Francis and Henry), Letters. MS. 
Mcndocino, Independent Dispatch, West Coast Star. 

Mendocino War, Majority and Minority Reports of the Joint Special Com- 
mittee. San Francisco, n.d. 

Mendocino County History. San Francisco, 1880. 
Menefee (C. A.), Historical and Descriptive Sketch-book of Napa, Sonoma, 

etc. Napa, 1873. 
Morcado (Jesus Maria Vazquez), Expediente de Papeles tocantcs a la Matanza 

de Indios hecha por 6rden del P. Ministro de S. Rafael, 1833. MS. 
Mercantile Library Association. Annual Reports of President, etc. San 

Francisco, 1855 et seq. 
Mercator's Atlas. 1569 et seq. 

Merced, People, San Joaquin Valley Argus, Tribune. 
Merced Counfcy History. San Francisco, 1881. 4to. 


Merchants' Exchange Prices Current and Shipping List. San Francisco, 
1850-2. 4to. 3 vols. 

Mercury, Expeuiente de Investigacion sobre la captura, 1813. MS. 

Meredith (W. M.), Miscellaneous Proclamations by Secretary of the Treas- 
ury, 1849. 
%Ierewether (Henry Alworth), By Sea and By Land. London, 1874. 

Merrill (Annis), Recollections of San Francisco. MS. 

Mexican Border Troubles [45th Cong. , 1st Sess. , H. Ex. Doc. 13]. Wash., 1877. 

Mexican Boundary, Resolution respecting adjustment and payment of the 
$3,000,000 [34th Cong., 1st Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 57]. Washington, 1855. 

Mexican Ocean Mail and Inland Company, Reports. New York, 1853 ct seq. 

Mexican War. A Collection of U. S. Government Documents, Scraps, 
Pamphlets, etc. 12 vols. 

Mexican War. Messages of the President [30th Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex. 
Doc. CO; Sen. Ex. 1]. Washington, 1847-8. 2 vols. 

Mexican War (The). Its Heroes. Phil., 1850; Phil., I860. _ 

Mexico, Acta Constitutiva de la Federacion Mexicana. Mexico, 1824; Actas 
de la Junta de Mineria, 184G-7. MS. ; Acuerdo de la Junta de Guerra 
y Real Hacienda (MisionesK 1772. MS.; Arancel General de Aduanas 
Maritimas y Fronterizas. Mexico, 1842 et seq.; Arreglo Provisional 
de la Administration de Justicia 23 Mayo 1837. In Arrillaga, Recop. 
1837, p. 309; Bases y Icyes Constitucipnales de la Repiiblica Mexicana. 
Mexico, 1837; Coleccion de Decretos y Ordenes de Interes Comun. Mexico 
1850; Coleccion de Leyes y Decretos, 1839-41, 1844-8, 1850. Mexico, 
1851-2, G vols.; Coleccion de Ordenes y Decretos de la Soberana Junta 
Provis. Gubern. Mexico, 1829. 4 vols.; Constitucion Federal. Mexico, 
1824 et seq.; Decreto sobre Pasaportes, etc., 1828. In Schmidt's Civil 
Law, Spain, 34G; Diario del Gobierno de la Repiiblica Mexicana. Mexico, 
1C-1D et seq.; Estado Mayor General del Ejercito, Escalafon. Mexico, 
1854; Exposicion del Ministro de Hacienda 1848. Mexico, 1848; Instruc- 
cion Provisional Die. 22, 1824, Mexico, 1824; Leyes Constitutionals. 
24 Die. 1829. In Arrillaga, Recop. 1830, 317; Leyes Vigentes en 1829; 
Memorias de Guerra, Hacienda, Justicia, Relaciones, etc. Mexico, 
1822 et seq. [Annual Reports of the Mexican government in its differ- 
ent departments, cited by name and date. Nearly all contain more or 
less on California. About 200 vols.]; Providencia de la Suprema Corte, 
11 Nov. 1837. In Arrillaga, Recop. 1838, p. 572; Reglamento para la 
Colonization, 1828. MS.; Reglamento de la Direction de Colonization. 
Mexico, 1846; Reglamento de Elecciones 19 Juiiio 1843. MS.; Regla- 
mento Provisional, Departmentos, 20 Marzo. In Arrillaga, Recop. 1837, 
p. 202; Roglameiito para el ramo de Pasaportes, 1828. MS.; Reglamento 
para la Tcsoreria general. Mexico, 1831. 4to; Reglas para Elecciones de 
Diputados y Ayuutamiento. 1830. In Arrillaga, Recop. 1830, p. 253. 

Meyer (Carl), Nach dern Sacramento. Aaran, 1855. 

Meyrick (Henry), Santa Cruz and Monterey. San Francisco, 1880. 

Micheltorena (.Manuel), Administration in Upper California, n.pl., n.d. 

Micheltorena (Manuel), Bando Econ6mico, 19 Jimio 1843. MS. 

Micheltorena (Manuel), ConciudaJanos, etc. Monterey, Die. 10, 1844. 

Micheltorena (Manuel), Correspondencia Miscelaiiea del Sr Gobernador. MS. 

Miclicltorcna (Manuel), Decreto por el cual devueive las Misiones alos Frailes, 
1843. MS. 

Micheltorena (Manuel), Decreto Prohibieiido la Iiitroduccion de Efectos 
Ertningcroa. Monterey, Julio 30, 1844. 

Micheltorena (Manuel), Digest of Correspondence, 1843. n.pl., n.d. 

Micheltorena, (flannel), El C [Anuncia la Apertura de las Sesiones de la 

Diputacion.] Monterey, 28 Agosto, 1844. 

Micheltorena (^Manuel), El C. . .[Decreto de la Asamblea, Recursos para la 

Guerra Probable.] Monterey, 3 Sept. 1844. 
Micheltorena planuel), Instruccioues, 1842. MS. 

Micheltorena (Manuel), Medidas de Defensa contra los E. U., 1844. MS. 


Miclicltorena (Manuel), Reglamento de Escuelas Amigas, 1S44. MS. 
Micheltorena (Manuel), Reglamento de Milicia Auxiliar. Monterey, 16 de 

Julio, 1844. 

Millennial Star. Manchester, Liverpool, etc., 1841-79. 41 vols. 
Miller (Joaquin), The Danitesdn the Sierras. Chicago, 1881; Life among the 

Modocs. London, 1873; First Fam'lies of the Sierras. Chicago, 1876; 

Shadows of Shasta. Chicago, 1881; A Sierra Wedding. In San Jose" 

Pioneer, Nov. 17, 1877. 
Millville, Shasta County Record. 
Miner (The). San Francisco, 1866. 
Miners' Own Book (The). San Francisco, 1858. 
Mining Companies, Reports, etc. Cited by name of company. Not given 

in this list. 

Mining Magazine. New York, 1853 et seq. 
Miscellaneous Historical Papers. A Collection. MS. 
Miscellaneous Statements on California History. MS. 
Miscellany. A Collection. 9 vols. 
Misiones, Cuaderno de Estados, en satisfaction de los puntos que el Sr Comi- 

sionado pide a la Prefectura, 1822. MS. 
Misiones, Informes Anuales y Bienales, Indice y Notas. MS. In Arch. Sta 

Barbara, v. passim; x. 495-526; xii. 51-129. 
Mission Books. See name of the Mission. 

Mission Land Grants, Opinions, etc. In Hayes' Mission Book, ii. 35. 
Mission Music, An immense parchment folio with introduction by P. Duran, 

1813. MS. 
Mission Reports, different dates and establishments scattered in the archives. 

Many cited by name of author or mission. 
Mission Statistics. MS. 

Modesto, Herald, San Joaquin Valley Mirror, Stanislaus County Weekly News; 
Mofras (Eugene Duflot de), Cartas de un Viagero. MS. 
Mofras (Eugene Duflot de), Exploration de 1'Or^gon, des Californies, etc. 

Paris, 1844. 2 vols. and atlas. 

Mohan (H.) et al., Pen Pictures of our Representative Men. Sac., 1880. 
Mokelumne, Calaveras County Chronicle. 

Mollhausen (Baldwin), Diary of a Journey. London, 1858. 2 vols. 
Mollhausen (Baldwin), Tagebuch einer Reise vom Mississippi, etc. Leipzig, 

1858. 4to. 

Mone (Alexander), A Pioneer of 1847. MS. 
Monitor, Alpine Miner. 
Montanus (Arnoldus), Die Nieuwe en Onbekande Weereld. Amsterdam. 

1671. folio. 
Montanus (Arnoldus), Die Unbekannte Neue Welt. [Translated by Dapper.] 

Amsterdam, 1673. 
Monterey, Accounts of the Presidial Company, Rosters, etc. MS. Chidfly 

in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil.; Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil.; and St. Pap., Sac. 
Monterey, Actos del Ayuntamiento, 1831-5. MS. 

Monterey, Acuerdo del Ayunt. y de la Diputacion contra el Cambio de Capi- 
tal, 1835. MS. 

Monterey, Archive de. MS. 16 vols. 

Monterey, Californian, 1846-8. Also a vol. of MS. extracts. 
Monterey, Cuentas de la Compauia Presidial, 1828. MS. 
Monterey, Democrat, Gazette, Herald, Recorder. 
Monterey, Diario de Sucesos, 1800-2. MS. 
Monterey, Extracto de Noticias. Mexico, 1770, 
Monterey, Official Account of the Taking of. Pittsburg, 1848. 
Monterey, Ordenanzas Municipales, 1828. MS. 
Monterey, Padron General, 1836. MS. 
Mqnterey, Parroquia, Archive. MS. 
Mi ojterey, Peticion del Ayuntamiento en favor de Frailcs Espanoles, 1829. 



Monterey, President's Mess., Information on taking of, by Com. Jones. 

[27th Cong., 3d Sess., If. Ex. Doc. No. 166.] 
Monterey, Ranches existentes, 1795. MS. 
Monterey, U. S. Consulate Record. MS. 2 vols. 
Monterey County, History of. San Francisco, 1881. 4to. 
Montesdeoca Document. Nov. 14, 1845. MS. 

Montgomery (Richard Z.), Recollections Mining Camps 1853^4. MS. 
Montgomery (Zachary), Speech in Assembly of Cal., April 10, 1861, on 

Common Schools. Sacramento, 1861 ; Various other Speeches on same 


Moore (Augustin), Pioneer Experiences. MS. 
Moore and De Pues. See San Mateo County History. 
Mora (Jos6 Maria Luis), Obras Sueltas. Paris, 1837. 2 vols. 
Moraga (Gabriel), Cartas. MS. 

Moraga (Gabriel), Diario de su Expedicion al Puerto de Bodega, 1810. MS. 
Moraga (Jose' Joaquin), Escritos Sueltos. MS. 

Moraga (Jose" Joaquin), Informe de 1777 sobre cosas de San Francisco. MS. 
Moraga (Jos6 Joaquin), Instruccion y 6rden que debe observar el cabo de 

Escolta de S. Jose", 1782. MS. 

Morehead (C. S.), Speech, Apr. 23, 1850, on Admission of Cal. Wash., 1850. 
Morelli (Ciriacus), Fasti Novi Orbis et Ordinationum. Venetiis, 1776. 4to. 
SMorenhaut, Correspondence of the French Consul. MS. 
Moreno (Jose Matias), Docuinentos para la Historia de California. MS. 
^loreno (Juan B.), Vida Militar. MS. 

^Morgan (Martha M.), A Trip across the Plains. San Francisco, 1864. 
I'lorineau (P. de), Notice sur la Nouville Calif ornie. 1834. In Soc. Ge"og,, 

Bulletin, xv.; Nouv. An. Voy., Ixi. 137. 
Mormon Battalion, List of Officers and Men. MS. 
Morrell (Benjamin W.), Narrative of Four Voyages. New York, 1832. 
Morris (Albert F.), Diary of a Crazy Man. MS. 
Morris (George B.), The Chinaman as hois. MS. 

Morse (J. F.), Illustrated History of California, etc. Sacramento, 1854. 
Morskoi Svornik, 1858. 

Moulder (A. J.), Commentaries on the School Law. Sacramento, 1858. 
Mountaineering on the Pacific. In Harper's Mag. , xxxix. , 793. 
Mowry (Sylvester), The Mines of the West. New York, 1864. 
Mugartegui (Pablo), Carta al P. Lasuen, 1794. MS. 
Mugartegui (Pablo) and Tomas de la Peaa, Parecer sobre el establecimiento 

de un Convento en S. Francisco, 1797. MS. 
Muhlenpfordt (Eduard), Versuch einer getreuen Schilderung der Republik 

Mexico. Hanover, 1844. 3 vols. 
Municipal laws, regulations, reports, and other public documents, cited by 

name of town, but for the most part not in this list. 
Mufioz (Juan Antonio), Cartas del Capitan. MS. 
Mufioz (Pedro), Diario de la Expedicion hecha por D. Gabriel Moraga al Tu- 

' lar, 1806. MS. 
Murguia (Jose" Antonio), and Tomas de la Pena, Informe de Sta Clara, 1777. 


Murphy (Timothy), Letters from 1824. ^IS. 

Murray (Charles Aug.), Travels in North America. New York, 1839. 
Murray (E. F.), Miscellaneous Documents. MS. 
Murray (Walter), Narrative of a California Volunteer, 1847. MS. 
Musica de Misiones. MS. 

Nacion (La). Mexico, 1856 et seq. 
Nanaimo (B. C.), Free Press. 

Napa City, Classic, Napa County Reporter, Pacific Echo, Register. 
Napa and Lake Counties, History of (Slocum, Bowen, and Co.) San Fran- 
cisco, 1881. 4to. 
National Democratic Quarterly Review. Washington, 1859 et seq. 


Nava (Pedro), Comunicaciones del Comandante Gen. de Provincias Intcrnas, 

1791 et seq. MS. 
Nava (Pedro), Informe sobre Proyecto de Abrir Carainos entre CaL y N, Mexico, 

1801. MS. 
Navarrete (Martin Fernandez), Introduccion. In Sutil y Mexicana, Viage; 

Viages Apocrifos. In Col. Doc. In6d. , xv. 
Nayarit, Informe de la And. de Guadalajara, 1784. MS. 
Neal (Samuel), Notice of a Pioneer of '45. MS. 
Neall (James), Vigilance Committee. MS. 

Nevada (Cal.) Democrat, Gazette, Herald, Journal, National Gazette, Tran- 

Nevada County, History of. Oakland, 1881. Atlas folio. 
Neve (Felipe), Correspondcncia Misceldnea del Cob 1 '-, 1775 et seq. MS. 
Neve (Felipe), Informe de 25 de Abril 1777. MS. 
Neve (Felipe), Informe sobre Reglamento, 1778. MS. 
Neve (Felipe), Instruccion al Ayudante Inspector Soler, 1782. MS, 
Neve (Felipe), Instruccion a Fages sobre Gobierno Interino, 1782. MS. 
Neve (Felipe), Instruccion para laFundacion de Los Angeles, 1701. MS 
Neve (Felipe), Instruccion que hadegobernar al Com te de Sta Barbara, 1782. 


Neve (Felipe), Reglamento 6 Instruccion, 1779. MS. 

New Almadeii a great number of briefs, arguments, opinions, documents, 
etc., in the cases of Castillero, Fossat, and others against the U. S.; 
also the following pamphlets on the eaine subject : Correspondence. San 
Francisco, 1858; The Discussion Reviewed, S. F. 1850; i f the 

Attorney-General in California. New York, I860; Further Correspond- 
ence in relation to. San Francisco, 1859; (Letter to Hon. J. G. LJLick, 
from 'a Cal. Pioneer'). New York, 18GO; Letter to the President of the 
U. S. (by John T. Doyle), New York, I860; Letters fro icisco 

Herald, Dec. 1858; Report of Attorney-General to the President, Resolu- 
tions of Cal. Leg., I860; Smart and Cornered, n. pi., n.d. 
Newark (N.'J.), Advertiser. 
New Haven (Conn.), Journal and Courier. 
New Helvetia, Diary of Events in 1845-8. MS. 
New Orleans (La.), Advertiser, Bee, Commercial Times, Courier, Picayune, 


Newspapers of California and other states of the Pacific U. S. The most 
important are cited under the name of the town where published, and 
many of them named in this list. 
New Tacoma (Wash.), Ledger. 
New Westminster (B. C.), Mainland Guardian. 

New York, Bulletin, Commercial Advertiser, Commercial Journal and Regis- 
ter, Courier, Graphic, Evangelist, Evening Post, Herald, Journal of 
Commerce, Mail, Post, Sun, Sunday Times, Times, Tribune, World. 
Nicolay (C. G.), Oregon Territory. London, 1846. 
Nidever (George), Life and Adventures of an Old Trapper. MS. 
Niel (Juan Amando), Apuntaciones a las memorias de Ger6nimo de Zarate 

Salmeron. In Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iii., torn. iv. 78. 
Niles' Register. Baltimore, etc., 1^11-19. 70 vols. 

Nordhoff (Charles), California: for Health, Pleasure, etc. New York, 
1873 ; Northern California, Oregon, etc. New York, 1874 ; New York, 

Norman (Lucia), A Youth's History of California. San Francisco, 1867. 
North American Review. Boston, 1819 et seq. 
North San Juan, Press, War Club. 
North Pacific Review. San Francisco, 1862 et seq. 
Noticioso General. Mexico, 1815-21. 6 vols. 
Nouvellcs Annales des Voyages. Paris, 1819-60. 168 vols. 
Nucva Espafia, Acuerdos de la Junta Sup. dc Real Hacienda, 1794. MS. 
Nuevo Mexico, Expediente de Abigeato, 1833. MS. 


Nuez (Joaquin Pascual), Diario del Capellan de la Expedicion para los Ama- 

javas, 1819. MS. 
Nugent (John), Scraps of Early History. In S. F. Argonaut, April 13, 1878. 

Oajaca, Esposicion, 1828. 

Oakland, Alamcda Democrat, Argus, California Cadet, College Echo, Dem- 
ocrat, Diamoni Press, Dominion Press, Herald, Home Journal and 
Alameda County Advertiser, Homestead, Independent Itemizer, Journal, 
Mirror, Monthly Review, Ncvloeaii Review, News, Notes of Wording, 
Our Paper, People's Champion, Press, Radiator, Semitropical Press, 
Signs of the Times, Termini, Times, Torchlight, Transcript, Tribune, 
University Echo. 

Oakland Public Schools, Annual Reports. Oakland, 1870 et seq.; many 
oilier municipal documents. 

Observador Judicial y de Legislacion. Mexico, 1842 et seq. 

Occident and Orient. Melbourne, etc. 

Odd Fellows. A large number of publications of different lodges of the 
order, cited under the above title. 

Ogilby (John), America. London, 1071. folio. 

Olbes (Ramon), Cartas sobre el Tumulto de Sta Cruz, 1818. MS. 

Olds (Edsoa B.), Speech, July 24, 1850, on California Question. Wash., 1850. 

Olney (James N.), Vigilance Committee. MS. 

Olvera (AgnsLin), Documentos para la Historia de Cal. MS. 

Olvcra (Agustin), Varias Cartas. MS. 

Olynrpia, Commercial Age, Echo, Pacific Tribune, Puget Sound Courier. 

O'Mcara (James), Brodcrick and Gwin. San Francisco, 1881. 

Ope.racion Ccsarea. MS. [A relic of the missions.] 

Orations. See Speeches. 

Ord (Aagustias do la Guerra), Ocurrencias en California. MS. 

Ord (J. L.), Reminiscences of '47. MS. 

Grdaz (Lias), Cartas del Padre. MS. 

Orclaz (Bias), Diario de la Expedicion de Luis Argiiello al Norte, 1821. MS. 

Ordenanzas Manicipalcs, [1824.] MS. 

Orders, secret, benevolent, etc. See Institutions. 

Oregon, Spectator. 184G et seq. 

Oregon City, Argus. 

'Orlcar.3 (Cal), Klamath News, Northern Record. 

Oro Moliclo, cu lengua de Indies por Padre Arroyo. MS. 

Oroville, Lutte County Press, Butte County, Butte Record, Mercury. 

Orr (:[. M.), The City of Stockton; Its Position, etc. Stockton, 1874. 

Ortega (Felipe Maria), Diario qtte forma. Iveeonociiniento de Sitios, 1 705. MS. 

Ortega (Joso Francisco), Comunicaciones del Comandante de S. Diego d Rivera 
y Moncada, 1774-6. MS. 

Ortega (Jos6 Francisco), Correspondencia. MS. 

Ortega (Jose" Francisco), Fragmento de 1709. MS. 

Ortega (Jose* Francisco), Informe de 30 Nov. 1775. MS. 

Ortega (Jos6 Francisco), Memorial sobre sus Meritos y Servicios Militares, 

Orteliva (Abrahamva), Theatrvm Orbis Tcrrarum. Antverpia3, 1573. folio. 

Osborn (W. B.), Narrative of a Visit to S. Francisco, 1844. MS. 

Osio (Antonio Maria), Carta sobre Combinaciones Politicas, 183G. MS. 

Oslo (Antonio Maria), Carta a- Vallejo. 20 Nov. 1830. MS. 

Osio (Antonio Maria), Escritos Sucltos. MS. 

Osio ( "aria), Ilistoria de California. MS. 

Osufca (Jv.r.n Z.Iaria), Cartas. MS. 

1 (il. Fr.), Californien und Seine Verhaltnisse. Leipzig, 1849. 

Overland ?.I;:il Service to California, n.pl. [1857]. 

Overland Monthly. San Francisco, 1808-75. 15 vols. 

Owen (J. J.), Santa Clara Valley. San Jose, 1873. 

Owl (The), San Francisco, 1809 et seq. 


P. (D. P. E.) See California, m Viagero Universal. 

Pabellon Nacional (El), Mexico, 18-14 et seq. 

Pacheco, Contra Costa Gazette, Contra Costa News 

Pachecb (Dolores), Cartas. MS. 

Pacheco (Romualdo), Cartas, 1825-31. MS. 

Pacheco (Salvio), Escritos de uii vecino de S. Josd. MS. 

Pacific Coast Educational Journal. San Francisco, 1874. 

Pacific Coast Mines. San Francisco, 1876. 

Pacific Expositor, San Francisco, 1860-2. 3 vols. 

Pacific Mail Steamship Company, Annual Reports. New York, 1854 et seq.; 

and various pamphlets. 

Pacific Medical and Surgical Journal. San Francisco, 1858 et seq. 
Pacific Railroad. A Collection ; also a large number of publications cited by 

this title. 

Pacific Railroad Reports. Washington, 1855-00. 4to. 13 vols. 
Pacific School and Home Journal. San Francisco, 1877 et seq. 
Pacific Wagon Roads, Reports upon [35th Cong., 2d Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 108; 

Sen. Ex. Doc. 3G.] Wash., 1858. 

Paddock (A. G.), The Fate of Madame La Tour. New York, 1881. 
Padre's (Josd Maria) Correspondencia de un Republicano. MS. 
Padre's (Jose" Maria), Protesta que dirige al Gefe Politico, 1835. MS. 
Paez (Juan). See Cabrillo, Relacion. 
Pajaro, Monterey Union. 

Palmer (J. W.), The New and the Old. New York, 1859. 
Palmer (Joel), Early Intercourse. MS. Journal of Travels over the Rocky 

Mountains, 1845-6. Cincinnati, 1852; Wagon Trains. MS. 
Palmer (Lyman L.), see Napa and Lake County History. 
Palmer (William J. ), Report of Surveys across the Continent in 1867-8. 

Philadelphia, 1869. 

Palomares (Josd Francisco), Memoria. MS. 

Palou (Francisco), Circular sobre Informes de Misiones, etc. , 9 Oct. 1773. MS. 
.Palou (Francisco), Comunicacion al Presidents sobre Haciones, 1781. MS. 
Palou (Francisco), Correspondencia del Misionero. MS. 
Palou (Francisco), Defuncion del Padre Junipero Serra, 1784. MS. 
Palou (Francisco), Espedicion y Registrode S. Francisco. In Id., Not, ii. 43. 
Palou (Francisco), Fondo Piadoso de Misiones de California, etc., 1772. MS. 
Palou (Francisco), Informe de 10 Die. 1773. In Id., Not., ii. 11. 
Palou (Francisco), Informe que por el mes de Diciembre de 1773 hizo alVirey 

Bucareli. MS. 

Palou (Francisco), Informe sobre Quejas del Gobernador, 1785. MS. 
Palou (Francisco), Letter of Aug. 15, 1783. In Hist. Mag., iv. 67. 
Palou (Francisco), Noticias de la California. Mexico, 1857. In Doc. Hist. 

Mex., ser. iv., torn, vi.-vii. ; San Francisco, 1874. 4 vols. 
Palou (Francisco), Relacion Hist6rica de la Vida etc. de Junipero Serra. 

Mexico, 1787. 

Pamphlets. A collection. 5 vols. 
Panamd, Star and Herald. Panama, 1849 et seq. 
Panamint, News. 
Pangua (Tomas de), Carta al Virey sobre Peligros que amenazan la California, 

1804. MS. 

Papeles Varios. A collection of Spanish and Mexican pamphlets. 218 vols. 
Parker (Richard), Speech, Feb. 28, 1850, on President's Mess, on Cal. Wash. 


Parkinson (R. R.), Pen Portraits. San Francisco, 1878. 
Parkman (Francis J.), The California and Oregon Trail. New York, 1849. 
Parrish (J. L.), Anecdotes of Oregon. MS. 
Parrott (John), Business Letters. MS. 

Parsons (George F.), Life and Adventures of James W. Marshall. Sacra- 
mento, 1870. 
Paschal (George W.), Speech, in the Case of Win. McGarrahan. Wash., 1869. 


Paterna (Antonio) Iiiformes de la Mision de Sta Barbara, 1787-92. MS. 

Patterson (George), Adventures of a Pioneer of 1840. MS. 

Patterson (George W.), Across Mexico to California. MS. 

Patterson (Lawson B.), Twelve Years in the Mines of California. Cambridge, 

Pattie (James 0.), Personal Narratives. Cincinnati, 1833. 

Paty (John), Letters of a Sea Captain. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Circular a los Padres, 1818. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Circular a los Padres, 1819. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Circular del Presidente, 1817. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Circular en que prohibe el uso de Carruajes, 1821. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Comunicacion sobre laMisionde la Purisima, 1S10. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Cordillera sobre suministracion de Viveres, 1821. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Correspondencia del Misionero Prefecto. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Dos Circulares sobre Contrata con McCullocli, Hartnell y 
Cia, 1822. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Informe por el Comisario Prefecto del Actual Estado do 
los 19'Misiones, 1820. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Informes Bienales de Misiones, 1815-20. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Iiistruccion del Vicario Foraneo, 1817. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Memorial d, los Padres, 1821. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Memorial d los Padres, sobre la Cesion de las Nueve Misio- 
nes del Sur, 1820. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Memorial de 2 de Junio, 1820. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Memorial sobre Isueva Iglesia en Los Angeles, 1821. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Noticia de un Viage a S. Rafael, 1818. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Noticias sobre Ross. Diario de suCaminata con el Comi- 
sario del Imperio, 1822. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Peticion al Gobernador, 1819. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Representacion sobre Innovaciones del Sr Gobernador, 
1821. MS. 

Payson (G.), Romance of California. New York, 1851. 

Peabody (Alfred), Early Days and Rapid Growth of Cal. Salem, 1874. 

Pearce (J. A.), Speech, Apr. 29, 1852, Affairs in California. Washington, 

Pearson (Gustavus C.), Recollections of a California '49er. MS. 

Peckham (R. F.), Biographical Sketches. S. Jose" Pioneer, June 9 et seq., 

Peckham (R. F.), An Eventful Life. MS. 

Peirce (Henry A.), Biography. San Francisco, 1880. 

Peirce (Henry A.), Journals of Voyages, 1839-42. MS. 

Peirce (Henry A.), Letter of 1842. In Mies' Register. 

Peirce (Henry A.), Memoranda of a Xavigator. MS. 

Peirce (Henry A.), Rough Sketch. MS. 

Pefia (Cosme), Escritos de un Abogado. MS. 

Peiia (Tomas), Cargo de Homicidio contra el Padre, 1783-95. MS. 

Peiia (Tomasj, Diario del Viage de Perez, 1774. MS. 

Peiia (Tomas), Peticion del Guardian sobre limites de Sta Clara, 1798. MS. 

Pensamiento Nacional (El). Mexico, 1855 et seq. 

Peralta (Luis), Cartas del Sargento. MS. 

Peralta (Luis), Diario de una Expedicion contra Gentiles; 1805. MS. 

Perez (Cornelio), Memoria Historica. MS. 

Perez (Eulalia), Una Vieja y Sus Recuerdos. MS. 

Perez (Juan), Formulario, Escripturas de Posesion, 1773. MS. 

Perez (Juan), Iiistruccion que el Virey diu d los Comaudaiites de Buques de 
Exploration, 24 Dec. 1773. MS. In Pinart, Col. Doc. Mex. 

Perez (Juan), Recuerdos Hist6ricos. MS. 

Perez (Juan), Relacion del Viage, 1774. MS. 

Perez (Juan), Tabla Diaria, 1774. MS. 

Perez Fernandez (Jose), Cartas del Alferez de Artilleria. MS. 


Perez Fernandez (Jose"), Cuenta General de la Habilitacionde Mont, 1796. MS. 

Perkins (Joseph J. ), A Business Man's Estimate of Santa Barbara County. 
Santa Barbara, 1881. 

Perry (J. E.), Travels, Scenes, and Sufferings in Cuba, etc. Boston, 1853. 

Petaluma, Argus, Courier, Crescent, Journal and Argus, Land Journal, Sonoma 
County Journal, Standard. 

Peters (Do Witt C.), Life arid Adventures of Kit Carsqn. New York, 1859. 

Petit-Tbouars (Abel de), Voyage autour du Monde, 1836-9. Paris, 1840-4. 
5 vols. 

Peto (SirS. Morton), The Resources of America. London, etc., 1866. 

Peyri (Antonio), Cartas del Fraile. MS. 

Peyster (JohnW.), Personal and Military History of P. Kearny. N. Y., 1869. 

PfeifFer (Ida), A Lady's Second Voyage round the World. New York, 

Pbelps (John S.), Speech, June 8, 1850, on Admission of Cal. Wash. [1850]. 

Phelps (W. D.), Fore and Aft. Boston, 1871. 

Philadelphia, American Gazette, Evening Star, Inquirer, Ledger, Press, 
Record, Times. 

Phillips (C.H.), Southern California. San Francisco, 1879. 

Phillips (J. Arthur), The Mining and Metallurgy of Gold and Silver. Lon- 
don, 1837. 

Photographic Album of California Pioneers. 2 vols. 

Pickett (Charles E.), Address to the Veterans of the Mexican War. San 
Francisco, 1880; Land Gambling versus Mining Gambling. San Fran- 
cisco, 1879, 1880; Paris Exposition. San Francisco, 1877; and other 

Pico (Andr<5s), Papeles de Misiones. MS. 1828-46. 

Pico ( Jose* de Jesus), Acoutecimientos en California. MS. 

Pico ( Jos6 de Jesus), Mofras at S. Antonio, 1842. MS. 

Pico (Jose Maria, Dolores, Andre's, Antonio Maria, Jose* Antonio, Jose" de 
Jesus, Pio, etc.) Cartas. MS. 

Pico (Jos6 Ramon), Documentos para la Historiade Cal. MS. 3 vols. 

Pico (Pio), Correspondencia con Vocales Recalcitrantes del Norte, 1845, MS. 

Pico (Pio), Decreto de Abril 4, 1846. Venta de Misiones. MS. 

Pico (Pio), Documentos para la Historia de Cal. MS. 2 vols. 

Pico (Pio), Narracion Hist6rica. MS. 

Pico (Pio), Protesta al Manifiesto de D. Manuel Victoria, 1831. MS. 

Pico (Pio), Reglameiito del Gob r - para la Enagenacion y arriendo de Misiones, 
1845. MS. 

Pifia (Joaquin), Diario de la Espedicion al Valle de S. Jose, 1829. MS. 

Piuart (Alphonse), Coleccion de Documentos Originales para la Historia de 
Mexico. MS. 

Pinart (Alphonse), Documents on Russian America. MS. 

Pinart (Alphonse), Documents for the History of Chihuahua, 1786-1855. MS. 
and print. 2 vols. 

Pinart (Alphonse), Documents for the History of Sonora, 1784-1863. MS. 
and print, folio. 5 vols. 

Pine (George W.), Beyond the West. Utica, 1871. 

Pinkerton (John), General Collection of Voyages and Travels. London, 
1808-14. 4to. 17 vols. 

Pinto (Rafael), Apuntaciones para la Historia. MS. 

Pinto (Rafael), Documentos para la Historia de Cal. MS. 

Pio VI., Breve Apost61ico en que se les concede varias gracias & los Misione- 
ros, 1797. MS. 

Pioneer (The). San Francisco, 1854-5. 4 vols. 

Pioneer Journalism in California. In Upham's Notes; Rowell's Newspaper 
Reporter and Advertiser's Guide. 

Pioneer Panama Passengers. Re-union on the 4th of June, 1874. San Fran- 
cisco, 1874. 

Pioneer Perils, Donner Party. In S. F. Call, Oct. 3, 1880, and other papers. 


Pioneer Sketches, A Collection. MS. 

Pitic, Instruction que se form6 para el establecimiento de la Nueva Villa, 
17S9. MS.; also print. 

Placerville, Courier, El Dorado County Republican, Mirror, Mountain Demo- 
crat, News. 

Plan para Arreglo de Misiones, 1825. In Junta de Fomento de Cal. 

Plan de Colonizacion Estrangera, 1825. In Junta de Fomento de Cal.. 

Plan de Colonizacion de Nacionales, 1825. In Junta de Fomento de Cal. 

Plan de Gobierno adoptado por la Diputacion en Sta Barbara, 1837. MS. 

Plan de Gobierno Provincial. Monterey, 1824. MS. 

Plan de Independencia adoptada por la Diputacion, 7 Nov. 1833. Monterey. 

Plan de Independencia Calif orniana, 1836. Monterey, 1830. 

Plan Politico Mercantil, 1825. In Junta de Fomento de Cal. 

Plan de Propios y Arbitrios para Fondos Muiiicipales, 1834. Monterey, 

Plan de S. Diego que proclamaron Zamorano, Bandini, y Otros, 1837. MS. 

Player-Frowd (J. G.), Six Months in California. London, 1872. 

Plumbe (John), Memorial against Asa Whitney's Railroad Scheme. Wash- 
ington, 1851. 

Point Arena, News, Recorder. 

Poll-lists, cited by name of county or town. Not in this list. 

Portilla (Pablo), Diario de una Expedicion al Tular, 1824. MS. 

Portilla (Pablo), Escritos del Capitan. MS. 

Portland (Or.), Bulletin, Catholic Sentinel, Oregonian, Standard, Telegram, 
West Shore. 

Portold, (Gaspar), Diario del Viage a la California, 1769. MS. 

Potechin, Selenie Ross, 1859. MS. translation. 

Powers (Stephen), Autobiographical Sketch. MS. 

Praslow (J.), Der Staat Californien. Gottingen, 1857. 

Pratt (Parley Parker), The Autobiography of. New York, 1874. 

Presidial Company Accounts, Rosters, etc. San Francisco, Monterey, Santa 
Barbara, and San Diego. [Scattered in the archives.] 

Presidios, Reglamento 6 Instruccion, 1772. Madrid, 1772; Mexico, 1773. 

Preston (William B.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. Feb. 7, 1849. On Forma- 
tion of a New State. Washington, 1849. 

Prieto (Guillermo), Indicaciones sobre el origen, etc., de las Rentas Generales 
do la Federacion Mcxicana. Mexicp, 1850; Viaje a los Estados Unidos. 
Mexico, 1878-9. 3 vols. 

Privileges Concedidos & Indies, 1803. MS. 

Pronunciamiento de Apalategui en Los Angeles, 1835. In Figueroa, Man. 

Pronunciamiento de Monterey contra el Plan de San Diego, 1832. MS. 

Pronunciamiento de San Diego contra Viatoria, 1831. MS. 

Pronunciumiento de Varela y otros contra, los Americanos, 1846. MS. 

Protesta de los Padres contra Gabelas, 1817. MS. 

Providence (R. I.) Journal. 

Provincial Records. MS. 12 vols. In Archivo de Cal. 

Provincial State Papers. MS. 22 vols. In Archivo de Cal. ; Id., Presidios. 
2 vcb. ; Id. , Benicia Military. 52 vols. ; Id. , Benicia Miscel. 2 vols. 

Prudon (Victor), Correspondence d'un Francais en Californie. MS. 

Prudon (Victor), Vigilantes de Los Angeles, 1836. MS. 

Purchas, His Pilgrimage. London, 1014. 9 books -in 1 vol. folio. 

Purchas, His Pilgrimes. London, 1625-0. folio. 5 vols. 

Purisima, Cuaderno de Tratados Medicos. MS. 

Purisima, Libros de Mision. MS. 

Purisima, Peticion de los Padres sobre traslado de la Mision, 1813. MS. 

Purkitt (J. H.), Letter on the Water Front Improvement. San Francisco, 

Putnam (Harvey), Speech, July 30, 1850, on Admission of California. Wash. 

Putnam's Magazine. New York, 1863 et seq. 


Quarterly Review. London, 1809 et seq. 

Queue Ordinance, The Invalidity of the. San Francisco, 1879. 
Quicksilver: Facts concerning Mines in Santa Clara Co. , Cal. N. Y., 1859. 
Quigley (Hugh), The Irish Race in California, etc. San Francisco, 1878. 
Quijas (Jose Lorenzo de la Concepcion), Cartas del Padre. MS. 
Quimper (Manuel), Segundo Reconocimiento, 1790. MS. 

Rabbison (Antonio B.), Growth of Towns. MS. 

Rae (W. F.), Westward by Rail. London, 1870, 

Rae (William V.), Investigacion judicial sobre su suicidio > 1845. MS. 

Railroad Companies, Reports, etc. See name of company. Many consulted 
are not named in this list. 

Railroads and Steamships. A collection. 

Ralston (William C.), Affectionate Tribute to. San Francisco, 1875; Memo- 
rial of. San Francisco, 1875. 

Ramirez (Angel), Cartas del Ex-Fraile. MS. 

Ramsey (Albert C.), The Other Side. New York, 1850. 

Randolph (Edmund), Oration before Society of Cal. Pioneers, Sept. 1860. 
In Hutchings' Mag., v. 263; Outline of the History of Cal. S. F., 1868. 

Randolph (W. C.), Statement of a Pioneer of 1849. MS. 

Raymond (Rossiter W.), Mining Industry of the States and Territories of the 
Rocky Mountains. N. Y., 1874; Silver and Gold. N. Y., 1873; Sta- 
tistics of Mines and Mining. Wash., 1873. 

Raynal (G. T.), Histoire Philosophique. Paris, 1820-1. 12 vols. and at .as. 

Razonador (El), Mexico, 1847 et seq. 

Reading, Independent. 

Recopilacion de Leyes de Los Reynos de las Indias mandadas Imprimir y 
Publicar por Carlos II. Madrid, 1791. folio, 4 vols. 

Redding (Benjamin B.), In Memoriam. San Francisco, 1882. 

Rednitz (L. ), Getreuester und Zuverlassigster Wegweiser und Rathgeber zur 
Reise nach und in Amerika und Calif ornien. Berlin, 1852. 

Redwood City, San Mateo Journal, San Mateo Times and Gazette. 

Reed (James F.), The Donner Tragedy. In Pacific Rural Press, and San Jose* 
Pioneer, 1877. 

Registro de Licencias Militares, 1839. MS. 

Reglamento de 24 de Mayo, 1773. In Palou, Not., i. 556. 

Reglamento de Contribuciones sobre Licores, 1824. MS. 

Reglamento de Defensores de la Independencia, 1845. MS. 

Reglamento, Determinacion de 8 de Julio, 1773. In Palou, Not., i. 589. 

Reglamento sobre Ganados, 1827. MS. 

Reglamento para el Gobierno Interior de la Junta Departmental, 1840. MS. 

Reglamento de Misiones Secularizadas, 1834. MS. 

Reglamento Provisional para el gobierno interior de la Diputacion. Monte- 
rey, 1834. [The first book printed in California.] 

Reid (Perfecto Hugo), Cartas. MS. 

Keid (Perfecto Hugo), Los Angeles County Indians. In Hayes Mission Book, 
i., from Los Angeles Star. 

Rejon (Manuel C.), Observaciones del Diputado saliente contra los Tratados 
de Paz. Quere-taro, 1848. 

Relacion de las Embarcaciones que han conducido los Situados, 1781-96. MS. 

Rengel (Jos6 Antonio), Comunicaciones de Provincias Interims, 17846. MS. 

Requena (Manuel), Documentos para la'Historia de California. MS. 

Requena (Manuel), Escritos de uii Ciudadano de Angeles. MS. 

Restaurador (El), Mexico, 1846 et seq. 

Retes (Manuel), Portentosas Riquezas. In Estrella de Occid. Oct. 19, 1860. 

Revere (Joseph Warren), Keel and Saddle. Boston, 1871; A Tour of Duty 
iu California. N. Y. etc., 1849. 

'Revilla Gigedo (Virey), Carta de 27 Die., 1793. MS. 

Revilla Gigedo (Virey), Carta sobre Misiones, 1793. In Dice. Univ., v. 426. 

Revilla Gigedo (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gobr. de Cal., 1790-4. MS. 


Revilla Gigedo (Virey), Informe de 12 Abril, 1793. lu Bustamante, Suple- 

mento, iii. 112. 

Revilla Gigedo (Virey), Instruccion que dej6 escrita, 1789-94. MS. 2 vols. 
Revista Cientifica y Literaria de Mexico. Mexico, 1845 et seq. 
Revue des Deux Mondes. Paris, 1839 et seq. 
Reynolds (J. N.), Pacific Ocean and South Sea. [23d Cong., 2d Sess., H. Ex. 

Doc. 105.] Wash., 1834. 
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Sacramento Medical Society, Constitution, etc. Sacramento, 1S55. 

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San Bernardino, Argus, Guardian, Independent, Times. 

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San Buenaventura, Memorias de Efectos, 1790-1810. MS. 

San Buenaventura, Sale and Transfer, 1846. MS. 

San Buenaventura, Suministraciones al Presidio, 1810-20. MS. 

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Sancho (Juan), Informe del P. Guardian al Virey. 20 Agosto, 1785. MS. 

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San Diego, Index of Archives, by Hayes. MS. 

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San Diego Presidial Company, accounts scattered in archives. MS. 

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San Francisco, Libros de Mision. MS. 

San Francisco, Memorial of Holders and Owners of the Floating Debt. San 
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San Francisco, Municipal Reports. San Francisco, 1859-82. 21 vols.; also 
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Herald and Record, Daily Balance, Herald and Placer Times, Demo- 
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ing Bulletin, Examiner, Figaro, Globe, Golden Era, Hebrew, Hebrew 
Observer, Illustrated Wasp, Journal, Journal of Commerce, Law Gazette, 
Medical Press, Mercantile Gazette, Mining and Scientific Press, Monitor, 
National, New Age, News Letter, Occident, Pacific, Pacific Churchman, 
Pacific Methodist, Pacific News, Picayune, Pioneer, Post, Scientific 
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San Francisco, Ordinances and Joint Resolutions of the City. San Francisco, 
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San Francisco Solano, Padron de Neoutos. MS. 


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San Joaquin, Tulare, and Sacramento Valleys, Report of Commissioners on 

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San Josd, Decree confirming Pueblo of. n.pl., n.d. 
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San Jose", Libros de Mision. MS. 

San Josd, Peticion del Ayunt. en favor de los Frailes Espanoles, 1829. MS, 
San Juan, Central California!!, Echo, Monterey County Journal. 
San Juan Bautista, Libros de Mision. MS. 
San Juan Capistrano, Libros de Mision. MS. 
San Leandro, Alameda County Gazette, Alameda Democrat, Plaindealer, 


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San Mateo, Times. 

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San Rafael, Herald, Marin County Journal, Marin County News, Marin County 


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Santa Barbara, Democrat, Gazette, 1855-7, Independent, Index, News, Post, 

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Santa Clara, Archivo de la Parroquia. MS. 
Santa Clara, Index, Journal, News, Union. 
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Santa Clara College, Catalogues. San Francisco, etc., 1855 et seq. 
Santa Clara County Pioneers, Constitution. San Josd, 1875. 
Santa Clara County, Historical Atlas [Thompson and West]. S.F., 1876. atlas fol. 
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Santa Cruz, County Times, Courier, Enterprise, Journal, Local Item, Pdjaro 

.Times, Sentinel, Times. 
Santa Cruz, Libros de Mision. MS. 

Santa Cruz, A Peep into the Par;t. Scrap-book. From Sta Cruz Local Item. 
Santa Cruz, Records in Parish Church. MS. 
Santa Cruz, Tcstimonio sobre el Tumulto de 1818. MS. 
Santa Cruz County, History of [W. Wallace Elliott]. S. F., 1879. atlas folio. 


Santa Lie's, Examen de Conciencia en lengua de Indies. MS. 

Santa Lie's, Libros de Mision. IMS. 

Santa Maria (Vicente), Registro de Parages entre S. Gabriel y S. Buenaven- 
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Santa Monica, The Coming City. San Francisco, 1875; Outlook. 

Santa Rosa, Collegian, Democrat, Herald, News, Press, Republican, Sonoma 
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Sargent (Aaron A.), Sketch of Nevada County, n.pl., n.d. 

Sargent (Aaron A.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., April 9, 1862, on Pacific Rail- 
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Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Defensa del P. Luis Martinez, 1830. MS. 

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Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Exhortacion Pastoral, 1813. MS. 

Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Informe del Comisario Prefecto sobre los Frailes 
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Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Informe de Misiones, 1819. MS. 

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Saunders (William), Through the Light Continent. London, etc., 1879. 

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Sawyer (A. F.), Mortuary Tables of San Francisco. San Francisco, 18G2. 

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Sawyer (L. S. B.),, Reports of Cases Decided in the Circuit and District 
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Schlagintweit (Robert von), Californien Land und Leute. Coin, etc., 1871. 

Schmidt (Gustavus), Civil Law of Spain and Mexico. New Orleans, 1851. 

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Schmolder (Capt. B.), Neuer Praktischer Wegweiser fur Nord-Amerika. 
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Schools, Colleges, Academies, etc. Catalogues, reports, etc. , cited by name 
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Schwarz (J. L.), Briefe eines Deutschen aus Kalifornien. Berlin, 1849. 

Scribner's Monthly Magazine (later the Century). New York, 1871 et seq. 

Seattle, Intelligencer, Pacific Tribune, Pnget Sound Despatch. 

Secularizacion, Decreto de las Cortes, 1813. MS. 

Seddon (J. A.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep,, Jan. 23, 1850, on the Action of 
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Sedgley, Overland to California in 1849. 

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Sermones de no se sabe cuales predicadores de California, 1790 etc. MS. 



Sermones Varios de Misioneros. MS. 

Serra (Junipero), Cartas al P. Lasuen, 1778-81. MS. 

Serra (Junipero), Correspondencia, 1777-82. MS. 

Serra (Junipero), Escritos Autografos. MS. 

Serra (Junipero), Informe de 1774. MS. 

Serra (Junipero), Informe de 5 de Feb. 1775. MS. 

Serra (Junipero), Memorial de 22 de Abril, 1773, sobre suministraciones a los 

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Serra (Junipero), Notas de 1776. MS. In San Diego, Lib. Mision. 
Serra (Junipero), Representacion 21 Mayo, 1773. MS. 

Serra (Junipero), Representacion 13 Mayo, 1773. In Palou, Not. i., 514; MS. 
Serrano (Florencio), Apuntes para la Historia de California. MS. 
Serrano (Florencio), Cartas Varias. MS. 
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Seward (George F.), Chinese Emigration in its Social and Economical Aspects. 

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Seward (William II.), Speech in U. S. Sen. March 11, 1850, on Admission ol 

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Seyd (Ernest), California and Its Resources. London, 1858. 

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Shaw (William), Golden Dreams and Waking Realities. London, 1851. 
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Shelvocke (George), Voyage round the World, 1719-22. London, 1726. 
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Le Mineur de Californie. Paris, 1800; La Vie Souterraine. Paris, 1867, 
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Simpson' (Henry I.), The Emigrant's Guide to the Gold Mines. New York, 

1S48; Three Weeks in the Gold Mines. N. Y., 1848. 
Simpson (James H.), Report of Explorations across the Great Basin, etc. 

Wash., 1876; The Shortest Route to California. Phil., 1809. 
Sinaloa, Proposiciones de los Representantes sobre clausura de Mazatlau, 

Mexico, 1837. 

Siskiyou County Affairs. MS. 
Sitjar (Antonio), Reconocimiento de Sitio para la Nueva Mision deS. Miguel, 

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Slacum (William A.), Report on Oregon, March 26, 1837. [25th Cong., 3d 

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in San Francisco. MS. 
Smith (Jedediah), Excursion a 1'ouest des Monts Rocky, 1820. In Nouv. 

An. Voy., xxxvii. 208. 

Smith (Napoleon B.), Biographical Sketch of a Pioneer of 1845. MS. 
Smith (Persifer F.), Military Correspondence. [31st Cong., 1st Sess., Sen. 

Doc. 52.] Washington, 1849. 

Smith (Persifer F.), Bennett Riley et als. Reports in Relation to the Geol- 
ogy and Topography of California and Oregon. [31st Cong., 1st Sess., 

Sen. Ex. Doc. 47.] Washington, 1849. 
Smith (Truman), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., March 2, 1848, on Physical 

Character of Northern States of Mexico, etc. Washington, 1848. 
Smithsonian Institution, Annual Reports. Washington, 1833 ct seq. 
Smucker (Samuel H.), Life of Col. J. C. Fremont. .New York, 1856. 
Snelling, Merced Banner, Merced Herald. 

Soberanes (Clodomiro), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 
Sobrantes, Survey of Rancho. San Francisco, 1878. 
Sociedad Mexicana de Geografia y Estadistica, Boletin. Mexico, 1801 et seq. 

[Includes Institute) Nacional.] 
Societies. See Institutions. 

Sola (Pablo Vicente), Correspondencia del Gobernador, 1805-22. IMS. 
Sola (Pablo Vicente), Defensa del P. Quintana y otros, 1816. MS. 
Sola (Pablo Vicente), Informe al General Cruz sobre los Insurgentcs, 1818. MS. 
Sola (Pablo Vicente), Informe General al Virey sobre Dei'ens;' , ! : : 7. MS. 
Sola (Pablo Vicente), Informe suplementario sobre los Insurgentes, 1818. MS. 
Sola (Pablo), Instruccion General a los Comandantes, contra los Insumentes, 

1818. MS. 

Sola (Pablo Vicente), Instracciones al Comisionado de Branciforte, 1816. MS. 
Sola (Pablo Vicente), Noticia de lo acaecido en este Puerto de Monterey, 

Rcbeldes de Buenos Aires, 1818. In Gaceta de Mex., xxxix. 23. 
Sola (Pablo Vicente), Observacioues en la Visita desde S. Francisco hasta S. 

Diego, 1818. MS. 

Sola (Pablo Vicente), Prevenciones s 4 obre Eleccion de Diputado, 1822. MS. 
Solano County, Historical Atlas. San Francisco, 1877. atlas folio. 
Solano County, History of. [Wood, Alley and Co.] San Francisco, 1879. 
Soledad, Libros de Mision. MS. 
Soler (NicoMs), Cartas del Capitan Inspector. MS. 
Soler (Nicolas), Informe sobre Policia y Gobierno, 1787. MS. 
Soler (Nicolds), Parecer sobre Comercio con cl Buque de China, 1787. MS. 
J3olignac (Armand de), Les Mines de la Californie. Limoges, n.d. 
Soils (Joaquin), Manifesto al Publico, 6 sea Plan de Revolucion, 1829. MS. 
Solis (Joaquin), Proceso Instruido contra y otros Revolucionaiios, 1G29-SO. 


Sonoma, Compania de Infanteria, Cuaderno de Distribucion, 1839. MS. 
Sonoma. Documentos Tocantes a la fundacion de la Nueva, Mision, 1 8~3. MS. 
Sonoma County, History [Alley Bowen and Co.] San Francis 
Sonora (Cal.), American Eagle, American Flag, Herald, Tuolumue Courier, 

Tuolumne Independent, Union Democrat. 
Sonora, Estrclla de Occidente. 1859 et seq. 
Sonora, Sonorense (El). 1847 et seq. 
Soto (Francisco), Expedicion Militar, 1813. MS. 
Soule (Frank), J. H. Gihon, and J. Nisbet, Annals of San Francisco. New 

York, etc., 1855. 
Southern Pacific Railroad Company, Annual Reports. San Francisco, 1877 

et seq. ; and other documents. 


Southern Quarterly Review. New Orleans, etc., 1842 et seq. 

Spaulding (E. G.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., April 4, 1850, in favor of Gen. 

Taylor's Plan of Admitting Cal. Washington, 1C50. 

Speeches, orations, addresses, etc., on various occasions, not named in this 
list unless peculiarly historical in their nature. See names of speakers. 
Speeches in Congress. A Collection. 
Spear (Nathan), Loose Papers of an Early Trader. MS. 
Speer (William), China and California, Lecture, June 23, 1853. S. F., 1853. 
Spence (David), Historical Notes, 1824-49. MS. 
Spence (David), Letters of a Scotchman in California. MS 
Spence (David), List of Vessels in California Ports. MS. 
Springfield (Mass.), Republican. 

Spurr (George G.), The Land of Gold. Boston, 1881. 

Squier (E. G.), New Mexico and California. In Amer. Review, Nov. 1848. 
Stanford (Leland), Speech on Pacific Railroad, July 13, 1334. San Francisco, 

1885; also other speeches, etc. 

Stanislaus County, History. San Francisco, 1881. atlas folio. 
Stanley (E.), Speech, July G, 1850, on Galpin Claim. Washington, 1850. 
Staples (David J.), Incidents and Information. MS. 
State Papers, Sacramento, MS., 19 vols. in Archive de Cal.; Id., Missions, 11 

vols.; Id., Missions raid Colonization, 2 vols.; Id., Bcnicia, 1 vol. 
Statistician. San Francisco, 1875 et seq. 
Stearns (Abel), Correspondence of a Merchant. MS. 
Stearns (Abel), Expediente de Contraband, 1835. MS. 
Steilaeoom (W. T.), Puget Sound Express. 
Stevenson (Jonathan D.), Correspondence, 1847-8. In Cal. and N. Mex., 

Mess, and Doc., 1850. 

Stevenson (Jonathan D.), Letters in the Archives. MS. 
Stevenson's Regiment in Lower California, 1847. In S. Jose Pioneer, Sept. 

14, 21, 1878. 
Steward (William M.), Lecture on the Mineral Resources of the Pacific 

States. New York, 1805. 
-Stillmaii (J. D. B.), Did Drake Discover San Francisco Bay? In Overland 

Monthly, i. 332; Footprints in California of Early :, In Id., 

Seeking the Golden Fleece, 2C5; Id. In Overlan ly, ii. 257; 

Observations on the Medical Topography an cl Diseases oT .:icnto 

Valley. N. Y., 1851; Seeking the Golden Fleece. Saa Francisco, etc., 

1877; Statement on Vigilance Committee. MS. 
St Louis (Mo.), Globe, Reveille, Union. 

Stimson (A. L.), History of the Express Companies. New York, 1853. 
Stirling (Patrick James), The Australian and Calif ornian Gold Discoveries. 

Edinburgh, 1C33; Do la Decouverte des Mines d'Or en Australie et en 

Calif ornie. Paris, 1853. 
Stockton, Beacon, California Agriculturist, Gazette, Herald, Independent, 

Pacific Observer, San Joaquiu Herald, San Joaquin Republican. 
Stockton, History of. (See Tinkham George H.) 
Stockton (Robert F.), Despatches [29th Cong., 2cl Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 4, p. 668]; 

Despatches and Orders, 1847. In Ctitts' Conquest; Id., Life, Appen. 

[,30th Cong., 2d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 31]; also in diuerent Archives. MS.; 

Military and Naval Operations [30th Cong., 2d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 31]; 

Miscellaneous Orders and Correspondence. In Id., Life, Arrpcii.; Report 

Feb. 13, 1C13. In Id., 24; Report Feb. 18, 184-3. In War with Mex., 

Rcpts. 33-50; Scattered Communications. MS. ; A Sketch of the Life of. 

New York, 1S56. 
Stockton and Copperopolis Railroad, Engineers' Report, Oct. 18G2. Stockton, 

18G2; other reports. 

Stone (R. C.), Gold and Silver Mines of America. New York, n.d. 
Stout (Arthur B.), Chinese Immigration. San Francisco, 1CG2. 
Strahorn (Robert E.) To the Rockies and Beyond. Chicago, 1G01. 
Strceter (William A.), Recollections of Historical Events, 1813-78. MS. 


Stuart (Charles V.), Trip to California in 1849. MS. 

Stuart (James F. ), Argument on Survey of the Rancho Rio de Santa Clara. 
Washington, 1872; List showing whereabouts of the governor at differ- 
ent dates. MS. 
..} Studnitz (Arthur von), Gold. Legal Regulations. London, 1877. 

Suisun, Solano County Democrat, Solano Herald, Solano Press, Solano Re- 
publican, Solano Sentinel. 

Sumner (Cal. ), Kern County Gazette. 

Sumner (Charles A.), The Overland Trip. San Francisco, 1875. 

Sun of Anahuac. Vera Cruz, 1847 et seq. 

Sufiol (Antonio), Cartas de un Catalan. MS. 

Superior Government State Papers. MS. 21 vols. In Archivo de Cal. 

Susanville, Farmer, Lassen Advocate, Lassen County Journal, Lassen Sa'ge 

Sutil y Mexicana, Relacion del Viage hecho por las Goletas. Madrid, 1802 ; 
atlas. 4to. 

Sutro (Adolph), The Mineral Resources of the U. S. Baltimore, 18G8. 

Sutter (John A.), Correspondence, 1839-48. MS. 

Sutter (John A.), Correspondence of the Sub-Indian Agent, 1847-8. In Cal. 
and N. Mex., Mess, and Doc. 1850. 

Sutter (John A. ), Diary, 1839-48. Scrap-book from the Argonaut, 1878. 

Sutter (John A.), Examination of the Russian Grant. Sacramento, 18GO. 

Sutter (John A.), Memorial to the Senate and House. Wash., 1876. 
~~7 Sutter (John A.), Personal Recollections. MS. 

Sutter (John A. ), Petition to Congress [39th Cong. , 1st Sess. , Sen. Mis. Doc. 38]. 

Sutter (John A.), Statistical Report on Indian Tribes. MS. 

Sutter County, History of. [Chamberlain and Wells.] Oakland, 1879. folio. 

Sutter-Sunol Correspondence, 1840-6. MS. 

Sutton (0. P.), Early Experiences. MS. 

Swan (John A.), Historical Sketches, 1844, etc. MS. 

Swan (John A.), Monterey in 1842. In S. Jose" Pioneer, Mar. 30, 1878. 

Swan (John A.), Trip to the Gold Mines, 1848. MS. 

Swan (John A.), Writings of a Pioneer. In S. Jose" Pioneer, 1878-9, and 
other newspapers. 

Swasey (William F.), California in 1845-6. MS. 

Swascy (William F.), Remarks on Snyder. MS. 

Swett (John), History of the Public School System of California. S. F., 1876. 

Tapia (Tiburcio), Cartas de un Vecino de Angeles. MS. 

Tapis (Est6van), Cartas del Fraile. MS. 

Tapis (Este"van), Expedicion a Calahuasa, 1798. MS. 

Tapis (Sste"van), Informes Bienales de Misiones, 1SC3-10. MS. 

Tapis (EsteYan), Noticias Presentadas al Gobr- Arrillaga, 1808. MS. 

Tapis (Este"van), Parecer sobre Repartimientos dc Indios, 1810. MS. 

Tapis (Este"van), and Juan Corte"s, Replica de loo Ministros de Sta Barbara, 
1800. MS. 

Tarayre (E. Guillemin), Exploration Mineralogique des Regions Mexicaines. 
Paris, 18CO. 

Tarbell (Frank), Victoria Life and Travels. MS. 

Taylor (Alexander S.), Articles in California Farmer; Bibliografa California. 
Scrap-book from Sac. Union ; Byron, Xelson, and Napoleon in California. 
In Pacific Monthly, xi. C49; Discoverers and Founders cf California. MS. 
and Scraps; The First Voyage to California, by Cabrillo. S. F., 1853; 
List of Pioneers. MS. ; Hist. Summary of Lower California. In Browne's 
Min. Res.; Odds and Ends. MS. and Scraps; Sketches connected with 
California History, n.pl. [1855]; Specimens cf the Press [In S. F. Mer- 
cantile Library]; The Storehouse of California, n.pl., n.d. 

Taylor (Bayard), At Home and Abroad. New York, 18(i7; El Dorado. N. Y., 
1850; N. Y., 18C1. 

Taylor (Benjamin F.), Between the Gates. Chicago, 1878; Chicago, 1880. 


Taylor (Christopher), Oregonians in the California Mines, 1848. MS. 

Taylor (Mart), The Gold Digger's Song Book. Marysville, 185G. 

Taylor (William), California JLife Illustrated. New York, 1858. 

Taylor (William), Seven Years' Street Preaching. New York, 1857. 

Tehama, Independent, Tocsin. \ 

Temple (Francis P. F.), Recollections, 1841-7. MS. 

Temple (John), Letters of a Los Angeles Merchant. MS. 

Territorial Pioneers, Annual Meetings. S. F., 1874etseq.; Constitution and 
By-La ws. San Francisco, 1874; First Annual. S. F., 1877. 

Terry (David S.), Trial of, by the Committee of Vigilance. S. F., 1856. 

Tevis (A. H.), Beyond the Sierras. Philadelphia, 1877. 

Tevis (Lloyd), Address before the American Bankers' Association, Aug. 10, 
1881. n.pl., u.d. 

Thomes (R. H.), Life of an Immigrant of 1841. MS. 

Thompson (A. B.), Business Correspondence. MS. 

Thompson (Ambrose W.), Memorial [to Congress], Steamers between Cali- 
fornia, China, and Japan, n.pl. [1853]. 

Thompson (Jacob). Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., June 5, 1850, on the Califor- 
nia Question, n.pl., n.d. 

Thompson (John R.), Speech on the Conquest of California in U. S. H. of 
Rep. June 5, 1850. Washington, 1850. 

Thompson (Robert A.), Historical and Descriptive Sketch of Sonoma County. 
Philadelphia, 1877. 

Thompson (Waddy), Recollections of Mexico. New York, etc., 1847. 

Thompson and West, Publishers of Several County Histories. See names of 

Thomson (Monroe), The Golden Resources of California. N. Y., 185G. 

Thornton (Harry J.), Opinions on California Private Land Claims. San Fran- 
cisco, 1853; Speech in Cal. 'Sen., Feb. 8, 1SG1. Sacramento, 1801. 
Thornton (J. Quinn), Oregon and California in 1848. N. Y., 1849. 2 vols. 

Thurman (J. 11.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. June 8, 1850, on the California 
Question. Washington. 1850. 

Thurston (S. R,), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., Mar. 25, 1850, on the admis- 
sion of Calif ornia. Washington, 1850. 

Tikhmenef (P.), Istoritcheskoe Obosranie. St Petersburg, 1861. 2 vols. 

Tilford (Frank), Argument on San Francisco Outside Lands. Sac., 1808. 

Tinkham (George H.), History of Stockton. San Francisco, 1880. 

Todd (John), The Sunset Land. Boston, 1870. 

Toombs (Albert G.), The Pioneer Overlanders of 1841. In S. F. Bulletin, 
July 27, 1868. 

Toombs (R.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., Feb. 27, 1850, on President's Mes- 
sage Communicating the Constitution of California. Washington, 1850. 

Torquemada (Juan de), Monarquia Indiana. Madrid, 1723. 3 vols. folio. 

Torre (Estdvan dc la), Reminiscencias, 1815-48. MS. 

Torre (Josa Joaquin), Varios Escritos. MS. 

Torres (Manuel), Peripecias de Vida Calif orniana. MS. 

Trait d'Union (Lc). Mexico, 1SG1 ct seq. 

Trask (John B. ), Earthquakes in California from 18CO to 1804. In Cal. Acacl. 
Science, Proc. vol. iii. pt. ii. 130; A Register of Earthquakes in Califor- 
nia. San Francisco, 1&G4. 

Tratado de las Flores entre Alvarado y Carrillo, 1888. MS. 

Tratado de Paz, Amistad, Lim.tes y arrcglo definitive entre la Republica 
Mexicana y los Estados-Unidos. Mexico, 1848. 

Treasure City (Nev.), White Pine News. 

Treasury of Travel and Adventure. New York, 1865. 

Truckee, Republican, Tribune. 

Truett (Miers F. ), Statement on Vigilance Committee in San Francisco. MS. 

Truman (Benjamin C.), Life, Adventures, etc., of Tiburcio Vasquez. Los 
Angeles, 1874; Occidental Sketches. S. F., 1881; Semi-Tropical Califor- 
nia. S. F., 1874. 


Tulliclge (Eilwarcl W.), Life of Brigham 'Young. New York, 1876; The 
Women of Mormondon. New York, 1877. 

Tuolumne, Citizen, Courier, News. 

Turner (William R.), Documents in Relation to Charges preferred by S. J. 
Field, etc. San Francisco, 1853; Proceedings of the Assembly of Cal., 
1831, for the Impeachment of. Sac., 1878. 

Turrill (Charles B.), California Notes. San Francisco, 1876. 

Tustin (W. J.), Recollections of an Immigrant of 1845. MS. 

Tuthill (Franklin), History of California. San Francisco, 18G5. 

Twining (Win. J.), Report of Survey on the Union and Central Pacific Rail- 
ways [44th Cong., 2d Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 38]. Washington, 1875. 

Twiss (Travers), The Oregon Question. London, 1846. 

Tyler (Daniel), A Concise History of the Mormon Battalion, n.pl., 1881. 

Tyson (James L.), Diary of a Physician in California. New York, 1850. 

Tyson (Philip T.), Geology and Industrial Resources of California. Balti- 
more, 1851; Memoir on Geology and Topography of California. Report 
March 24, 1850 [31st Cong., 1st Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 47]. Wash., 1850. 

Tytler (Patrick Eraser), Historical View of the Progress of Discovery. Edin- 
burgh, 1833; New York, 1855. 

Ugarte y Loyola (Jacobo), Cartas del Comandante General de Provincias In- 
ternas. MS. 

Ukiah, City Press, Constitutional Democrat, Democratic Despatch, Mendo- 
cino County Press, Mendocino Democrat, Mendocino Herald. 

Ulloa (Francisco), Relatione dello Scoprimento, 1539. In Ramusio, Viaggi, 
iii. 330. 

Ulloa (Gonzalo), Instrucciones relativas d la Comision.de Estado a ambas 
Californias, 1822. In Ilustracion Mej. ii. 164. 

Unbound Documents. MS. 1 vol. In Archive de Cal. 

United States Exploring Expedition [Wilkes]. Philadelphia, 1844-58. 4to. 
17 vols., folio 8 vols. 

United States Geological Surveys West of the 100th Meridian. George W. 
Wheeler. Bulletins, Reports, and Various Publications. Washington, 
1874 et seq. 4to. atlas sheets, maps. 

United States Government Documents. Accounts; Agriculture; Army Reg- 
ister; Army Meteorological Register; Banks; Bureau of Statistics; Cen- 
sus; Coast Survey; Commerce, Foreign and Domestic; Commerce and 
Navigation; Commercial Relations; Congressional Directory; Education; 
Engineers; Finance; Indian Affairs; Interior; Land Office; Life-Saving 
Service; Light-Houses; Meteorological Reports; Mint; Navy Register; 
Navy Report of Secretary; Ordnance; Pacific Railroad; Patent Office; 
Postmaster-General; Post-Offices; Quartermaster-General; Revenue; U. 
S. Official Register. Cited by their dates. 

United States Government Documents. House Exec. Doc.; House Journal; 
House Miscel. Doc.; House Reports of Com.; Message and Documents; 
Senate Exec. Doc.; Journal; Miscel. Doc.; Repts. Com. Cited by con- 
gress and session. Many of these documents have, however, separate 
titles, for which see author or topic. 

United States Supreme Court, Reports. 

United States and Mexican Boundary Survey by Emory. Wash., 1857-9. 3 vols. 

Universal (El). Mexico, 1849 et seq. 

University of California, Act to Create and Organize, n.pl. n.d.; also many 
other pamphlets, Reports, Addresses, etc. 

Unzueta (Juan Antonio), Informe Presentado al Presidente de los Estados 
Unidos Mexicanos por cl Contador Mayor. Mexico, 1833. 

Upham (Charles W.), Life, Explorations, etc., of J. C. Fremont. Boston, 1856. 

Upham (Samuel C. ), Ye Ancient Yuba Miner of the Days of '40. , Pl-.i^VjIphia, 
1878; Notes of a Voyage to California. Philadelphia, 1878; Songs of tho 
Argonauts. Philadelphia, 1876. 

Urrea (Miguel), Noticias Estadisticas. In Soc. Mex. Geog., Bolctin, torn. ii. 42. 


Valdds (Dorotea), Reminiscences. MS. 

Valdes (Jos6 Ramon Antonio), Memorias. MS. 

Valle (Antonio del), Correspond encia del Teuiente. MS. 

Valle (Ignacio del), Cartas. MS. 

Valle (Ignacio del), Documentos para la Historia de Cal. MS. 

Valle (Ignacio del), Lo Pasado de California. MS. 

Valle jo, Advertiser, Chronicle, Independent, Independent Advocate, People's 

Independent, Recorder, Solano County Democrat, Solano Times. 
Vallejo, The Future of. Valle jo, 1868; The Prospects of. Vallejo, 1871. 
Valle jo, Resources of. [Rep. from Solano Advertiser, 1868-9.] n.pl., n.d. 
Vallejo (Igna'cio), Cartas del Sargento Distinguido. MS. 
Vallejo (Jos6 de Jesus), Libro de Cuentas. MS. 
Vallejo (Jos6 de Jesus), Reminiscencias Historicas. MS. 
Vallejo (Mariano Guadnlupe), Campana contra Estanislao, 1829. MS. 
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Carta Impresa al Gob*- 20 de Jalio. [Sonoma] 1837. 
Valle jo (Mariano G.), Circular Impresa en que anuncia su nombramiento de 

Comandante General, Nov. 21, 1838. [Sonoma, 1838.] 
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Correspondence of Sub-Indian Agent, 1847. In Cal. and 

N. Mcx., Mess, and Doc., 1850. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.,), Correspondencia Hist6rica. MS. 
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Discourse, 8 Oct. 1876. In S. F., Centen. Mem., 97. 
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Discurso Hist6rico, 8 de Oct. 1876. MS. 
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Documentos para la Hist, de California. 176Q-1850. 

MS. 37 vols. 
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Ecspocision que hace el Comandante General de la Alta 

California al Gobernador de la Misma. Sonoma, 17 Agosto 1837. 
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Escritos Oficiales y Particulares. MS. 
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Historia do California. MS. 5 vols. 
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Informe sobre Nombres dc Condados. San Jose", 1850. 
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Informo Rcservado sobre Ross, 1833. MS. 
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Informes al Ministrode Guerra sobre la Sublcvacion de 

Graham, 1840. MS. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Males de California y sus Remedios, 1841. MS. 
Vallojo (Mariano G.), Oiicio Impreso, en que quiere rcnunciar el Mando. 1 

Sept. 1838. [Sonoma, 1838.] 
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Oration, 1876. In S. F. Bulletin, July 10, 1876; and in 

many other papers more or less fully. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Ordenes de la Comandancia General, 1837-9. [Sonoma, 
' 1837-9]. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Proclama. Monterey, 24Febrero 1837. 
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Proclama en el acto de Prestar el Juramento, 1836. 

Monterey, 1836. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Proclama del Comandante Gen., 1837. Sonoma, 1837. 
Vallejo (Mariano G.) [Proclama la Conspiracion de Francisco Solano.] Sono- 
ma, 6 Octubre 1838. 
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Report on County names, 1850. In Cal. Jour. Sen. 

1850, p. 530. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.),.Sequias en California. MS. 
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Tres Cartas Rcservadas. Agosto 1837. MS. 
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Vida de Wm. B. Ide. MS. 
Vallejo (Mariano 'G.) and Santiago Argiiello, Expediente sobre las Arbitrarie- 

dades de Victoria, 1832. MS. 
Vallejo (Mariano G.) and Juan R. Cooper, Varies Libros de Cuentas, 1805-51. 

Vallejo (Salvador), Aviso al Publico. Los Rancheros Principales de la Fron- 

tcrn de S. Francisco. Sonoma, 15 Agosto, 1839. 
Vallejo (Salvador), Notas Historicas. MS. 
Vancouver (George), Voyage of Discovery to the Pacific Ocean. Loncl., 1798. 

3 vols. 4to. Atlas in folio; Lond., 1801. 6 vols.; Voyage de Ddcouvertes 
""V^a 1'Ocean Pacifique, etc. Paris, An., viii. 3 vols. 4to. Atlas iu folio. 


Van Dyke (Theodore S.), Flirtation Camp. New York, 1881. 

Van Dyke (Walter), Statement of Recollections. MS. 

Van Voorhies (William), Oration before the Society of California Pioneers. 
San Francisco, 1853. 

Variedades de Jurisprudencia. Mexico, 1850-5. 9 vols. 

Vega (Placido), Documentos para la Hist, de Mexico, 1802-8. MS. 15 vols. 

Vega (Victoriano), Vida Calif orniana, 1834-47. MS. 

Vcjar (Pablo), Recuerdos de un Viejo. MS. 

Velarde (Luis) Descripcion Historica. In Doc. Hist. Mex. , serie iv. torn. i. 344. 

Velasco (Francisco), Sonora, its extent, etc. San Francisco, 1861. 

Velasco (Josd Francisco), Noticias estadisticas de Sonora. Mexico, 1850. 

Velasquez (Jose"), Diarlo y Mapa de un Reconocimiento, 1783. MS. 

Velasquez (Jose") Relacion del Viage quo hizo el Gob r - Fages, 1785. MS. 

Venadito (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gobr. de Cal., 1819. MS. 

Venegas (Miguel), Noticia de la California y de su Conquista Temporal, etc* 
Madrid, 1757. 3 vols. 

Venegas (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gobr. de Cal., 1810-12. MS. 

'Vcritas,' Examination of the Russian Grant, n.p., n.d. 

Ver Mehr (J. L.), Checkered Life: In the Old and New World. S. F., 1877. 

Verne (Jules), The Mutineers. In Id., Michael Strogoff. New York, 1877. 

Vetromile (Eugene), A Tour in Both Hemispheres. New York, etc., 1880. 

Viader (Jose), Cartas del Padre. MS. 

Viader (Jose), Diario 6 Noticia del Viage, 1810. MS. 

Viader (Jose), Diario de Una Entrada al Rio de S. Joaquin, 1810. MS. 

Viagero Universal (El). Madrid, 1790-1801. 43 vols. 

Viages en la Costa al Norte de Californias. Copy from Spanish Archives. 
MS. [From Prof. Gfeo. Davidson.] 

Victor (Frances F. ), Studies of California Missions. In Californian, May 1881 

Victor (Frances F. ), River of the West. Hartford, 1 870. 

Victoria (Manuel), Escritos Sueltos del Gobernador, 1831. MS. 

Victoria (Manuel), Informe General, 1831. MS. 

Victoria (Manuel), Manifestacion del Gefe Politico, 1831. MS. 

Victoria (Manuel), Manifiesto a los Habitantes de Cal., 1831. MS. 

Vigilance Committees in San Francisco, Miscellany. MS. 

Vigilantes do Los Angeles, 1833. MS. 

Vigneaux (Ernest), Souvenirs d'un Prisonnier de Guerre au Mexique, 1854-5. 

Paris, 1803. 
"igne3 (Louis J.), Letters of Don Luis del Aliso. MS. 

Vila (Vicente), Instrucciones para el Viage de 1709 d California. MS. 

Villa Seiior y Sanchez (Jose Antonio), Theatro Americano. Mex., 1740. 2 vols. 

Villa vicencio (Jose" Maria), Cartas. MS. 
^"iogct ( J. J. ), Letters of an Early Trader. MS. 

Virginia (Nov.), Evening Chronicle, Territorial Enterprise, Union. 

Visalia, Delta, Equal Rights Expositor, Iron Age, Tulare Index, Tulare Times. 

Vischer (Eduard), Brief e eines Deutschen aus Calif ornien, 1842. San Fran- 
cisco, 1873; Missions of Upper California. San Francisco, 1872. 

Vowell (A. W.), British Columbia Mines. MS. 

Voyages, A Collection of Voyages and Travels [Churchill's]. London, 1752 
folio. 8 vols.; Curious Collection of Travels. London, 1701. 8 vols. 
[Harleian], Collection of Voyages and Travels. Lond., 1745. 2 vols. 
Historical Account by English Navigators. London, 1773-4. 4 vols.. 
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As in the history of Mexico we are referred to 
Spain for the origin of affairs, so in the history of 
California it is necessary to glance at Mexico in order 
properly to understand the course of early events. 

Hernan Cortes landed at Vera Cruz in April 1519, 
and by August 1521 was in permanent possession of 
the Aztec capital. Within ten years Spanish occu- 
pation had been pushed south across the isthmus of 
Tehuantepec, west to the Pacific, and north to Panuco, 
Queretaro, and Colima; and exploration to the Huas- 
tec region of Tamaulipas, the Chichimec territory of 
Aguas Calientes, San Luis Potosi, Guanajuato, and 
that part of Jalisco below the Rio Grande. Let us 
give attention exclusively to the west and north- 
west, as Cortes himself was disposed to do whenever 

VOL. I. 1 


he could -avoid the vexatious complications that called 
him to Mexico, or Central America, or Spain. 

Before the middle of May 1522 Cortes had founded 
a town at Zacatula, and begun to build there an explor- 
ing fleet. By this time it had become apparent that 
the old geographical theories must be somewhat modi- 
fied. This was shown by discoveries in the Pacific 
farther south than the conqueror's ship-yard. .Evi- 
dently the Mexican region was distinct, though not 
necessarily distant, from Asia, being separated from 
that continent by a strait in the north; or else it was 
a south-eastern projection of Asia from a point farther 
north than the knowledge of the old travellers had 
extended. Cortes proposed to solve the mystery by 
simply following the coast, first northward, then west- 
ward, and finally southward, round to India. If a 
strait existed he was sure to find its mouth; and if 
not, he would at least reach India by a new route, 
and would at the same time add many rich islands 
and coasts to the Spanish domain. That such islands 
existed no one -ventured to doubt; and one romancer 
of the time went so far as to invent a name for one 
of them, and people it with the offspring of his imagi- 

The work of building ships made slow progress. 
Material had to be transported overland from Vera 
Cruz; and the tedious operation had to be repeated 
after a fire which destroyed the Zacatula warehouse. 
In 1524 it was hoped to have the fleet ready to sail 
in July of the next year; but Cortes was called away 
by his Honduras campaign, and exploration must 
wait. Meanwhile Michoacan had submitted peace- 
ably in 1522; Colima had been conquered after seyeral 
reverses in 1523; while in 1524 Jalisco, from Lake 1 
Chapala to Tepic, was explored by Avalos and Fran- 
cisco Cortes, the native chieftains becoming vassals of 
Spain, though no Spaniards were left in the country. 
Banderas Valley and a good port, Manzariillo or San- 
tiago, were discovered during this expedition. 


The vessels were made ready after the return of 
Cortes to sail in 1526, and three more were on the 
stocks at Tehuantepec. Then came Guevara from 
Magellan Strait to Zacatula; but while Cortes was 
preparing to send him with Ordaz to India by the 
northern coast route, a royal order required the 
vessels to be despatched under Saavedra by a more 
direct way to the Spice Islands and Loaisa's relief. 
Yet before starting, the fleet made a beginning of 
northern exploration by a trial trip up to Santiago in 
Colima. Work on the other ships was stopped by the 
captain-general's foes when he went to Spain in 1528; 
and though building operations were resumed later at 
Tehuantepec and Acapulco, new impediments were 
thrown in the explorer's way, and at the end of 1531 
he was disheartened at the gloomy prospect. 

Meanwhile a rival and foe to the conquistador had 
appeared on the scene in the person of Nuxio de Guz- 
man, president of the royal audiencia. He foresaw that 
the return of Cortes from Spain would result in his 
own downfall ; and he resolved to wrest triumph from 
the jaws of disgrace. Having presided at the trial of 
his enemy, he was familiar with the scheme of north- 
ern conquest. As governor of Panuco he had heard 
from the natives rumors of great cities in the north. 
Instead of tamely submitting to trial in Mexico, he 
would make the northern scheme his own, and by this 
bold stroke not only turn the tables on his foe, but 
win for himself lasting power, fame, and riches. At 
the end of 1529 Guzman marched from Mexico with 
five hundred soldiers and ten thousand Indian allies. 
The route was down the Rio Grande de Lerma to the 
region of the modern Guadalajara. A part of the 
army under Onate and Chirinos by a northern detour 
penetrated to the sites of the later Lagos, Aguas 
Calientes, Zacatecas, and Jerez; and in May 1530 
the divisions were reunited at Tepic. The advance 
was everywhere marked by devastation ; and lew 
native towns escaped burning. No heed was given 


to the rights of the former conquerors, Avalos and 
Cortes, but Guzman's policy was to make it appear 
that the country had never been conquered at all. 
Such Indians as were not hostile at first were there- 
fore provoked to hostility, that there might be an 
excuse for plunder, destruction, carnage, and espe- 
cially for the seizure and branding of slaves. This 
chapter of horrors, one of the bloodiest in the annals 
of Spanish conquest, continued to the end; yet out- 
rages were considerably less frequent and terrible in 
the far north than in Jalisco. 

A garrison was left at Tepic, and Guzman crossed 
the great river Tololotlan into unexplored territory, 
taking possession under the pompous title of Greater 
Spain, designed to eclipse that of New Spain. In July 
the army went into winter-quarters at Aztatlan on 
the Rio Acaponeta, remaining until December. They 
suffered severely from flood and pestilence, being 
obliged to send back to Michoacan for supplies, and 
for Indians to take the place of thousands that had 
perished. After a month at Chametla the march was 
continued through Quezala, Piastla, and Ciguatan to 
Culiacan in March 1531. No great cities or golden 
treasures being found, the zeal for coast exploration 
was at an end after Captain Samaniego had reached 
the Rio Petatlanj or Sinaloa, finding a barren coun- 
try and a rude people. The president now bethought 
him of the inland towns of which he had heard at 
Panuco. From May to July he made a tedious arid 
futile trip across the sierra to the confines of Chihua- 
hua. Oriate and Angulo crossed the mountains by 
different routes, perhaps to the plains of Guadiana, or 
Durango, and other minor expeditions were made. 
None but savage tribes were found. The Spanish 
villa of San Miguel de Culiacan was founded with 
one hundred soldier settlers under Proano, and then 
Guzman started in October with the rest of his army 
back to Jalisco. 

Guzman was made governor of the new province, 


the name of which was made Nueva Galicia, instead 
of Mayor Espafia. Compostela was made the capi- 
tal; and there were also founded within a few years 
Espiritu Santo, or Guadalajara, near Nochistlan and 
far north of its modern site, and Chametla in Sinaloa, 
a mere military camp, sometimes entirely deserted. 
The new province had no definite boundaries, being 
intended to include the new conquests. Neglecting 
the northern regions, to which, as discoverer, he had 
some claim, the governor devoted himself chiefly to 
encroachments in the south. He became involved in 
difficulties that finally overwhelmed him, though he 
did not lack opportunity to vent his old spite against 
Cortes on one or two occasions. Guzman was sum- 
moned to Mexico, and put in prison, and in 1538 was 
sent to Spain, where he died six years later in pov- 
erty and distress. 

Encouraged by the new audiencia Cortes took cour- 
age, and in 1532 was able to despatch 'two vessels 
under his cousin Hurtado de Mendoza and Mazuela. 
They touched at Santiago; by Guzman's orders were 
refused water at Matanchel, or San Bias ; discovered 
the Tres Marias; and after a long storm landed at an 
unknown point on the coast. Provisions were nearly 
exhausted, and the men became mutinous. Hurtado 
kept on northward, and with all his men was killed 
at the Rio Tamotchala, or Fuerte; the malcontents, 
returning southward, were driven ashore in Banderas 
Bay and killed by the natives, all save two or three 
who escaped to Colima, while Guzman seized all that 
could be saved from the wreck. To him Cortes attrib- 
uted the misfortunes of the expedition. 

There were still left two vessels at Tehuantepec, 
which were despatched late in 1533 under Becerra and 
Grijalva. The latter, after discovering the Revilla 
Gigedo Islands, returned to Acapulco. Grijalva's 
men mutinied, killed Becerra, put his partisans ashore 
on the Colima coast, and continued the voyage under 
Jimenez. They soon discovered a bay, on an island 


coast as they supposed, but really in the peninsula, 
and probably identical with La Paz; and there Jime- 
nez was killed with twenty of his men. The few sur- 
vivors brought the ship to Chametla, where they were 
imprisoned by Guzman, but escaped with the news to 
Cortes, carrying also reports of pearls in the northern 

The captain-general now resolved to take command 
in person; and, having sent three vessels from Te- 
huantepec early in 1535, he set out with a force over- 
land. Guzman wisely kept out of the way, contenting 
himself with complaints and protests. The sea and 
land expeditions were reunited at Chametla, and Cor- 
tes sailed in April with over one hundred men, about 
one third of his whole force. Jimenez' bay was reached 
May 3d, and named Santa Cruz. After a year of mis- 
fortunes, during which a part of the remaining colo- 
nists were brought over with their families, Cortes 
went back to Mexico. He intended to return with a 
new fleet and succor for the colony; but he sent instead 
a vessel in 1536 to bring away the whole party. He 
had had quite enough of north-western colonization. 

On the main there was occasional communication 
between San Miguel and the south ; indeed, one party 
of Cortes' colonists went from Chametla to Culiacan 
by land. In 1533 Diego de Guzman reached the Rio 
Yaqui ; and it was he that learned the fate of Hurt ado. 
There was no prosperity at the villa. The garrison 
lived at first by trading their beads and trinkets for 
food; then on tribute of the native towns; and at last, 
when the towns had been stripped, they had to depend 
on raids for plunder and slaves. 

On one of these excursions to the Rio Fuerte in 
1536 a party under Alcaraz were surprised to meet 
three Spaniards and a negro, who were brought to 
San Miguel to tell their strange tale of adventure. 
They were Alvar Nunez and his companions, the only 
survivors of three hundred men who, under Narvaez, 
had landed in Florida in 1528. Escaping in 1535 from 


slavery on the Texan coast, these four had found 
their way across Texas, Chihuahua, and Sonora to 
the Pacific coast. Their salvation was due mainly to 
the reputation acquired by Cabeza de Vaca as a med- 
icine man among the natives. Alvar Nunez went to 
Mexico in 1536, and next year to Spain. He had 
jxot, as has sometimes been claimed, reached the Pue- 
blo towns of New Mexico; but he had heard of them, 
and he brought to Mexico some vaguereports of their 

These reports revived the old zeal for northern 
conquest. Guzman was out of the field, but Viceroy 
Mendoza caught the infection. Having questioned 
Cabeza cle Vaca, and having bought his negro, he re- 
solved to send an army to the north. The command 
was given to Vasquez de Coronado, governor of Nueva 
Galicia. To prepare the way a Franciscan friar, Mar- 
cos de Niza, was sent out from Culiacan early in 1539. 
With the negro Estevanico, Niza went, "as the holy 
ghost did lead him," through Sonora and Arizona, 
perhaps to Zufii, or Cibola, where the negro was 
killed. The friar hastened back with grossly exagger- 
ated reports of the marvels he had seen. 

Cortes also heard the reports of Nunez and Niza, 
and was moved by them to new efforts, disputing the 
right of Mendoza to act in the matter at all. He de- 
spatched Ulloa with three vessels, one of which was 
lost on the Culiacan coast, in July 1539. This naviga- 
tor reached the head of the gulf; then coasted the 
peninsula southward, touching at Santa Cruz; and 
rounded the point, sailing up the outer coast to Cedros 
Island. One of the vessels returned in 1540; of Ulloa 
in the other nothing is positively known. It" seems 
to have been in the diary of this voyage that the name 
California, taken, from an old novel, the Sergas of 
Esplandian, as elsewhere explained, was applied to a 
portion of the peninsula. 

Governor Coronado, with a force of three hundred 
Spaniards and eight hundred natives from Mexico, 


departed from Culiacan in April 1540. He left a 
garrison in Sonora; followed Niza's route, cursing 
the friar's exaggerations, and reached Zuni in July. 
Tobar was sent to Tusayan, or the Moqui towns; 
Cardenas to the great canon of the Colorado; and 
Alvarado far eastward to Cicuye, or Pecos. Then 
the army marched east to spend the winter in the 


valley of the Rio Grande, the province of Tiguex, 
later New Mexico. In May 1541, after a winter of 
constant warfare caused by oppression, Coronado 
started out into the great plains north-eastward in 
search of great towns and precious metals never 
found. He returned in September, having penetrated 
as he believed to latitude 40, and found only wigwam 


towns in the province of Quivira, possibly in the 
Kansas of to-day. Expeditions were also sent far up 
and down the Rio del Norte; and in the spring of 
1542, when nearly ready for a new campaign, the 
governor was seriously injured in a tournament, and 
resolved to abandon the enterprise. Some friars were 
left behind, who were soon killed; and in April the 
return march began. Mendoza was bitterly disap- 
pointed, but acquitted the governor of blame. 

The force left in Sonora, while Coronado was in the 
north, founded the settlement of San Geronimo de los 
Corazones, in the region between the modern Arizpe 
and Hermosillo; and from here at the end of 1540 
Melchor Diaz made a trip up the coast to the Rio 
Colorado, called Rio del Tizon, and across that river 
below the Gila. He was killed accidentally and his 
men returned. San Geronimo, after its site had been 
several times changed and most of its settlers had 
.deserted or had been massacred, was abandoned before 
the arrival of Coronado on his return in 1542. 

Also in Coronado's absence and to cooperate with 
him Mendoza sent two vessels under Alarcon from 
Acapulco in May 1540. He reached the head of the 
gulf and went up the Rio Colorado, or Buena Guia, 
in boats, possibly beyond the Gila junction. Leaving 
a message found later by Diaz, Alarcon returned to 
Colima in November. Another voyage was planned, 
but prevented by revolt. 

After a hard struggle to maintain his prestige, and 
prevent what he regarded as Mendoza's illegal inter- 
ference with his plans, Cortes went to Spain in 1540 
to engage in an equally fruitless struggle before the 
throne. Another explorer however appeared, in the 
person of Pedro de Alvarado, governor of Guatemala, 
who came up to Colima in 1540 with a fleet, eight 
hundred men, and a license for discovery. But Men- 
doza, instead of quarrelling with Alvarado, formed a 
partnership with him. 

A revolt of eastern Jalisco tribes, known as the 


Mixton War, interrupted all plans of exploration. 
Many reforms had been introduced since Guzman's 
time, but too late. Incited by sorcerers on the north- 
ern frontiers to avenge past wrongs and regain their 
independence, the natives killed their encomenderos, 
abandoned their towns, and took refuge on fortified 
pefioles, believed to be impregnable, the strongest 
being those of Mixton and Nochistlan. At the end 
of 1540 Guadalajara, already moved to Tacotlan Val- 
ley, was the only place held by the Spaniards, and 
that was in the greatest danger. Alvarado carne to 
the rescue from the coast, but rashly attacking No- 
chistlan, he was defeated and killed in July 1541. 
Soon Guadalajara was attacked, but after a great 
battle, in which fifteen thousand natives were slain, 
the town was saved to be transferred at once to its 
modern site. Mendoza was troubled for the safety 
not only of Nueva Galicia, but of all New Spain ; and 
he marched north with a large army. In a short but 
vigorous campaign he captured the penoles, one after 
another, even to that of Mixton, by siege, by assault, 
by stratagem, or by the treachery of the defenders, 
returning to Mexico in 1542. Thousands of natives 
were killed in battle; thousands cast themselves from 
the cliffs and perished; thousands were enslaved. Many 
escaped to the sierras of Nayarit and Zacatecas ; but 
the spirit of rebellion was broken forever. 

There is little more that need be said of Nueva Ga- 
licia here. It was explored and conquered. The audi- 
encia was established at Compostela in 1548, and moved 
with the capital to Guadalajara in 1561. A bishopric 
was erected in 1544. The religious orders founded 
missions. Agriculture and stock-raising made some 
progress. New towns were built. Rich mines were 
worked, especially in Zacatecas, where the town of 
that name was founded in 1548. These mines caused 
the rest of Nueva Galicia to be well nigh depopulated 
at first, and were themselves almost abandoned before 
1600 in consequence of a rush to new mines in the 


region of Nombre cle Dios. Some exploring parties 
reached Durango, Chihuahua, and Sinaloa. 

Ibarra, the leader in inland explorations northward, 
was made governor of Nueva Vizcaya, a new province 
formed about 1560 of all territory above the modern 
Jalisco and Zacatecas line. Nonibre de Dios was 
founded in 1558; Durango, or Guadiana, as capital, in 
1563. Before 1565 there were flourishing settlements 
in San Bartolome Valley of southern Chihuahua, 
Ibarra also crossed the sierra to Sinaloa and Sonora, 
founding San Juan Bautista on the Suaqui or Fuerte, 
about 1564; and refounding San Sebastian cle Cha- 
metla, where rich mines were found. San Juan was 
soon abandoned; but five settlers remained on the 
Rio de Sinaloa as a nucleus of San Felipe, the modern 
Sinaloa. Indian caippaigns of 1584-9 left a few new 
settlers for San Felipe. 

Before 1590 the Franciscans had eight or nine mis- 
sions in Durango and Chihuahua. When the Jesuits 
undertook northern conversion in 1590, fathers Tapia 
and Perez, and soon six more, came to San Felipe de 
Sinaloa and began work on the rivers Peiatlan and 
Mocorito. They had twenty pueblos and four thou- 
sand converts before 1600. Father Tapia reached 
the Rio Fuerte and the mountains of Topia, but was 
martyred in 1594; yet missions were founded in Topia 
in 1600, where the mining towns of San Andres and 
San Hipolito already existed. San Felipe had become 
a kind of presidio in 1596, under Captain Diaz. East 
of the mountains the Jesuits also began work among 
the Tepehuanes at Zape and Santa Catalina, and at 
Santa Maria de Parras in the lake region of Coahuila. 
Saltillo was founded in 1586; and about 1598 the town 
of Parras was built in connection with the Jesuit 
mission there. 

New Mexico was revisited and finally occupied 
before 1600. In 1581 Rodriguez with two other 
Franciscans and a few soldiers went from San Bar- 


tolome down the Conchos and up the Rio del Norte 
to the land of the Tiguas, Coronado's Tiguex. The 
soldiers soon returned, but the friars remained to be 
killed. In 1582-3 Espejo with a strong force went 
in search of Rodriguez, learning at Puara, near 
Sandia, of the friars' fate and of Coronado's former 
ravages in that region. Espejo explored eastward to 
the buffalo plains, northward to Cia and Galisteo, and 
westward to Zuni and the region of the modern Pres- 
cott, returning by way of the Rio Pecos. In 1590-1 
Castaiio de Sosa went up the Pecos and across to the 
Pueblo towns of the Rio Grande with a colony of 
one hundred and seventy men, women, and children. 
After receiving the submission of thirty-three towns, 
he was carried back to Mexico in chains by Captain 
Morlete, on the charge of having made an illegal 
entrada, or expedition. About 1595 Bonilla and 
Humana, sent out against rebellious Indians, marched 
without license to New Mexico and sought Quivira 
in the north-eastern plains. Humana murdered his 
chief and was himself killed with most of his party by 
the natives. In 1595 the viceroy made a contract 
for the conquest of New Mexico with Oiiate, who as 
governor and captain-general left Mexico with a large 
force of soldiers and colonists in 1596. Vexatious 
complications hindered Onate's progress and exhausted . 
his funds, so that it was not until 1598 that he entered 
the promised land. San Juan was made the capital; 
all the towns submitted; the Franciscans were sta- 
tioned in six nations; Onate visited Zuni; and the 
rebellious warriors of the Acoma penol were conquered 
in a series of hard-fought battles, all before the sum- 
mer of 1599. 

Let us return to the coast and to an earlier date, 
since the connection between maritime exploration 
and inland progress is very slight. Mendoza at the 
close of the Mixton war in 1542, though not encour- 
aged by the results of past efforts, had a fleet on his 
hands, and one route of exploration yet open and 


promising, that up the outer coast of the peninsula. 
Therefore Cabrillo sailed from Natividad with two 
vessels, made a careful survey, applied names that for 
the most part have not been retained, passed the limit 
of Ulloa's discoveries, and anchored at San Miguel, 
now San Diego, in September. Explorations farther 
north under Cabrillo and his successor Ferrelo will be 
fully given in a later chapter. They described the 
coast somewhat accurately up to the region of Mon- 
terey, and Ferrelo believed himself to have reached 
the latitude of 44. 

Mendoza's efforts on the coast ended with Cabrillo's 
voyage; but fleets crossed the ocean to the Philip- 
pines, and in 1565 Urdaneta for the first time re- 
crossed the Pacific, discovering the northern route 
followed for two centuries by the Manila galleons. Of 
discoveries by these vessels little is known; but they 
gave a good idea of the coast trend up to Cape Men- 
docino. They also attracted foreign freebooters. Drake 
ravaged the southern coasts in 1579, also reaching 
latitude 43, and anchoring in a California port. Gali, 
coming by the northern route in 1584, left on record 
some slight observations on the coasts up to 37. 
Cavendish in 1586 made a plundering cruise up as 
far as Mazatlan; then crossing over to Cape San 
Lucas he captured the treasure-ship, and bore off 
across the Pacific. Maldonado's fictitious trip through 
the Strait of Anian and back in 1588, and the similar 
imaginary exploits of Fuca in the north Pacific, have 
no importance for us in this connection. One Spanish 
commander of the many who came down the coast 
had orders to make investigations Germ en on in 
1595; but of the result we know only that his vessel 
was wrecked under Point Reyes. 

In 1597 Vizcaino was sent to explore anew and 
occupy for Spain the Californian Isles. He sailed 
from Acapulco with a large force in three vessels, 
accompanied by four Franciscan friars. His explora- 
tions in the gulf added but little to geographical 


knowledge; and the settlement which he attempted 
to found at Santa Cruz, by him called La Paz, was 
abandoned after a few months from the inability of 
the country to furnish food, the departure being 
hastened by a storm and fire that destroyed buildings 
and stores. Thus close the annals of the sixteenth 

After 1600 Nueva Galicia has no history that can 
or need be presented in a resume like this. Except 
one district, Nayarit, the whole- province was in per- 
manent subjection to Spanish authority, hostilities 
being confined mainly to robberies on the line of travel 
from Mexico to Nueva Vizcaya. The president of the 
audiencia at Guadalajara was governor, and his judi- 
cial authority covered all the north. So did the eccle- 
siastical jurisdiction of the bishop of Guadalajara 
until 1621, when Nueva Vizcaya was separated; but 
the north-east to Texas and the north-west to Cali- 
fornia were retained. The Franciscans alone had mis- 
sionary authority, and that only in the north, all 
establishments depending after 1604 on the Zacatecan 
provincia. Mining was profitably carried on notwith- 
standing an oppressive quicksilver monopoly and 
frequent migrations to new discoveries. Agriculture 
and stock-raising were the leading industries, of the 
limited population. The country's only commerce 
was the exchange by overland routes of grain and 
cattle for supplies needed at the mines. And finally 
there were petty local happenings, wholly insufficient 
to break up the deadly monotony of a Spanish prov- 
ince when once it becomes a tierra de paz, or a land 
at peace. 

Nueva Vizcaya during the seventeenth century 
comprised in a sense northern Durango. Chihuahua, 
Sinaloa, and Sonora, besides a part of Coahuila; yet 
the connection between coast and inland provinces 
was practically very slight, and common usage located 
Nueva Vizcaya east of the Sierra Madre. A gover- 


nor, and bishop of Guadiana after 1621, resided at 
Durango; but save in the larger towns and mining- 
camps, the country was for the most part a tierra de 
yuerra, or a land at war; the epoch not one of civil and 
ecclesiastic but rather of military and missionary rule. 
In general the whole country may be said to have 
been divided into eight mission districts. 

The Tepehuane missions of Durango prospered from 
their beginning in 1594 until the great revolt of 1616 
in which eight Jesuit priests and two hundred other 
Spaniards lost their lives. All missions and mining- 
camps were destroyed, and the capital was seriously 
threatened. The massacre was cruelly avenged, and 
the natives that survived were driven to the moun- 
tains only to be slowly drawn back by missionary. zeal. 
In 1640 lost ground had been regained, and more, 
except in the number of neophytes, of whom there 
were eight hundred in 1678, under four Jesuits in nine 
towns, with a Spanish population of about three hun- 
dred. The Tepehuanes were conquered, except as 
individuals or small parties occasionally revolted in 
resistance to enforced labor in the mines. In the 
south-eastern or Parras district all was peace and. 
prosperity with the gentle Laguneros, if we except an 
occasional pestilence or inundation. Over five thou- 
sand natives had been baptized by 1603; the missions 
were secularized in 1645; large accessions of Spanish 
and Tlascaltec population were received, and early in 
the next century under Toboso raids and Spanish 
oppression all traces of the missions had disappeared. 

In Topia, or western Durango, and south-eastern 
Sinaloa, the Jesuits were at work with good success 
at first; but the miners were oppressive, and in 1601 
five thousand Acaxees took up arms to free their 
country, destroying the mining-camps and towns with 
forty churches. Brought once more into submission 
after a few months, they never revolted again, and 
the adjoining tribes were reduced one by one until by 
the middle of the century the whole district had passed 


permanently under Spanish and Jesuit control. As 
elsewhere subsequent annals are reduced to statistics 
and petty items of local record. Fifty thousand natives 
had been converted before 1644, when eight mission- 
aries were serving in 16 churches. In 1678 there were 
1400 neophytes in 38 towns under the care of ten mis- 
sionaries, with a Spanish population, in mining-camps 
chiefly, which may be estimated at 500. 

The Tarahumara district adjoined that of the Tepe- 
huanes on the north, in northern Durango and the 
mountains of southern and western Chihuahua. At 
Parral a Spanish settlement was founded in 1631; 
and about the same time the Jesuits in their northern 
tours obtained four or five hundred Tarahumares, 
and with them founded two towns, San Miguel de las 
Bocas and San Gabriel, just south of the modern line 
of Durango; but there were no regular missions in 
Tarahumara until 1639-40, when fathers Figueroa 
and Pascual came and founded San Felipe and San 
Geronimo Huexotitlan on or near the Rio Conchos 
below Balleza. In 1648 there were eight pueblos and 
four missionaries, when war broke out, mainly in con- 
sequence of oppressions by Spaniards who wished to 
use the natives as laborers in their mines, looking 
with no favor on the mission work. The Tarahumares 
were always, as the Jesuits maintained, a brave and 
honorable people, fighting only in defence of their 
rights or to avenge wrongs. In this first instance the 
assailants were gentiles, the plot being discovered in 
time to keep the converts loyal, after five Spaniards 
and forty neophytes had been killed. Governor Fa- 
jardo, defeating the foe, founded a town of Aguilar 
and a mission at the site of the modern Concepcion. 
In 1650 the mission was destroyed, a padre killed, 
and a Spanish force several times defeated; but 
peace was made in 1651, and the martyr's place 
was filled. In the outbreak of 1652 mission and 
town were burned, and not a Spaniard escaped. It 
required the whole military force of Nueva Vizcaya 


to restore submission, the Spaniards being often 
repulsed, and many mission towns and mining-camps 
being repeatedly destroyed. For twenty years from 
1652 upper Tarahumara was abandoned, but was 
reoccupied in 16738 as far north as the Yepomera 
region, the limit of Jesuit work east of the sierra. 
There were then about eight thousand Tarahumara 
converts in the upper and lower districts, living in 
forty-five towns, and ministered to by twelve Jesuit 
missionaries. The Spanish population, for the most 
part engaged in mining, did not exceed five hundred. 
For the missions the last quarter of the century was 
a period of constant but not very rapid decadence. 
They were exposed on the north and east to raids 
fronvthe fierce Tobosos and Apaches, and there were 
several attempts at revolt, the most serious being in 
1690, when two Jesuits lost their lives. 

North-eastern Durango and eastern Chihuahua 
formed a mission district under the Franciscans. They 
had a much less favorable field of labor than the 
Jesuits; their neophytes were inferior in intelligence 
to the Tepehuanes and Tarahumares, and their estab- 
lishments had to bear the brunt of savage raids from 
the north-eastern sierras or Bolson de Mapimi. For 
over forty years the old convents at Cuencarne, Ma- 
pimi, and San Bartolome were barely kept in exist- 
ence; and near the latter in the Conchos region four 
new missions were founded before 1645. Then the 
Toboso raids became so serious as to imperil all 
Spanish interests. It was the typical Apache war- 
fare of later times. Not a camp, mission, hacienda, 
or rancho escaped attack; only Parral and one or 
two mining-camps escaped destruction. The soldiers 
were victorious in every engagement, but they could 
rarely overtake the marauders. The Conchos re- 
volted and destroyed their five missions, killing two 
friars. At this time the presidio of Cerro Gordo 
was established, and the fires of war having burned 
out chiefly for want of fuel, this post served to keep 

HIST. CAL., VOL. I. 2 


the southern part of the district in a kind of order 
during the rest of the century; the ruined establish- 
ments being gradually reoccupied. In the north the 
Franciscans extended their operations over a broad 
field. Between 1660 and 1670 three or four missions, 
with probably a small garrison, were founded in the 
region of Casas Grandes; but two of them were de- 
stroyed by Apaches before 1700. In 1681-2, an estab- 
lishment having been formed at El Paso, several 
missions sprang up in that region. One was at the 
confluence of the Conchos and Rio del Norte, but 
was soon destroyed. In 1697 a mission of Nombre 
de Dios was founded near the site of the modern city 
of Chihuahua. All these northern establishments 
maintained but a precarious existence; and but for a 
line of presidios erected early in the next century the 
whole country would have been abandoned. 

Before turning to the coast a glance must be given 
at New Mexico beyond the limits of Nueva Yizcaya. 
Here prosperity ceased for a time on account of con- 
troversies between Onate, the colonists, and the Fran- 
ciscan friars. The latter abandoned the province in 
1601, but were sent back to reoccupy the missions. 
Onate made some explorations; Santa_Fe.3vas founded J^p 4 
and became the capital; and irTTHSOS eight paclr 
were at work, having baptized eight thousand natives. 
Thirty new friars came in 1629, and the next year 
fifty missionaries were serving sixty thousand con- 
verts in ninety pueblos. This was the date of New 
Mexico's highest prosperity, though the decline was 
very slight for fifty years, a period whose history offers 
nothing but petty local happenings. But in 1680 a 
general revolt occurred, in which four hundred Span- 
iards, including twenty-one friars, were killed, and the 
survivors driven out of the country. While the refu- 
gees founded El Paso and did some missionary work 
in that region, the New Mexicans fought among them- 
selves and threw away their chances for continued 
independence. After several unsuccessful efforts by 


different leaders, Governor Vargas reconquered the 
province after many a hard-fought battle in 1693-4; 
but two years later a new revolt occurred, in which 
five missionaries and twenty other Spaniards were 
killed, and the year 1696 may be regarded as the date 
of New Mexico's permanent submission to Spanish 
authority. The western towns were still independent; 
but except the Moquis all renewed their allegiance 
before the end of the century. 

The coast districts were Sinaloa, extending as far 
north as the Yaqui River; Sonora, embracing the 
region of Arizpe and Tepoca; and Pimeria, stretch- 
ing to the Gila. During most of the century all 
this territory was under a military commandant at 
San Felipe de Sinaloa; and this office was held for 
nearly thirty years by Captain Hurdaide, who was 
popular with the missionaries, and a terror to the 
natives. His term of office was a continuous cam- 
paign for the conquest of new tribes or the suppres- 
sion of local revolts. In 1600 five Jesuits had founded 
eight missions, with thirteen towns, on and near the 
rivers Sinaloa and Mocorito. Very rapidly was the 
conquest, spiritual and military, pushed northward by 
the priests and soldiers working in perfect accord. The 
fierce Suaquis, Tehuecos, and Sinaloas of the Rio Tam- 
otchala, or Fuerte, having been properly chastised by 
Hurdaide, became Christian in 1604-7. Fort Montes- 
claros was founded in 1610 on the river, therefore still 
called Fuerte. The Mayos, friendly from the first, re- 
ceived padres in 1613, and never revolted. The Yaquis, 
who after defeating the Spaniards in three campaigns 
had voluntarily submitted about 1610, received Father 
Ribas in 1617, and were soon converted. In 1621 
missions were founded among the Chinipas on the 
Tarahumara frontier; and the work was extended 
up the Yaqui to the Sahuaripa region. There were 
now thirty-four Jesuits at work in this field; and the 
northern missions, in what is now Sonora, were formed 
into a new district of San Ignacio. Captain Hur- 


daide died about 1626; and during the rule of his 
successor the only event to be noted was the revolt 
in the Chinipas district in 1631-2, when two Jesuits 
were killed, and the missions had to be abandoned. 

Father Pascual had labored in this field with great 
success for years, forming three towns of Chinipas, 
Varohios, and Guaz&pares. A chief of the latter was 
at the head of the revolt, gaining adherents from the 
Varohios, while the Chinipas remained faithful and 
tried to protect their missionary. Father Martinez 
came to join Pascual in 1632, and the two were killed 
a week later after their house and church had been 
burned, brutal indignities being offered to their bodies. 
Fifteen neophytes perished with their martyred mas- 
ters. Making a raid into the mountains Captain 
Perea killed many rebels, and new missionaries were 
sent to the country; but it was finally decided to 
abandon this field; and the faithful converts were 
removed to the towns of the Sinaloas. 

During the last half of the century the Sinaloa 
missions have no annals save such as are statistical 
and purely local. The submission of the natives was 
complete and permanent, and affairs fell into the 
inevitable routine. In 1678 there were in the dis- 
trict of San Felipe y Santiago, corresponding nearly 
to the modern Sinaloa above Culiacan, nine missions, 
with 23 pueblos, 10,000 neophytes, and nine mission- 
aries. The northern district of San Ignacio de Yaqui, 
under the same jurisdiction but in modern times a 
part of Sonora, had 10 missions, 23 pueblos, 10 padres, 
and 24,000 converts. There had already been a large 
decrease in the neophyte population. The military 
force was a garrison of 40 soldiers at San Felipe, and 
one of 60 men at Fort Montesclaros. The Spanish 
population, exclusive of soldiers and military officers, 
was less than 500. 

The modern Sonora includes the three ancient prov- 
inces of Sonora, Ostimuri, and Pimeria; but in the 
seventeenth century the name Sonora was properly 


that of the valley in which Arizpe, Ures, and Her- 
mosillo now stand. The name was sometimes extended 
for a long distance over adjoining regions, especially 
northward; but never covered the Yaqui missions or 
Ostimuri in the south. Missionary work was begun 
in the Sonora Valley by Father Castano in 1G38, 
near the site of the old and ill-fated San Ger6nimo. 
The Opatas never gave any trouble; and in 1639 the 
new district of San Francisco Javier de Sonora was 
formed with five mission partidos. In 1641 Governor 
Perea obtained a division of the government, was 
made ruler of all the country north of the Yaqui 
towns, styling his new province Nueva Andalucia 
and his capital San Juan Bautista. In consequence 
of a quarrel with the Jesuits, he tried to put the 
Franciscans in charge; but this was a failure, and the 
new government came to an end in four years; though 
a garrison remained at San Juan. In 1753 seven 
Jesuits were serving twenty-five thousand converts in 
twenty-three towns. In 1678 the new district of San 
Francisco de Borja was formed of the missions south 
and west of Opozura; and the two consisted of eigh- 
teen missions with forty-nine pueblos and about twenty 
thousand neophytes. Ten years later there were 
three districts, the new one of Santos Mdrtires de 
Japon extending northward from Batuco and Nacori. 
The Chinipas missions, which had been reoccupied in 
1676, were now part of the Sonora district, and before 
the end of the century were in a most flourishing con- 
dition, under Padre Salvatierra and his associates, 
though to some extent involved in the troubles with 
eastern tribes. 

Father Kino in 1687 founded the mission of Dolores 
on the head-waters of the Rio de San Miguel, and 
thus began the conquest of Pimeria, through which 
Kino hoped to reach northern California. By 1690 
he had missions at San Ignacio, Imuris, and Remedies. 
The Pimas were docile, intelligent, and eager for con- 
version; but Kino could neither obtain the needed 


priests, nor convince the military authorities that the 
Pimas were not concerned in the constant raids of the 
savages. In 1691 with Salvatierra he reached the 
modern Arizona line; and later, either alone or with 
such priests as he could induce to go with him, he 
explored the country repeatedly to the Gila and gulf 
coast, first reaching the latter in 1693 and the former 
in 1694. Three missionaries having been obtained, 
Tubutama and Caborca were founded; but all were 
destroyed in the great revolt of 1695, one of the friars 
being killed. Two years later they had been rebuilt 
and Suamca added. By 1700 Kino, sometimes with 
a military escort, had made six entradas, or excursions, 
to the Gila, some of them by the eastern route via 
Bac, and others by the coast or Sonoita. In 1700 he 
first reached the Colorado junction. But he was dis- 
appointed in all his schemes for establishing missions 
in the north. The Rio San Ignacio was the northern 
frontier, not only of missionary establishments but of 
all Spanish occupation at the end of the century. 

In. 1693 Sonora and all the north had been sepa- 
rated practically, perhaps formally, from Sinaloa; and 
Jironza as capitan-gobernador came with his 'flying 
company' of fifty men to protect the frontier, his cap- 
ital being still at San Juan. The next seven years 
were spent in almost constant warfare against raiding 
Apaches and other savage bands of the north-east. A 
garrison was stationed at Fronteras, or Corodeguachi, 
which in campaigns often acted in union with the 
presidial force at Janos in Chihuahua, and was often 
aided besides by the Pimas, whose mission towns were 
a favorite object of the raids for plunder. 

Finally the maritime annals and coast exploration 
of the century, terminating in the occupation of Baja 
California, demand our notice. In 1602 Sebastian 
Vizcaino sailed from Acapulco on a voyage of explora- 
tion which will be fully described later in this volume. 
For more than a century and a half Father Ascension's 
diary of this voyage was the source of all information 


extant respecting the ^western coast up to latitude 40. 
Vizcaino's voyage was the end of outer-coast naviga- 
tion, subsequent efforts being directed exclusively to 
the gulf and peninsula, though Monterey figured on 
paper in many of the schemes proposed. The Spanish 
crown was chary of incurring expense ; without money 
the enthusiasm of neither navigators nor friars could 
be utilized; and the pearls of the gulf furnished the 
only incentive to action. A mere catalogue of suc- 
cessive enterprises must suffice here. 

Schemes to occupy Monterey in 16078 resulted in 
nothing. In 1615 Cardona and Iturbe went up the 
gulf to latitude 34 as they reckoned it, saw the strait 
that made California an island, and landed at several 
points on that supposed island and the main. Re- 
turning, they were captured by the Dutch pichilingues. 
These were Spilberg's freebooters, who vainly sought 
to intercept the galleon, and had a fight with Spaniards 
on the Colima coast. Lezama began to build a vessel 
near San Bias, in 1627, for the gulf; and Ortega, com- 
pleting it, made a pearl voyage in 1632. He repeated 
the trip in 1633-4, founding a colony at La Paz. 
Many natives were baptized; some inland explora- 
tions were made, and all went well for several months, 
until food was exhausted. Then this third attempt at 
settlement was added to the failures of Corte's and 
Vizcaino. There were, doubtless, unrecorded and un- 
authorized pearl-seeking voyages in those times. Car- 
bonel's expedition made by Ortega's pilot in 1636 was 
an utter failure. It was in 1640 that Fonte sailed 
through the net-work of straits, lakes, and rivers in 
the northern continent until he met a Boston ship 
from the Atlantic! Canas by the viceroy's orders 
crossed over from Sinaloa and explored the California 
coast for some forty leagues in 1642, accompanied by 
the Jesuit priest, Cortes. Casanate's operations were 
in 16438; but after great expense and much ill-luck 
the only results were a cruise about San Lucas by 
x Barriga in the former year, and in the latter a vain 


search for a colony site. For twenty years nothing 
was attempted, and then Pinadero obtained a com- 
mission to reduce California as a pretext for one or 
two profitable pearl-seeking trips in 1667. Lucenilla's 
expedition in 1668 was not unlike the preceding, 
though he had two Franciscans on his ship, who 
attempted conversion at La Paz and at the cape. 
After fruitless negotiations with other persons the 
viceroy made a contract for the settlement of Cali- 
fornia with Otondo, who was accompanied by Father 
Kino and two other Jesuits, sailing from Chacala with 
a hundred persons in 1683. The province was now 
formally called Californias and the locality of the 
colony La Paz. Some progress was made at first; 
but presently the men, panic-stricken by reason of 
Indian troubles, insisted on abandoning the settle- 
ment. Otondo came back before tjie end of the year, 
reestablishing the colony at San Bruno, above La Paz. 
Here it was maintained with difficulty until the end 
of 1685, when the enterprise was given up in disgust. 
The Jesuits foreseeing the result had baptized none 
but dying Indians. The barren peninsula was wholly 
unsuited for colonization. , In 1685 the British free- 
booter Swan made an unfortunate cruise along the 
coast, failing to capture the galleon, and losing fifty 
men who were killed by Spaniards on the Rio Tololot- 
lan. Only one other expedition, that of Itaraarra in 
1694, is recorded, but very vaguely, before the final 
occupation of the peninsula. 

The country offered absolutely no inducements to 
settlers; and a military occupation, entailing constant 
expense without corresponding advantages, did not 
accord with the Spanish system of conquest. Only 
by a band of zealous missionaries, protected by a 
small military guard, with supplies assured from 
abroad for years, could this reduction be effected. 
The Jesuits understood this, and when the govern- 
ment had been taught by repeated failures to un- 
derstand it also, the necessary arrangements were 


concluded by Salvatierra and Kino; and in 1697 a 
mission was founded at Lpreto, just below the San 
Bruno of Ortega. Difficulties were formidable at 
first and for a long time; the savages were stupid 
and often hostile; the guard was small; vessels came 
irregularly with supplies, and authorities in Mexico 
generally turned a deaf ear to appeals for aid. Sal- 
vatierra and Piccolo, however, never lost courage in 
the darkest days, and before 1700 they had two mis- 
sions and a guard of thirty men. 

Eighteenth century annals of Nueva Yiscaya and 
the adjoining regions, so far as they precede the occu- 
pation of Alta California in 1769, may be presented 
with enough of detail for the present purpose very 
briefly; for throughout those broad territories affairs 
had fallen into the monotonous routine of peace in 
the south, of war in the north, that was to character- 
ize them as long as Spanish domination should last, 
and in many respects longer. To Nueva Galicia as a 
tierra de paz may be added in these times Sinaloa 
and Durango to the north. The era of conquest, as 
in a great measure of missionary labor, was past. 
The authority of the audiencia and civil governors 
was everywhere respected. Curates under the bish- 
ops were in control of spiritual affairs in all the larger 
settlements. Mining was the leading industry, feebly 
supplemented by stock-raising and agriculture. Minor 
political and ecclesiastical controversies, the succes- 
sion of provincial and subordinate officials, fragmen- 
tary statistics of mining and other industries, and 
petty local happenings of non-progressive localities 
furnish but slight basis for an instructive resume, 
even if such general review were called for here. 

There was, however, one exception to the unevent- 
ful monotony of Nueva Galicia affairs during this 
period, which should be noticed here the conquest 
of Nayarit. This mountainous and almost inaccessi- 
ble region of northern Jalisco, near the frontiers of 


Sinaloa, Durango, and Zacatecas had been the last 
refuge of aboriginal paganism. Here the bold moun- 
taineers, Nayarits, Coras, and Tecualmes, maintained 
their independence of all Spanish or Christian control 
till 1721. It was these tribes or adjoining ones directly 
or indirectly supported by them, that caused all Ind- 
ian troubles of the century in Nueva Galicia. No 
white man, whether soldier or friar, was permitted to 
enter the narrow pass that led to the stronghold of 
the Gran Nayar. A long series of attempts at peace- 
ful conquest resulted in failure; and the difficulties 
of forcible entry were greatly exaggerated at the time, 
and still more at a later period by Jesuit chroniclers 
who sought to magnify the obstacles overcome by 
their order. The Nayarits made a brave but fruitless 
resistance, and their stronghold fell before the first 
determined and protracted campaign of the invaders 
in 1721-2. In 1725 the visitador or inspector found 
about four thousand natives living submissively in ten 
villages; and in 1767 seven Jesuits were serving in as 
many Nayarit missions. 

North of Nueva Galicia, as I have remarked, Du- 
rango and Sinaloa require no special notice here. The 
provinces at whose annals a glance must be given, are 
New Mexico; Chihuahua, or the northern portion of 
Nueva Viscaya proper; Sonora, including the lower 
and upper Pimeria; and the peninsula of Baja Cali- 
fornia. All this region, though in its industries and 
some other phases of its annals very similar to the 
southern provinces, was for the most part still a tierra 
de guerra, or land of war, always exposed to the raids 
of savage gentiles, and often to the revolts of Chris- 
tian converts. The rule was military rather than 
civil, missionary rather than ecclesiastic, save in a few 
of the larger towns. 

New Mexico from 1700 to 1769 was an isolated 
community of neophytes, Franciscan missionaries, 
Spanish soldiers, and settlers, struggling, not very 
.zealously, for a bare existence. Each of these classes. 


was slightly reenforced during the period; and aid, 
chiefly in the form of agricultural implements, came 
from time to time for the settlers, as did a salary for 
the friars, from Mexico. A few mines were opened in 
different parts of the country; but about them, as about 
the agricultural and stock-raising industries which fur- 
nished the means of provincial subsistence, very little is 
known. Trade between the different towns, as with 
outside gentile tribes and with merchants who brought 
in caravans from the far south needed articles of foreign 
manufacture, was generally flourishing in a small way. 
The Pueblo Indians were for the most part faithful 
converts, though retaining a fondness for the rites and 
sorceries of their old faith, which gave the mission- 
aries no little trouble. All Spanish inhabitants, with 
the events of 1680 ever in their minds, were peculiarly 
sensitive to rumors of impending revolt, which, from 
one direction or another, were very frequent, but rarely 
well founded. There were occasional local troubles in 
frontier towns; Zuni was long in re volt; and the Moquis, 
though declaring themselves subjects of Spain, stead- 
fastly refused to become Christians. The Apaches 
were often troublesome on the south and west; as 
were the Yutas, Navajos, and Comanches on the north 
and east each nation ready to make a treaty of peace 
whenever prospects for plunder seemed unfavorable. 
Harely did a year pass without a campaign against 
one of these nations, or an expedition to the Moqui 
towns. Such time as the governor could spare from 
Indian campaigns was largely devoted to political con- 
troversies and defence against charges of corruption 
or incompetency. The governor was directly respon- 
sible to the viceroy, and a Franciscan custodian was 
in charge of the friars. In the later years of the 
period now under consideration, the population of 
native Christians was about ten thousand, in twenty- 
five towns under fifteen friars. Of Spanish and mixed 
blood, settlers and soldiers with their families, there 
were perhaps twenty- five hundred souls, chiefly at 


Santa Fe and Alburquerque, but also scattered to 
some extent on haciendas. Two or three curates under 
the bishop of Durango attended to their spiritual 

Chihuahua during this period, as before and later, 
was exposed to never ending raids from the murder- 
ous Apaches, which for the most part prevented all 
permanent progress. Though the savages from the 
Bolson de Mapimi were again troublesome at first, yet 
the mining settlements of San Bartolome Valley in the 
south counted a Spanish population of over four thou- 
sand in 1766. Near Nombre de Dios, the rich mines 
of Santa Eulalia were discovered, and here in the early 
years of the century the Real de San Felipe, or Chi- 
huahua, sprang into existence. The new town grew 
rapidly for a time, but in 1766 the population had de- 
creased to four hundred families. A line of half a dozen 
presidios, or military posts, was established before 1720 
in the north as far as Janos and Paso del Norte ; and 
these posts, some of them being moved from time to 
time according to need, kept the province from utter 
ruin, though there was hardly a mission, hacienda, or 
real de minas that was not at one time or another 
abandoned. The Franciscans continued their struggle 
against paganism, and in 1714 founded six new mis- 
sions at the jnnction of the Rio Conchos and Rio 
Grande, which, however, had to be abandoned within 
ten years. In the Spanish settlements curates relieved 
the friars, and the missions of the region about Paso 
del Norte were secularized in 1756 only to be restored 
to the missionaries for a time in later years. Also in 
1756 the Jesuit missions of the Tepehuane and Baja 
Tarahumara districts were secularized. These missions 
and those of Alta Tarahumara had been constantly 
declining. Their troubles and those of their Jesuit 
directors at the hands of savage invaders, revolting 
neophytes, Spanish settlers and miners, and secular 
officials, were in every essential respect similar to those 
of the Sonora establishments to be noticed presently. 


The Jesuits were succeeded in 1767 by eighteen Fran- 
ciscans from Zacatecas. 

Sinaloa and southern Sonora in the eighteenth cen- 
tury present little or nothing of importance to our 
purpose. In the extreme north, Kino continues to 
labor as before with like discouraging results till his 
death in 1711. No missionaries can be obtained for 
the north; his only permanent associates in Pimeria- 
Alta are Campos and Velarde. Military authorities 
still distrust the Pimas, or pretend to distrust them; 
but the Jesuits believe these officials are really in 
league with the miners and settlers to oppose the 
mission work, desiring the hostility of the natives 
that they may be enslaved and plundered ; at any rate 
a never ending controversy ensues. After Kino's death 
there is no change for the better; and no increase of 
missionaries until 1730. Father Campos makes several 
tours to the gulf coast, but communication with the 
north becomes less and less frequent; and Apache 
raids are of constant occurrence. The Spanish popu- 
lation of Pimeria in 1730 is about three hundred. 
The soldiers are said to give more attention to mining 
than to their proper duty of protecting the province; 
and an injudicious policy of non-interference with the 
Apaches is at one time adopted by orders from Mexico. 
In 1731 three new priests come, and are assigned to 
the northern missions of Suamca, Guevavi, and San 
Javier del Bac founded at this time, though the natives 
of each had been often before visited by the Jesuits. 
They are supplied irregularly with missionaries from 
this time. The names of Campos and Velarde pres- 
ently disappear from the records to be replaced by 
those of Sedelmair and Keler. In 1736-50 these 
Jesuits make several tours to the Gila region, in con- 
nection with vain projects for the conversion of the 
Moquis and the occupation of Northern California. 
It is in these years, 1737-41, that occurs the famous 
mining excitement of the Bolas de Plata, at a place 
between Saric and Guevavi called Arizonac, whence 


the name Arizona. The presidio of Terrenate is 
founded about 1741. The Pimas become perhaps as 
bad as they had been accused of beinof from the first. 

*J O 

They revolt in 1751-2, killing two priests and a hun- 
dred other Spaniards; and for five or six years there 
is a bitter controversy between the missionaries and 
the government touching the causes of the revolt. 
But the presidio of Tubac having been established, 
and a small garrison stationed at Altar, the missions 
are reoccupied, and maintain a precarious existence 
during the rest of the Jesuit period. Six priests are 
serving in 1767. Near San Javier del Bac there is a 
native rancheria, called Tucson, where after 1752 a 
few Spaniards have settled; but the place is tem- 
porarily abandoned in 1763. 

The Apaches of the north are not Sonora's only 
savage scourge; but from 1724 the Seris, Tepocas, Sal- 
ineros, Tiburon Islanders, and other bands of the 
gulf coast above Guaymas, keep the province in almost 
constant terror by their ravages. There has been 
some mission work done at intervals, by the Califor- 
nian padres chiefly, in the Guaymas region, but no 
permanent missions are established. The Cerro Prieto 
is the rendezvous and stronghold not only of the tribes 
named, but at intervals of the Pimas Bajos and other 
bands of revolting neophytes. The danger from this 
direction is generally deemed greater than from the 
Apaches, who are somewhat restrained by the hos- 
tility of the Pimas Altos. Campaigns to the Cerro 
Prieto are frequent, and generally unsuccessful. In 
one of them in 1755 Governor Mendoza is killed. 

In 1734 the province of Sinaloa y Sonora is sepa- 
rated from Nueva Vizcaya, and put under a governor 
and commandant general, whose capital is nominally 
still San Felipe de Sinaloa, but really San Juan or 
Pitic in Sonora. Under him are the presidio captains. 
Civil affairs are administered as before by alcaldes 
mayores. The governor's time, or the little that is 
left from the almost continuous campaigns against 


northern or western savages, is devoted to the defence 
of his own policy, to controversies with the mission- 
aries, and to the recommendation of divers measures 
for the salvation of the country, few of which are 
adopted and none effectual. In 1740-1 there is a seri- 
ous revolt of the Yaquis and hitherto submissive 
Mayos. The presidio of Pitic at Hermosillo is now 
founded, afterwards being transferred for a time to 
Horcasitas. In 1745 there are estimated to be six- 
teen hundred Spanish inhabitants, possibly men, in 
Sinaloa, Ostimuri, and Sonora, besides about two 
hundred soldiers in the different presidios. Yisitador 
General Gallardo in 1749 reported the province to be 
in a most unprosperous and critical condition. The 
population is ever shifting with the finding of new 
mines, not a single settlement having over ten perma- 
nent Spanish families, though a regular town has been 
begun at Horcasitas. No remedy is found for existing 
evils before 1767, but affairs go on from bad to worse. 
The missions share in the general misfortunes. 
Before 1730 they had declined about one half in 
neophyte population from 1678; and the decline con- 
tinues 'to the end. The Jesuits gradually lose much 
of their influence except over women, children, and 
infirm old men. Indeed there grows up against them 
a very bitter popular feeling, and they become in- 
volved in vexatious controversies with the author- 
ities and gente de razon, or civilized people, generally. 
New-comers are largely German members of the com- 
pany with less patience and less interest in the mis- 
sions than the old Spanish workers; and all become 
more or less petulant in their discouragement under 
ever increasing troubles. They are for the most part 
good men, and in the right generally so far as the 
details of particular quarrels are concerned; but they 
cannot obtain the sine qua non of continued mission 
prosperity, protection in trouble, non-interference in 
success; and like missionaries every where they cannot 
submit gracefully to the inevitable overthrow of their 


peculiar system. Settlers and miners, desiring their 
lands and the labor of their neophytes, preach liberty 
to the natives, foment hatred to the priests, advocate 
secularization, and as the Jesuits believe even stir 
up revolt. 

Before secularization or utter ruin befalls the Sonora 
missions, all of the Jesuit order are expelled from 
Spanish dominions. The priests had been waiting for 
a change, and it comes in a most unexpected form. 
After months of confinement at Guaymas they are 
banished, thirty-seven in number, at the beginning of 
1768. Soon the missions are given to Franciscan 
friars, who like the Jesuits are faithful; but the 
change leaves the several establishments in no better 
condition than before. At the same period comes 
the grand military expedition of Elizondo under the 
auspices of Galvez, which is to reduce the savage foes 
of Sonora to permanent submission, but which is not 
brilliantly successful. Notwithstanding the radical 
changes of this period Sonora affairs proceed much as 
before ; but from the exhibition of energy accompa- 
nying these changes, as we shall see, results the occu- 
pation of Alta California. 

Maritime annals of the period have no importance 
in this connection, consisting almost entirely of the 
predatory efforts of Dampier, Rogers, Shelvocke, and 
Anson, who lie in wait at different times for. the 
Manila ship. On the peninsula of Baja California 
Salvatierra and his associates labor with zeal and suc- 
cess. Gifts from rich patrons, forming the 'pious 
fund,' enable them to purchase supplies and thus 
counteract the disadvantages of their barren country. 
At the same time its barrenness and isolation relieve 
them from much of the interference suffered in Sonora. 
Yet there are Spaniards who desire to fish for pearls; 
and there are others who believe the Jesuits to be 
engaged secretly in pearl-fishing and thus amassing 
great wealth. Indeed there are yew persecutions suf- 
fered by their brethren across the gulf, which in a 


modified form do not affect them; while they endure 
many hardships and privations elsewhere unknown. 
Missions are founded till the chain extends nearly the 
whole length of the peninsula. Salvatierra dies in 
1717. In 171 82 1 Ugarte builds a vessel and explores 
the gulf to its head. The Manila ship touches occa- 
sionally after 1734; and this same year marks the 
beginning of long-continued revolts in the south, dur- 
ing which two priests are killed. Governor Huidrobo 
comes over from Sonora for a campaign, and a presidio 
is founded at San Jose del Cabo. In 1742-8 an epi- 
demic destroys several missions. Father Consag in 
1746 and 1751 explores both the gulf and ocean 
coasts. About 1750 there is a general revival in com- 
mercial, mining, and pearl-fishing industries; but it is 
not of long duration, bringing blame also upon the 
Jesuits. Save the praiseworthy desire to improve the 
spiritual condition of its inhabitants, there is no 
encouragement for the Spanish occupation of this 
country. Sixteen Jesuits died in the country; sixteen 
were banished in 1768. Bitter feelings against the 
company in the North Mexican provinces, or indeed 
in America, had but slight influence in causing the 
expulsion of the Jesuits from the Spanish dominions. 

HIST. CAL., VOL. I. 3 




I HAVE prefixed to this volume a list of authorities 
cited in the History of California, which includes about 
four thousand 1 titles of books, pamphlets, newspapers, 
printed documents, articles, and manuscripts. It is 
something more than a mere list of the works con- 
sulted and epitomized in this part of my history, 
being practically a complete catalogue of all existing 
material pertaining to California, down to the epoch 
of the discovery of gold, and of all historical ma- 
terial to a later period. I am of course aware that 
a perfectly complete bibliographical list of authorities 
on any topic of magnitude does not exist; and I do not 
pretend that mine is such a list; hence the limitation, a 

1 Throughout this chapter I employ round numbers, and in most instances 
the word 'about' should be understood with each number. The necessity of 
printing this summary before the list is put in type prevents absolute accu- 
racy; yet the numerical statements are by no means mere estimates, but may 
be regarded as practically accurate, the variation never exceeding two or 
tjiree per cent. 



'practically' complete catalogue. Additional research 
will add a few items to each, or most, of my sub- 
divisions; and even now, did space permit, several 
of them might be greatly extended, as will be pres- 
ently explained, without really adding much to the 
value of the catalogue. As it stands the list is more 
complete than any other within my knowledge relating 
to any state or territory of our union, or indeed to 
any other country in the world. 2 

Respecting each of the titles given there will be 
found somewhere in this history a bibliographic note 
affording all desirable information about the work and 
its author ; so that if these notes were brought together 
and attached in alphabetic order to the items of the 
list, the result would be a Bibliography of Californian 
History, to which work the present chapter might serve 
as an introduction. In it I propose to a certain extent 
to classify the works which have furnished data for 
this and the following volumes, and briefly to describe 
and criticise such of the various classes and subdi- 
visions as may seem to require remark. A few individ- 
ual works of a general or representative nature may 
appropriately be noticed in this connection; but as a 
rule the reader must look elsewhere for such special 
notices. To the general reader, as must be confessed, 
bibliography is a topic not of the most fascinating; 

2 So far as works on California are concerned, the only previous attempt at 
anything approaching a complete list is Alex. S. Taylor's Bibliocjrafa Cali- 
fornica published in the Sacramento Union of June 25, 1863, with additions 
in the same paper of March 13, 1866. In a copy preserved in the Library of 
the California Pioneers in San Francisco, there are manuscript additions of 
still later date. This work contained over a thousand titles, but its field was 
the whole territory from Baja California to the Arctic Ocean, west of the 
Rocky Mountains, only about one half of the works relating to Alta Califor- 
nia proper. Dr Taylor's zeal in this direction was most commendable, and his 
success, considering his extremely limited facilities, was wonderful; yet his 
catalogue is useless. He never saw one in five of the works he names ; blun- 
ders average more than one to each title; he names many books that never 
existed, others so inaccurately that they cannot be traced, and yet others 
several times over under different titles. His insufferable pedantry and af- 
fectation of bibliographic patois unite with the typographic errors of the 
newspaper press to destroy for the most part any merit that the list might 
otherwise have. I have no doubt there may be a few of Taylor's items repre- 
senting books or documents that actually exist and are not in my list; but to 
select them would be a well nigh hopeless task. 


but its novelty in Calif omian aspects and the brevity 
and comprehensiveness of its treatment in this instance 
may perhaps be offered as circumstances tending to 
counteract inherent monotony. 

In point of time bibliography, like the history, of 
California is divided into two great periods by the 
discovery of gold in 1848. I have some sixteen hun- 
dred titles for the earlier period and over two thousand 
for the later; though the division would be numerically 
much less equal were printed material alone considered. 
And if books and pamphlets only were taken into 
account, disregarding newspapers and articles and doc- 
uments in print, the numbers would stand two hundred 
and seventy for the primitive, and more than a thou- 
sand for the modern epoch. Yet there could be no 
good reason for restricting my list of authorities to 
books ; and its extension to manuscript, documentary, 
and periodical material is entirely legitimate, as will 
be at once apparent to scholars. Where to stop in 
this extension, however, and in the consequent sub- 
division of documentary data is obviously a point re- 
specting which no two critics would be likely to agree. 
The abundance of my material has put me beyond the 
temptation to exaggerate; and while some will doubt- 
less regret that in certain directions, notably that of 
original manuscripts, I have not multiplied titles, the 
ever present necessity of rigid condensation has con- 
trolled my course in this matter. 3 

For the years preceding 1848 manuscript author- 
ities greatly outnumber those in print, being 1,030 out 
of a total of 1,650 ; but in later times, the era of news- 
papers and printed government records, manuscripts 
number less than 200, in a total of over 2,000. I be- 
gin naturally with the earlier period, and first give 
attention to printed material. 

3 The reader is reminded also that in foot-notes of the following pages are 
references to thousands of documents in manuscript and print that are not 
given titles or mentioned separately in the list. 


Titles of printed authorities on this first of the two 
great periods number, as I have said, something over 
600, of which 270 are books or pamphlets, 250 docu- 
ments or articles, and 90 periodicals or collections that 
may be so classed. It is well, however, to subdivide 
the period chronologically, and to glance at the earliest 
epoch of discovery, namely, that preceding 1769. Up 
to this date California had riot been the exclusive, or 
indeed the chief, topic of any book ; yet my list con- 
tains 56 at least, which treat of the distant province 
and the voyages thereto. The number might be con- 
siderably augmented by including all general works, 
in which California was barely named at second hand; 
or in like manner lessened by omitting repetitions of 
Sir Francis Drake's voyage; and indeed eight 4 would 
suffice to impart all the actual knowledge extant at 
the time in print, the rest being of interest mainly by 
reason of their quaint cosniographical conceits or con- 
jectures on the name California. Five of these are 
general Spanish works alluding to California Only as a 
part of Spanish America, one being a romance naming 
the province before its discovery. 5 Sixteen are de- 
scriptive cosniographical works of the old type, to 
which may be added four English records of a slightly 
different class. 6 Then we have sixteen of the once 
popular collections of voyages and travels, to which as 
to the preceding class additions might be made with- 
out going out of my library. 7 And finally we may 
notice eight works which treat of special voyages none 
of them actually to California -"or the lives of special 

4 See in the list the following headings : Cabrera Bueno, Drake, Haklny t, 
Herrera, Linschoten, Purchas, Torquemada, and Venegas. It is probable 
tha^t these list notes will not be deemed of any importance to the general 
reader; but he can easily pass them by; and it is believed that their value to 
a certain class of students will more than pay for the comparatively little 
space they fill. 

5 See Acosta, Apost61icos Afanes, Diaz del Castillo, Esplandian, arid Villa 

6 See America, Blaeu, D'Avity, Gottfriedt, Heylyn, Laet, Low, Luyt, 
Mercator, Montanus, Morelli, Ogilby, Ortelius, West Indische Spieghel, and 
Wytfliet; also Camden, Campbell, Coxe, and Davis. 

7 See Aa, Hacke, Harris, Sammlung, Ramusio, and Voyages. 


navigators, 8 and a like number of important documents 
relating to this primitive epoch, which were not known 
in print until modern times. 9 As I have said, Califor- 
nia was but incidentally mentioned in the books of 
this early time; a few contained all that visitors had 
revealed of the coast; while the rest were content with 
a most inaccurate and superficial repetition eked out 
with imagination to form the wonders of the Northern 

The next sub-period was that of inland exploration, 
of settlement, of mission-founding, of Spanish domina- 
tion in California, lasting from 1769 to 1824. I have 
about four hundred titles for this time; but the show- 
ing of printed matter is meagre, numbering not above 
sixty. Yet the number includes three works devoted 
exclusively to the province, two of them, Costanso's 
Diario and the Monterey, Extraeto de Noticias, being 
brief but important records of the first expeditions 
to San Diego and Monterey, while the third, Palou's 
Vida de Junipero Serra, was destined to be the 
standard history of the country down to 1784, a 
most valuable record. Next in importance were ten 
works in which navigators described their visits to 
California and to other parts of the western coast. 10 
One of these early visitors wrote in English; two in 
Spanish; three in German; and four in French. 
Several of them, notably La Perouse and Vancouver, 
went far beyond their own personal observations, 
gleaning material by which the earliest history of the. 
country became for the first time known to the world. 
To two of the voyage-narratives, unimportant in them- 
selves, were prefixed by competent and w r ell known 
editors, 11 extensive summaries of earlier explorations. 

8 See Burton, Clark, Dampier, Rogers, Shelvocke, and Ulloa. 
' 9 See Ascension, Cabrillo, Cardona, Demarcation, Evans, Niel, and Sal-' 
meron. There are many more minor documents of this class relating vaguely 
to California in connection with the Northern Mystery. 

10 See Chamisso, Choris, Kotzebue, Langsdorlf, La Pe'rouse, Marchand, 
Maurelle, RoquefeuiUT^, Sutil y Mexicana, and Vancouver. 

11 See Fleurieu and Navarrete. 


For the rest we have half a dozen general works on 
America; 12 a like number of Mexican works with 
matter on California; 13 and as many collections of 
voyages and travels. 14 

Of Mexican newspapers containing Californian news 
during this period, only the official journal, the Gaceta 
de Mexico, requires mention here. And printed docu- 
ments or articles are only seven in number; though 
there might be cited very many documents of the 
Spanish government relating to or naming California 
simply as a province of Mexico. Two essays by vis- 
itors, are printed with the books of voyagers that 
have been named. 15 Captain Shaler had the honor 
of being the first American visitor whose narrative was 
printed in the United States; Governor Sola sent a 
report which was printed in Mexico; two instructions 
for Californians were put in type; 16 and in one of the 
Spanish voyage-collections appeared an account of the 
country's history and condition in connection with 
Peninsular affairs. 17 Documents of this period not 
printed until much later are some of them important, 
especially those published in Palou, Noticias, and the 
Doc. Hist. Mex. There are nineteen titles of this 
class. 18 

The final sub-period extending from 1824 to 1848 
may be divided historically into that of Mexican rule 
to 1846, and that of the conquest and American mili- 
tary rule to the gold discovery; but bibliographically 
no such subdivision is convenient, and I treat all as 
one epoch. It claims 700 titles in my list, 475 of 
which represent printed matter, and 180 books proper. 

12 See Alcedo, Anquetil, Bonnycastle, Burney, Forster, Humboldt, and 

13 Arricivita, Clavigero, Cortes, Guia, Presidios, and Rosignon. 

14 Berenger, Kerr, Laharpe, Pinkerton, Viagero Universal, and Voyages. 

15 Chamisso and Rollin. 

16 Galvez and U lloa. 

17 California en 1799. 

18 Altfmira, Armona, Crespf, Dominguez, Game's, Hall, Heceta, Mangino, 
Palou, Reglamento, Revilla Gigedo, Serra, and Velarde. 


First in importance, with Petit-Thouars at the 
head of the list so far as history is concerned and 
Coulter at the foot, are fourteen narratives of voy- 
agers, who visited the, coast and in many instances 
made good use of their opportunities. The works of 
Mofras and Wilkes are the most pretentious of "the 
number, but not the most valuable. 19 To these should 
be added four scientific works resulting from some of 
these voyages; 20 and three official accounts of explor- 
ing marches across the continent in book form; 21 with 
which we may appropriately class a dozen accounts of 
California by foreign visitors or residents, generally in- 
cluding a narrative of the trip by land or sea. 22 Four 
foreigners who had never visited the country com- 
piled historical accounts, 23 one of which, by Forbes, 
has always enjoyed a merited reputation as a standard 
book. Then there were half a dozen or more works 
on Oregon with brief mention of California, 24 and 
half a dozen speeches in congress or elsewhere printed 
in pamphlet form, a number that might be very 
greatly increased if made to include all that men- 
tioned California in connection with the Mexican war 
and the Oregon Question. 25 To all of which titles 
from foreign sources may be added those of ten gen- 
eral works' 26 containing allusions to our province. 

Chief among works in Spanish for this period should 
stand six which, though with one exception not very 
important for history, were the first books printed in 
California, most of them being entirely unknown until 
now. 27 And with these may be named eight other 

39 Beechey, Belcher, Cleveland, Coulter, Dana, Duhaut-Cilly, Huish (not 
a visitor), Kotzebue, Laplace, Mofras, Morrell, Petit-Thouars, Ruschenber- 
ger, Simpson, and Wilkes. 

20 Hinds, Richardson, and U. S. Ex. Ex. the later including many works 
by different authors. 

21 Emory and Fremont. . 

22 Bid well, Bilson, Boscaiia, Bryant, Farnhanx, Hastings, Kelley, Pattie, 
and Robinson. 

23 Cutts, Forbes, Greenhow, and Hughes. 

24 Fe"dix, Lee, Nicolay, Twiss, etc. 

25 Clark, Hall, Thompson, Webster, etc. 

26 Beyer, Blagdon, Barrow, Combier, D ? 0rbigny, Irving, Lafond, Lardner, 
Murray, and Tytler. 

2; Botica, Figueroa, Reglamento, Ripalda, Romero., and Vallejo. 


pamphlets, printed in Mexico on California*! topics. 28 
Then there are sixteen Mexican government docu- 
ments containing valuable allusions to California, 29 
and many more if mere mentions be counted; and 
finally, we have thirty-five general works on Mexico, 
with like information often of some value, about a 
dozen of which are the writings of Carlos Maria Bus- 
tamante, found also more complete in nay library in 
the original autograph manuscript. 80 

Passing from books to documents, the productions 
of the Californian press merit first mention. They 
are fifty-five in number, each separately printed. 81 
Three or four are proclamations of United States offi- " 
cials, one is a commercial paper, one an advertisement, 
and one took a poetical form; but most were official 
documents emanating from the Hispano-Californian 
government. Then I note sixteen Mexican govern- 
ment documents in collections or newspapers; and 
seven others of a semi-official, nature; 32 while there 
are twenty-two topic-collections or separate reports, 
from United States officers, for the most part printed 
by the government and relating to the conquest. 33 
Three titles belong to matter inserted in the books of 
navigators already named; 34 six to articles or documents 
in the Nouvelles Annales des Voyages-** and twelve 
are English and American articles in periodicals. 36 

28 Carillo, Castanares, Fondo Piadoso, Garcia Diego, Junta de Fomento, 
and San'Miguel. 

29 Under the heading 'Mexico.' 

3(1 Alaman, Ayala, Bermudez, Bustamante, Cancelada, Escndero, Fonseca, 
Guerrero, Iriarte, Muhlenpfordt, Oajaca, Rejon, Riesgo, Sales, San Miguel, 
Semblanzas, Thompson, Unzueta, and Willie. 

31 Alvarado, California, Castro, Chico, Diputacion, Doctrina, Figueroa, 
Gutierrez, Hi jar, Mason, Micheltorena, Plan, Pronunciamiento, Riley, Shu- 
brick, Vail e jo, and Zamorano. 

;r2 Ayuntamiento, Compania, Decreto, Dictamen, Iniciativa, Jones, Mexico, 
Plan. Also Bandini, 'C.,' Castanares, Chico, Flores, Iniestra, and Sinaloa. 

33 Cal. and N. Mex.. Conquest, Cooke, Expulsion, Fremont, Johnston, 
Jones, Kearny, Kelley, Marcy, Mason, Monterey, Shubrick, Slacum, Sloat, 
Stockton, War with Mexico. Some of these are the president's messages 
and documents, containing a very large number of important papers. 

34 Botta, Documens, tind Sanchez. 

35 F-ages, Galitzin, Le Netrel, Morineau, Scala, and Smith. 

10 Americans, Campaign, Coulter, Evans, Far West, Fourgeaud, Hist. 
Bear Flag, Larkin, Peirce, Reynolds, Squier, and Warner. 


There were some twenty periodicals, or publications 
that may conveniently be classed as such, some being 
collections or serial records, that contained material 
about this province before 1^848; at least that is the 
number that my list furnishes. 37 Of newspapers about 
seventy titles forty of them Mexican appear in my 
catalogue; but as doubtless many more in different 
parts of the world contained at least a mention of this 
country at one time or another, I name only ten pub- 
lished in California, the Hawaiian Islands, and Ore- 
gon, 38 all valuable sources of information. Niles 
Register is the eastern journal that I have found most 
useful in my task. 

Finally I have about 150 titles of books, documents, 
and articles, which, though printed later, relate to 
Californian history before 1848, so far as they relate 
to that subject at all. Seventy-five of the number are 
in book form, including some valuable monographs on 
early affairs in California ; several collections of docu- 
ments ; some reprints and translations of early works ; 
some treatises on Mexican law as affecting California ; 
several important griefs in land cases, the number of 
which might easily be multiplied; United States docu- 
ments relating to the conquest and military rule, but 
printed after 1848; Russian works containing infor- 
mation on the Ross colony; one or two narratives of 
visitors ; and a number of works on the Mexican war. 
Those appearing under the names of Dwinelle, Ido, 
Lancey, McGlashan, and Palou are the most impor- 
tant. 39 Documents and articles of this class are about 

37 American Quarterly Register, American Quarterly Review, American 
Review, American State Papers, Annals of Congress, Arrillaga, Colonial 
Magazine, Congressional Debates, Congressional Globe, Edinburgh Review, 
Hansard's Parl. Debates, Home Missionary, Hunt's Merch. Magazine, Lon- 
don Mechanics' Magazine, North American Review, Nouvelles Annales des 
Voyages, Quarterly Review, Revista Cientifica, and Southern Quarterly Re- 

38 In California were four, or rather combinations of two; Monterey Cal- 
ifornian, San Francisco Californian, San Francisco Star, and San Francisco 
Star and Californian. At Honolulu, five; the Friend, Hawaiian Spectator, 
Sandwich Island Gazette, Sandwich Island News, and Polynesian. In Ore- 

gon^was the Spectator. 

39 Abbott, Bigelow, California, California Land Titles, California and North 


the same in number, and very similar in their nature 
and variety to the books, including also some titles of 
pioneer reminiscences in the newspapers, titles that 
might be multiplied almost without limit. 40 

Of works printed after 1848, relating chiefly to 
events subsequent to the discovery of gold, and there- 
fore belonging to a later bibliographic period, but 
yet containing information on earlier annals, I have 
occasion to cite about three hundred titles in these 
volumes. Most of them are unimportant in this con- 
nection; but some are formal attempts at historical 
research embracing both chronologic periods. The 
works of Tuthill and Gleeson, entitled, the one a 
History of California, and the other a History of the 
Catholic Church in California, are the only ones of a 
general nature requiring notice here. Tuthill's his- 
tory merits much higher praise than has generally 
been accorded to it, being the work of a brilliant and 
conscientious writer. It is a satisfactory popular his- 
tory, making no claims to exhaustive research, but 
intelligently prepared from the best accessible author- 
ities. Gleeson is not so able a writer, is somewhat 
more of a partisan, wrote more hastily, and fell into 
more errors; yet as a Catholic priest he had some 
superior facilities. He read more of the old authori- 
ties, went more fully into details, and was quite as 
conscientious; and he has given us a pleasing and 
tolerably accurate picture of mission life and annals. 
Neither of these authors had, or pretended to have, 
any facilities for writing history or annals proper, and 

Mexico, Calvo,- Cavo, Colton, Cooke, Diccionario, Documentos, Doyle, Drake, 
Dunbar, Dwinelle, Figueroa, Flagg, Frt-mont, Furber, Gomez, Guerra, Hale, 
Halleck, Hartmann, Hawes, Hoffman, Homes, Ide, Jay, Jenkins, Jones, 
Lancey, Marcou, McGlashan, Mansfield, Mexican War, Palou, Phelps, Ram- 
say, Randolph, Revere, Ripley, Rivera, Stockton, Taylor, Upham, Vallejo, 
Velasco, Vischer, Tikhmenef, Materialui, Rezanof, Markof, and Khle"bnikof. 
40 Archbald, Arroyo, Assembly, Biographical Sketches, Boggs, Bowers, 
Brooklyn, Brown, Buchanan, Clark, Dall, Daubenbiss, Degroot, Dwinelle, 
Dye, Elliot, Espinosa, Folsom, Foster, Fremont, Hale, Halleck, Hecox, Hit- 
tell, Hopkins, Jones, Kern, Kearny, King's Orphan, Kip, Leese, McDougall, 
McPherson, Marcou, Marsh, Mason, Mexico, Micheltorena, Peckham, Reed, 
Sherman, Stevenson, Stillman, Stockton, Sutter, Taylor, Toombs, Trask, 
Vallejo, Veritas, Victor, Warren, Wiggins, and Wolfskill. 


to criticise their failure to accomplish such a result 
would be affectation. 41 Historical sketches published 
before 1848, either separately or in connection with 
narratives of travel, many of them of real value, will 
be noticed individually in their chronological place. 
Similar sketches, but for the most part of much less 
importance, published during the 'flush times' or 
later, often in connection with descriptive works, 
such sketches as those found under the headings 
Capron, Cronise, Frost, and Hastings, require no 
special notice. They contained no original material, 
and made but inadequate and partial use of such as 
was easily accessible. 

There is, however, another class of these recent 
publications that assumes considerable importance, 
that of local histories, of which my list contains over 
sixty titles. Each in connection with descriptive 
matter gives something of local annals for both early 
and modern times. Some of them are the Centennial 
Sketches prepared at the suggestion of the United 
States government, like that of Los Angeles by 
Warner and Hayes, and of San Francisco by John 
S. Hittell. This latter work was made also 'inci- 
dentally a history of California/ and, like the earlier 
Annals of San Francisco by Soule and others, it is a 
work of much merit. The authors were able men, 
though they had neither time, space, nor material to 
make anything like a complete record of local events 
in the earlier times. Hall's History of San Jose 
should also be mentioned in connection with the An- 
nals as a work of merit. And "finally there are many 
county histories, often in atlas form and copiously il- 
lustrated with portraits, maps, and views. Each con- 
tains a preliminary sketch of California history, with 

41 The History of California, by Franklin Tuthill, San Francisco, 1866, 
8vo, xvi. 657 pages. About one third of the book is occupied with the 
period preceding the discovery of gold. Dr Tuthill was connected with the 
San Francisco press, and died soon after the appearance of his work. 

History of the Catholic Church in California, by W. Gleeson, M. A., Pro- 
fessor, St Mary's College, San Francisco, Cal., in two volumes, illustrated. 
San Francisco. Printed for the author. 1872. 8vo, 2 vols, xv. 446, 351 pages. 


more detailed reference to the county which gives 
title to the work. Three or four firms have in late 
years been engaged in producing these peculiar pub- 
lications, with a dozen or more different editors. The 
books were made of course mainly to sell; yet not- 
withstanding this and other unfavorable conditions, 
some of the editors have done valuable work. As 
might be expected they are uneven in quality, abound- 
ing in blunders, especially in those parts that depend 
on Spanish records; yet in the matter of local annals 
after 1840, and of personal details, they have afforded 
me in the aggregate considerable assistance. Their 
chief defect is I speak only of those parts relating 
to early times that in their pages valuable informa- 
tion and glaring inaccuracies are so intermingled that 
the ordinary reader cannot separate them. They are 
not history; but they supply some useful materials 
for history. In the results of their interviews with 
old residents the editors have furnished some matter 
similar and supplemental to the pioneer dictations 
which I shall presently mention. 

I now come to the thousand and more titles of 
manuscript authorities in my list, far exceeding those 
in print for this early period, not only numerically, but 
in historical value; since the country's annals down 
to 1846, at least, could be much more completely 
written from the manuscripts alone than from the 
print alone. Naturally these authorities lose nothing 
of their value in my. estimation from the facts that in 
most instances no other writer has consulted them, 
and that essentially all of them exist only in my col- 

Of the public archives of the Spanish and Mexican 
government in, California, transferred by copyists to 
my library, there are thirteen collections represented 
in the catalogue by as many titles, the originals making 
about 35.0 bound volumes of from 300 to 1,000 docu- 
ments each, besides an immense mass of unbound 


papers. 42 With a view to the convenience of the pub- 
lic, rather than my own, I have made the numbers of 
my volumes of copies and extracts correspond in most 
cases to the originals. For historical purposes these 
copies are better than the originals on account of their 
legibility, and the condensation effected by the omis- 
sion of duplicates and suppression of verbiage in minor 
routine papers. The originals are the official papers 
turned over by the Mexican government to that of the 
United States in 1846-7, now preserved chiefly in the 
United States surveyor-general's office at San Fran- 
cisco, where there are nearly three hundred bulky 
tomes besides loose papers, but also in less extensive 
collections at other places, notably at Los Angeles, 
Salinas City, and San Jose. The main Archive is 
divided into twenty-four sub-collections ; 43 but beyond 
a slight attempt at chronology and the segregation of 
papers on a few topics involving land titles, the classi- 
fication is arbitrary and of no value ; nor is there any 
real distinction between the papers preserved in the 
different archives. Of the nature of these documents it 
must suffice to say that they are the originals, blotters, 
or certified copies of the orders, instructions, reports, 
correspondence, and act-records of the authorities, po- 
litical, military, judicial, and ecclesiastical; national, 
provincial, departmental, territorial, and municipal, 
during the successive rule, monarchical, imperial, and 
republican, of Spain, Mexico, and the United States, 
from 1768 to 1850. The value of archive records as a 
foundation for history is universally understood. Span- 
ish archives are not less accurate than those of other 
nations; and, since few happenings were so petty as 
not to fall under the cognizance of some official, they 
furnish a much more complete record of provincial 


42 Archive de California, Los Angeles, Monterey, Sacramento, San Diego, 
San Jose", San Luis Obispo, Santa Barbara, and Santa Cruz. 

43 Actas, Brands, Dept. Records, Dept. State Papers, Legislative Records, 
Provincial Records, Provincial State Papers, State Papers, Superior Govt 
St. Papers, and Unbound Documents. For further subdivisions of these titles 
see list. 


annals than would be afforded, for instance, by the 
public archives of an English province. Of the 
quarter of a million documents consulted in these col- 
lections I shall mention later about two hundred 
under distinct titles. The early archives of California, 
as preserved by the government, are not entirely com- 
plete, though more nearly so I think than those of 
any other state of our union; but I have taken some 
effective steps to supply the defects, as will presently 
appear. 44 

Also in the nature of public archives are the mis- 
sionary records. As the missions by the process of 
secularization passed into the control of the church, 
the old leather-bound registers of baptisms, mar- 
riages, burials, and confirmations at each establish- 
ment remained, and for the most part still remain, in 
the possession of the curate of the parish. Other 
mission papers were gradually brought together by 
the Franciscan authorities at Santa Bdrbara, where 
they now constitute the largest collection extant. 
From such documents as were not thus preserved, 
remaining in the missions or scattered in private 
hands, Taylor subsequently made a collection of five 
large volumes, now in the archbishop's library in San 
Francisco. A third collection, chiefly of libros de 
patentes, is that of the bishop of Monterey and Los 
Angeles. These have furnished me, under four titles, 
eighteen volumes of copies, or not less than 10,000 
documents, 45 and my own efforts have resulted in four 
volumes of very valuable original documents, about 
2,000 in number, under three titles. 46 Then the 
twenty-two collections of mission registers already 
mentioned as in custody of the curates, the libros de 

44 There are at least seven collections in my list, which are public archives 
similar to those before named, except that instead of being copies they are 
the originals obtained by me from private sources. See headings, Larkin, 
Monterey, San Francisco, Registro, and Sonoma. 

45 Archive del Arzobispado, Archive del Obispado, Arch, de Sta Barbara, 
and Correspondencia de Misiones. 

46 Archive de Misiones, Pico (Andre's), and San Antonio, Documentos 


mision proper with such scattering papers as have 
remained at some establishments, have been searched 
for my purposes, each yielding a volume of extracts 
and statistics; 47 while from private sources I have 
obtained fifteen originals of similar nature. 48 I give 
separate titles to about 120 documents from the mis- 
sion archives ; and it should be noted that they con- 
tain not a few secular records; while the public, or 
secular, archives contain many important mission 

As I have said, neither the public nor mission 
archives are complete. Documents w r ere not all^ 
turned over as they should have been to the United 
States and to the church; nearly every Mexican of- 
ficial retained more or less records which remained 
in his family archives together with his correspond- 
ence and that of his ancestors and relations. I have 
made an earnest effort to collect these scattered 
papers, and with flattering success, as is shown by 
about fifty collections of Documentos para la Ilistoria 
de California, in 110 volumes, containing not less 
than 40,000 documents, thousands being of the ut- 
most importance as containing records nowhere else 
extant, and 116 of them receiving special titles jn my 
list. About half of all these documents are similar 
in their nature and historic value in all save that 
they are originals instead of copies on my shelves 
to those in the public and mission archives ; and the 
rest are in some respects even more valuable for my 
purpose, being largely composed of the private corre- 
spondence of prominent citizens and officials on cur- 
rent public affairs, of which they afford almost . an 
unbroken record. Twenty-nine of these collections 
of private or family archives bear the names of the 

47 Monterey Parroquia (S. Cdrlos), Purisima, S. Antonio, S. Buena\ 7 en- 
tura, S. Diego, S. Fernando, S. Francisco, S. Gabriel, S. Josd, S. Juan Bau- 
tista, S. Juan Capistrano, S. Luis Obispo, S. Miguel, S. Rafael, Sta Barbara, 
Sta Cruz, Sta Clara, Sta Lie's, and Soledad. Only the mission books of S. 
Luis Rey have eluded my search. 

48 Arroyo, Loa, Mission, Miisica, Oro Molido, Privilegios, Purisima, S. 
Jose", Sta Lie's, S., Francisco Solano, Sarria, Sermones. 


Califbrnian families by the representatives of which 
they were given to me. 49 Of these by far the largest 
and most valuable collection is that which bears the 
name of Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo, in thirty-seven 
immense folio volumes of not less than 20,000 original 
papers. General Vallejo, one of the most prominent 
and enlightened of Californians, was always a col- 
lector of such documents as might aid in recording 
the history of his country; and when he became in- 
terested in my work he not only most generously and 
patriotically gave up all his accumulated treasures of 
the past, but doubled their bulk and value by using 
his influence with such of his countrymen as turned a 
deaf ear to my persuasions. As a contributor to the 
stock of original information respecting his country's 
annals, General Vallejo must ever stand without a 
rival. The second collection in extent, and the largest 
from the south, is that of the. Guerra y Noriega 
family in Santa Barbara. But bulk is by no means 
the only test of value ; and many of my smaller col- 
lections, from men who gave all they had, contain 
records quite as important as the larger ones named. 
Twenty other collections bear foreign names, in 
some cases that of the pioneer family whose archives 
they were, and in others that of the collector or donor. 50 
Except that a larger proportion of the documents are 
in English, they are generally of the same class as 
those just referred to. At the head of this class in 
merit stand Thomas O. Larkin's nine volumes of 
Documents for the History of California, presented by 
Mr Larkin's family through his son-in-law, Sampson 
Tarns. This collection is beyond all comparison the 
best source of information on the history of 18456, 
which in fact could not be correctly written without 

49 See the following headings, each followed by ' Documentos ' or 'Papeles;' 
Alviso, Arce, Avila, Bandini, Bonilla, Carillo, Castro, Coronel, Cota, Estu- 
dillo, Fernandez; Gomez, Gonzalez, Guerra y Noriega, Marron, Moreno, 01- 
vera, Pico, Pinto, Requena, Soberanes, Valle, and Vallejo. 

50 Ashley, Documentos, Fitch, Griffin, Grigsby, Hayes, Hittell, Larkin, 
Janssens, McKinstry, Monterey, Murray, Pinart, Savage, Sawyer, and Spear. 

HIST. GAL., VOL. I. 4 


these papers. Larkin besides being United States 
consul, and at one time a confidential agent of the 
national administration in California, was also a lead- 
ing merchant who had an extensive commercial corre- 
spondence with prominent residents both foreign and 
native in all parts of the country, as also with traders 
and other visitors at the provincial capital. Business 
letters between him and such men as Stearns at Los 
Angeles, Fitch at San Diego, and Leidesdorff at 
San Francisco, from week to week furnish a running 
record of political, industrial, social, and commercial 
annals. The most influential natives in different sec- 
tions corresponded frequently with the merchant 
consul; he was on terms of intimacy with the masters 
of vessels, and with leading men in Mexico and at 
the islands. The collection contains numerous and 
important letters from Fremont, Sutter, Sloat, and 
Montgomery. Autograph communications from James 
Buchanan, secretary of State at Washington, exhibit 
the national policy respecting California in an entirely 
new light. Indeed it is difficult to overestimate the 
historical value of these precious papers, or the service 
rendered to their country by the family representa- 
tives who have made this material available to ; the 
historian. Besides the nine bulky volumes mentioned 
I have from the same source a large quantity of un- 
bound commercial documents; the merchant's account 
books for many years, of great value in supplying 
pioneer names and dates; and, still more important, 
his consulate records, containing copies of all his com- 
munications to the United States government, only a 
few of which have ever been made known to the 
public. Larkin and Yallejo must ever stand unri- 
valled among the names of pioneer and native contrib- 
utors to the store of original material for Californian 

My list contains about 550 titles of separate man- 
uscript documents, the number being pretty equally 


divided between those forming each a volume on my 
shelves and those to be found in the different pri- 
vate, public, and mission archives. So far as the 
archive papers are concerned, I might legitimately 
carry the multiplication of titles much further, since 
there are thousands of documents, which to a writer 
with a less abundant store of such material than mine 
would seem to amply merit separate titles; but here 
as elsewhere I have preferred to err, if at all, on the 
side of excessive condensation. Of the whole num- 
ber three fifths relate to the period preceding, and two 
fifths to that following, 1824. They may be roughly 
divided into four general classes. 

First there are eighty diaries or journals or log- 
books, of those who explored the coast in ships, or 
traversed the interior in quest of mission sites, or 
marched to attack hostile gentiles, or sought converts 
in distant rancherias, or came by sea to trade or 
smuggle, or made official tours of inspection. 51 The 
second class is that composed of what may be called 
government documents, one hundred and sixty-three 
in number. Twenty-seven of these were orders, in- 
structions, reports, and other papers emanating from 
the viceroy, or other Spanish or Mexican officials. 52 
Seventy-five are like official papers written by the 
governor, comandante general, prefect, or other high 
officials in California. 53 Thirty-four are similar docu- 
ments from military commandants and other subordi- 
nate California officers; 54 and twenty-seven are Mex- 

51 Abella, Albatross, Altimira, Amador, Anza, Arab, Arteaga, Bodega, 
Breen, Cabot, Cafiizares, Castillo, Clyman, Cooper, Cota, Coutts, Danti, Dong- 
las, Edwards, Font, Gonzalez, Goycoechea, Griffin, Grijalva, Hartnell, Has- 
well, Heceta, Libro de Bitacora, Lisalde, Log-books, Maiaspina, Martin, Mar- 
tinez, Maurelle, Mellus, Moraga, Mtirioz, Nuez, Ordaz, Ortega, Pay eras, 
Peirce, Pena, Peralta, Perez, Piiia, Portilla, Portolti, Robbins, Sal, Sanchez, 
Santa Maria, Sitjar, Soto, Tapis, Vallejo, Velazquez, Viader, Yates, and Zal- 
videa. In many cases more than one diary is found under a single name. 

52 Alaman, Areche, Azanza, Borbon, Brai ciforte, Bucareli, Carcaba, Cos- 
tans6, Croix, Flo res, Galvez, Hi jar, Montesdeoca, Nava, Re villa Gigedo, and 

M Alvarado, Argiiello, Arrillaga, 'Borica, Castro, Chico, Echeandia, Fages, 
Figtieroa, Flores, Gutierrez, Micheltorena, Neve, Pico, Rivera y Moncada, 
Romeu, Sola, Vallejo, and Victoria. 

54 Alberni, Amador, Argiiello, Bandini, Carrillo, Cordoba, Estudillo, Gra 


ican and Califbrnian reglamentos provincial and muni- 
cipal, emanating from different authorities. 55 The 
third class consists of one hundred and four mission 
documents, of which fifteen are orders, regulations, 
arid reports>from guardians of the college of San Fer- 
nando, and other high missionary and ecclesiastic 
authorities in Mexico or Spain. 56 Fifty-two are in- 
structions or reports of the mission presidents and pre- 
fects, or from the bishop; 57 while the rest, forty-seven 
in number, are reports, letters, and miscellaneous 
writings of the missionary padres. 58 The fifth and 
last class is that to which may be applied the con- 
venient term ' miscellaneous,' consisting of nearly two 
hundred titles, and which may be subdivided as fol- 
lows: Twenty-six items of political correspondence, 
speeches, and narratives; 59 a dozen or more docu- 
ments of local record and regulation; 60 twenty -two 
collections from private sources, equivalent to public 
or mission archives; 61 twenty -two other collections 
of material; 62 thirty expedientes, or topic collections of 
documents, including many legal and criminal cases ; 63 

jera, Grijalva, Goycoechea, Guerra, Moraga, Ortega, Padres, Perez Fernan- 
dez, Rqdriguez, Sal, Soler, and Vallejo. 

55 Alvarado, Arancel, Calif orni as, Colonizacion, Constitucion, Decreto, 
Echeandia, Galvez, Indies, Instrucciones, Mexico, Micheltorena, Ordenanzas, 
Pico, Pitic, Plan, Reglamento, and Secularizacioh. 

56 Bestard, Branciforte, Calleja, Gasol, Garijo, Lopez, Lull, Pio VI., Pan- 
gua, and Sancho. 

57 Duran, Garcia Diego, Indies, Lasuen, Misiones, Payeras, Sanchez, 
Sarrfa, Senan, Serra, and Tapis. 

58 Abella, Autobiograf ia, Catala, Catecismo, Colegio, Escandon, Expe- 
diente, Facultad, Fermndez, Fondo Piadoso, Faster, Hayes, Horra, Inform?, 
Lasuen, Lopez, Marquinez, Mission, Monterey, Mugartegui, Munguia, Gibe's, 
Palou, Paterna, Pena, Protesta, Purisima, Ripoll, Salazar, San Buenaven- 
tura, San Jose", Santa Barbara, Serra, Tapis, and Zalvidea. 

69 Alvarado, Argiiello, Bandini, Carriiio, Castillo Negrete, Castro, Gomez, 
Guerra, Osio, and Vallejo. 

60 Estab. Rusos, Los Angeles, Monterey, Ross, Rotschef, and San Fran- 

01 See notes 44 and 48 of this chapter. 

62 Bear Flag Papers, Boston, California Pioneers, Cerruti, Hayes, Linares, 
Miscel. Hist. Papers, Nueva Espaiia, Pinart, Pioneer Sketches, . Douglas 
Papers, Mayer MSS., Russian America, Sutter-Sufiol, Taylor, Viages al Norte. 

63 Abrego, Albatross, Apalategui, Asia and Con-nante, Atanasio, Berreyesa, 
Bouchard, Carriiio, Castafiares, Duarte, Elliot de Castro, Expediente, Fitch, 
Graham, Guerra, Herrera, Mercado, Mercury, Pena, Rae, Rodriguez, Romero, 
Rubio, San Jose", Santa Barbara, Santa Cruz, Solis, Sonoma, and Stearns. 


half a dozen old sets of commercial and other account 
books, some of them of great historical value; 64 fifteen 
lists of inhabitants, vessels, pioneers, soldiers, etc.; 65 
and a like number of old narratives, some being sim- 
ilar to my dictations to be mentioned presently, except 
that they were not written expressly for my use, and 
others being old diaries and records; 66 also eight per- 
sonal records, hojas de servicio, and wills; 67 fifteen 
battles, treaties, juntas, or plans; 68 three very impor- 
tant documents on relations with the United States; 69 
four on the Ross Colony; 70 five items of correspond- 
ence of visitors or Nootka men; 71 and a dozen, too 
hopelessly miscellaneous to be classified, that need not 
be named here. 

Thousands of times in my foot-notes I have occa- 
sion to accredit certain information in this manner: 
'Padre Lasuen's letter of - , in Arch. Sta Bar., 
torn. , p. --'; ' Bandini's Speech, in Carrillo, Doc. 
Hist. Cal., torn. , p. --'; ' Gov. Fages to P. Serra 
(date), in Prov. St. Pap.'; ' Larkin to Leidesdorff, 
June , 1826, in Id., Doc. Hist. CaL, iv.,' etc., etc. 
Now one of these communications is not worth a 
separate place in my list; but a hundred from one 
man form a collection which richly merits a title. 
That the items are scattered in different manuscript 
volumes on my shelves, when they might by a mere 
mechanical operation have been bound in a separate 
volume, makes no difference that I can appreciate. 
Therefore from this scattered correspondence of some 
two hundred of the most prominent men whose 
writings as used by me are most voluminous, I have 

64 Cooper, Larkin, Russian American Company, and Vallejo. 

65 Dana, Espanoles, Estrada, Hayes, Los Angeles, Monterey, Padron, Mor- 
mon Battalion, Relacion, Richardson, Rowland, Salidas, Speiice, Stuart, and 

60 Compaiiia Extrangera, Ford, Hartnell, Ide, Leese, Marsh, Morris, Mur- 
ray, New Helvetia, Ortega, Prudon, and Vigilantes. 

67 Am ad or, Argiicllo, Arrillaga, Carrillo, Castro, and Ortega. 

08 Cahuenga, Carrillo, Conferencia, Consejo, Instrucciones, Junta, Plan, 
Pronunciamiento, Soils, Tratado, and Zamorano. 

69 Buchanan and Larkin. 

70 Baranof, Etholin, Potechin, and Zavalischin. 

71 Douglas, Kendrick, Malaspina, Saavedra, Wilcox. 


made a like number of titles. The author's name is 
followed in each title by cartas, correspondencia, escri- 
tos, or some similar general term. Seventy belong 
to men who wrote chiefly before 1824; one hundred 
and thirty to those who flourished later. Of the 
whole number, twenty were Spanish or Mexican offi- 
cials who wrote beyond the limits of California; 
twenty were Franciscan friars of the California mis- 
sions; forty-eight were foreign pioneer residents in 
California; and one hundred and eleven were native, 
Mexican, or Spanish citizens and officials of Califor- 
nia. Several of these collections in each class would 
form singly a large volume.' 


One more class of manuscripts remains to be no- 
ticed. The memory of men as a source of historical 
information, while not to be compared with original 
documentary records, is yet of very great importance. 
The memory of men yet living when I began my re- 
searches, as aided by that of their fathers, covers in a 
sense the whole history of California since its settle- 

72 Spanish and Mexican officials, all before 1824: Apodaca, Azanza, Barry, 
Branciforte, Bucareli, Calleja, Cdrcaba, Croix, Galvez, Garibay, Haro y 
Peralta, Iturigaray, Marquina, Nava, Rengel, Revilla Gigedo, Ugarte y 
Loyola, Venadito, and Venegas. 

Padres or ecclesiastics, 8 before and 12 after 1824: Abella, Arroyo, Boscana, 
Cabot, Catala, Dumetz, Duran, Este"nega, Garcia Diego, Jimeno, Lasuen, 
Martin, Martinez, Ordaz,. Palou, Payeras, Peyri, Quijas, Rouset, Sefian, 
Tapis, and Viader. 

Foreign residents and visitors: Belden, Bolcof, Burton, Colton, Cooper, 
Dana, Davis, Den, Douglas, Fitch, Fliigge, Forbes, Foster, Fremont, Garner, 
Gillespie, Green, Hartnell, Hastings, Hinckley, Howard, Jones, Larkin, 
Leese, Leidesdorff, Livermore, Marsh, Mason, Mellus, Mofras, Morenhaut, 
Murphy, Parrott, Paty, Prndon, Reid, Richardson, Semple, Spence, Stearns, 
Stevenson, Stockton, Sloat, Sutter, Temple, Thompson, Vignes, and Vioget. 

Calif ornian officials and citizens, 36 before and 75 after 1824: Abrego, 
Alberni, Alvarado, Amador, Amesti, Archuleta, Argiiello, Arrillaga, Ban- 
dim, Bonilla, Borica, Botello, Buelna, Carrillo, Castauares, Castillero, Cas- 
tillo Negrete, Castro, Chico, Cordoba, Coronel, Cota, Covarrubias, Echeandia, 
Escobar, Estrada, Estudillo, Fages, Fernandez, Figueroa, Flores, Font, 
Gomez, Gonzalez, Goycoechea, Grajera, Grijalva, Guerra, Gutierrez, Haro, 
Herrera, Hi jar, Ibarra, Lasso, Lugo, Machado, Malarin, Maitorena, Marti- 
nez, Micheltorena,. Moraga, Munoz, Neve, Olvera, Ortega, Osio, Osuna, 
Pacheco, Padre's, Pena, Peralta, Perez Fernandez, Pico, Portilla, Ramirez, 
Requena, Rivera y Moncada, Rodriguez, Romeu, Ruiz, Sal, Sanchez, Ser- 
rano, Sola, Soler, Suiiol, Tapia, Torre, Valle, Vallejo, Victoria, Villavicencio, 
Zamorano, and Zuiiiga. 


ment. I have therefore taken dictations of personal 
reminiscences from 160 old residents. Half of them 
were natives, or of Spanish blood; the other half 
foreign pioneers who came to the country before 1848. 
Of the former class twenty-four were men who occu- 
pied prominent public positions, equally divided be- 
tween the north and the south. 73 

The time spent with each by my reporters was 
from a few days to twelve months, according to the 
prominence, memory, and readiness to talk of the 
person interviewed; and the result varied in bulk 
from a few pages to five volumes of manuscript. A 
few spoke of special events; most gave their general 
recollections of the past; and several supplemented 
their reminiscences by documentary or verbal testi- 
mony obtained from others. They include men of all 
classes and in the aggregate fairly represent the Cali- 
fornian people. Eleven of the number were women, 
and the dictation of one of these, Mrs Ord Dona 
Angustias de la Guerra compares favorably in accu- 
racy, interest, and completeness, with the best in my 
collection. General Vallejo's narrative, expanded into 
a formal Historia de California, is the most extensive 
and in some respects the most valuable of all ; that of 
Governor Alvarado is second in size, and in many 
parts of inferior quality. The works of Bandini and 
Osio differ from the others in not having been written 
expressly for my use. The authors were intelligent 
and prominent men, and though their narratives are 
much less extensive and complete than those of Va- 
llejo and Alvarado, they are of great importance. 
Those of such men as Botello, Coronel, Pio a'nd Jesus 
Pico, Arce, Amador, and Castro merit special inen- 

73 Abrego, Alvarado, Alviso, Amador, Arce, Arnaz, Avila, Bandini, Bernal, 
Berreyesa, Bojorges, Boronda, Botello, Buelna, Burton, Carrillo, Castro, Coro- 
nel, Escobar, Espinosa, Estudillo, Ezquer, Fitch, Fernandez, Flores, Galindo, 
Garcia, Garnica, German, Gomez, Gonzalez, Hartnell, Hijar, Julio Ce"sar, 
Juarez, Larios, Leese, Lorenzana, Lugo, Machado, Marron, Moreno, Ord, 
Osio, Palomares, Perez, Pico, Pinto, Rico, Robles, Rodriguez, Roinerq, San- 
chez, Sepulveda, Serrano, Torre, Torres, Valle, Valdes, Vallejo, Vega, anxl 


tion, and there are many of the briefer dictations 
which in comparison with the longer ones cited have 
a value far beyond their bulk. 

Of the pioneers whose testimony was taken, 74 twelve 
wrote on special topics, such as the Bear Flag, Don- 
ner Party, or Graham Affair. Twenty of them came 
to California before 1840. Thirty-five came over- 
land, twenty in immigrant parties, three or four as 
hunters, and the rest as soldiers or explorers in 
1845-8; while twenty came by sea, chiefly as traders 
or seamen who left their vessels secretly. William 
H. Davis has furnished one of the most detailed 
and accurate records of early events and men; and 
others meriting particular mention are Baldridge, 
Belden, Bidwell, Bigler, Chiles, Forster, Murray, 
Nidever, Sutter, Warner, and Wilson. As a whole 
the testimony of the pioneers is hardly equal in value 
to that of the native Californians, partly because they 
have in many cases taken less interest and devoted 
less time to the matter; also because the testimony 
of some of the most competent has been given more 
or less fully in print. 

While the personal reminiscences of both natives 
and pioneers, as used in connection with and tested 
by contemporaneous documentary evidence, have been 
in the aggregate of great value to me in the prepara- 
tion of this work, yet I cannot give them unlimited 
praise as authorities. A writer, however intelligent 
and competent, attempting to base the annals of Cali- 
fornia wholly or mainly on this kind of evidence, 
would produce a very peculiar and inaccurate work. 
Hardly one of these narratives if put in print could 

74 Anthony, Baldridge, Barton, Bee, Belden, Bell, Bidwell, Bigler, Bfrnie, 
Boggs, Boweu, Brackett, Bray, Breen, Brown, Burton, Carriger, Chamber- 
lain, Chiles, Crosby, Dally, Davis, Dittman, Dunne, Dye, Eaton, Findla, 
Forster, Foster, Fowler, Gary, Greyson, Gillespie, Grimshaw, Hargrave, 
Hopper, Hyde, Janssens, Knight, Marshall, Martin, Maxwell, McChristian, 
McDaniels, McKay, Meadows, Mone, Nidever, Ord, Osborn, Parrish, Peirce, 
Rhodes, Richardson, Roberts, Robinson, Ross, Russ, Smith, Spence, Streeter, 
Sutter, Swan, Swasey, Taylor, Temple, Tustin, Walker, Warner, Weeks, 
Wheeler, White, Wiggins, Wilson, and Wise. 


escape severe and merited criticism. It is no part of 
my duty to point out defects in individual narratives 
written for my use, but rather to extract from each 
all that it contains of value, passing the rest in si- 
lence. And in criticising this material in bulk, I do 

O ' 

not allude to the few clumsy attempts in certain 
dictations and parts of others to deceive me, or to the 
falsehoods told with a view to exaggerate the im- 
portance or otherwise promote the interests of the 
narrator, but to the general mass of statements from 
honest and intelligent men. In the statements of 
past events made by the best of men from memory 
and I do not find witnesses of Anglo-Saxon blood in 
any degree superior in this respect to those of Span- 
ish race will be found a strange and often inexplicable 
mixture of truth and falsehood. Side by side in the best 
narratives I find accounts of one event which are models 
of faithful accuracy and accounts of another event 
not even remotely founded in fact. There are nota- 
ble instances where prominent witnesses have in their 
statements done gross injustice to their own reputa- 
tion or that of their friends. There seems to exist a 
general inability to distinguish between the memory 
of real occurrences that have been seen and known, 
and that of idle tales that have been heard in years 
long past. If in my work I have been somewhat 
over cautious in the use of such testimony, it is a 
fault on which the reader will, I hope, look leniently. 

The history, and with it the bibliography, of Califor- 
nia after the discovery of gold may be conveniently 
divided into two periods, the first extending from 
1848 to 1856 over the 'flush times/ and the second 
from 1857 to date. For the first period a larger part 
of the authorities are in manuscript than would at first 
glance appear, though with the advent of newspapers 
and printed government records the necessity of 
searching the archives for the most part disappears; 
for it is to be noted that most of the documentary 


collections, public and private, already noticed, contain 
papers of value of later date than 1849; and, still 
more important, the reminiscences of natives and the 
earliest pioneers cited in preceding pages, extend in 
most instances past the gold discovery. For this 
period I have also collected in manuscript form the 
testimony of about one hundred pioneers who came 
after 1848, 75 the number including a few narratives 
relating in part to Oregon, and a few miscellaneous 
manuscripts not quite properly classified with pioneer 
recollections; there are besides some twenty-five men, 
' forty-niners ' for the most part, who have devoted 
their testimony chiefly to the vigilance committees of 
San Francisco, most being prominent members of 
those organizations. 76 What has been said of similar 
narratives on earlier events as authorities for history 
may be applied to these. In the aggregate they are 
of immense value, being the statements of men who 
had been actors in the scenes described. For impor- 
tant additions to this class of material, received too 
late for special mention here, the reader is referred to 
the supplementary list of authorities. 

Material printed in California during this period, 
including a few items of 1848 and of 1857-8, is repre- 
sented by about one hundred titles in my list; to 
which should be added the legislative journals and the 
numerous state documents printed from year to year, 

75 See Allsop, Anderson, Armstrong, Ashley, Ayers, Bacon, Ball, Ballon, 
Barnes, Barstow, Bartlett, Bauer, Bigler, Boynton, Brackett, Bristow, Brock, 
Brodie, Brown, Burnett, Burris, Cassin, Cerruti, Chamberlain, Chapin, Qlark, 
Colvin, Connor, Con way, Coon, Crosby, Davidson, Dean, Doolittle, Dowell, 
Duncan, Earll, Fairchild, Fay, Fitzgerald, Garniss, Gwin, Hancock, Hart- 
nell, Havvley, Hayes, Hearn, Henshaw, Herrick, Hinckley, Hitchcock, Hud- 
son, Keyser, Kirkpatrick, Kohler, Kraszewski, Lamotte, Lane, Lawson, 
'Limantour, Little, Low, Mans, Massett, Matthewson, Merrill, Montgomery, 
Moore, Morris, Palmer, Patterson, Peckham, Powers, Rabbison, Randolph, 
Richardson, Roder, Ross, Rush, Ryckman, Safford, Sawtelle, Say ward, 
Schmiedell, Shaw, Shearer, Stuart, Sutton, Tarbell, Taylor, Thomes, Van 
Dyke, Vowell, Watson, Wheaton, Widber, Willey, Williams, and Winans. 

76 Bluxome, Burns, Cole, Coleman, Comstock, Crary, Dempster, Dows, 
Durkee, Farwell, Frink, Gillespie, McAllister, Manrow, Neall, Olney, Rogers, 
Schenck, Smiley, Staples, Stillman, Truett, Wadsworth, Watkins, and 


and preserved as appendices to those journals, as also 
the series of California Reports and California Statutes. 
There are twenty-one books and pamphlets descrip- 
tive of the country, with life and events therein during 
the flush times, most of them having also an admix- 
ture of past annals and future prospects. 77 Fifteen 
pamphlets are records of Californian societies, com- 
panies, or associations, the annual publication extend- 
ing often beyond this period. 78 A like number are 
municipal records of different towns, besides a dozen di- 
rectories; 79 and as many more legal, judicial, and other 
official publications, not including a very large number 
of briefs and court records which are not named in 
the list; 80 besides nine speeches delivered in Califor- 
nia and published in pamphlet form; 81 and as many 
miscellaneous publications, including one periodical. 82 
Many newspapers might be enumerated besides the 
Alta, Herald, Bulletin, and Evening News of San 
Francisco, the Placer Times and Union of Sacramento, 
and the Gazette of Santa Barbara; there are some fif- 
teen articles on early Californian subjects; 83 and a like 
number of scrap-books in my collection, notably those 
made by Judge Hayes, contain more or less material 
on the times under consideration. 84 

77 Benton, California, Carrol, Carson, Crane, Delano, King of Wm., 
McGowan, Miners, Morse, San Francisco, Taylor, Terry, Wadsworth, 
Werth, and Wierzbicki. 

78 Cal. Bible Soc., Cal. Dry Dock Co., First Cal. Guard, Marysville & 
Ben. R. R., Mechanics' Inst., Mercantile Lib., Mex. Ocean Mail, Overland 
Mail, Sac. Valley R. R., Sta Clara Col., Univ. Cal., Univ. Pacific, Young 
Men's Christ. Ass. 

79 Los Angeles, Parkitt, San Diego, San Francisco Act, S. F. Fire Dept., 
S. F. Memorial, S. F. Minutes, S. F. City Charter, S. F. Ordinances, . S. F. 
Proceedings, S. F. Pub. Schools, S. F. Remonstrance, S. F. Rept., S. F. 
Town Council, and Wheeler. Directories Marysville, Sacramento, San Fran- 
cisco, Stockton, and Tuolumne. 

80 California (Circuit Court, Comp. Laws, Constit., Dist. Court, Sup. 
Court), Constit. Convention, Crocker, Hartman, Limantour, Marvin, Mason, 
Riley, Thornton, Turner. 

81 Baker, Bates, Bigler, Billings, Bryan, Freelon, Lockwood, Shaw, Speer. 

82 Cal. Text Book, Gougenheim, Democratic, Limantour, Taylor (song 
book), Willey, Pioneer, and Almanacs. 

83 Franklin, Hittell, McCloskey, McDougal, McGowan, Nugent, Peckham, 
Randolph, Reid, Ryan, Victor, Trask, Weed, Willey, Vallejo. 

84 Bancroft Library, Barton, Bigler, Brooks, California, Dye, Hall, Hayes, 
Knight, Lancey, Levitt, Pac. Mail, Sta Cruz. 


Works about California printed elsewhere were 
three times as numerous as those of home manufacture, 
and in most respects much more important. First 
there were over eighty books, similar except in place 
of publication to those of a class already mentioned, 
which described California, its mines and towns, its 
people and their customs, the journey by land or sea 
to the country with personal adventures of the writers 
or others, books in different languages owing their 
existence directly to the discovery of gold. 85 Many 
of these were to a considerable extent fictitious, but 
there were others containing little or nothing but 
fiction. 86 Next among works of real value should be 
noticed fifty reports on Californian topics, published 
by the United States government; 87 and in this con- 
nection may receive attention the regular sets of U. 
S. government documents recording the acts of con- 
gress from session to session, and containing hundreds of 
valuable papers, bearing on affairs in the far west, with 
several other collections of somew r hat similar nature. 88 
There were a dozen or more pamphlets on various 
Californian topics not directly connected with the 
gold discovery and its attendant phenomena. 89 Then 

85 Abbey, Adam, Allsop, Auger, Berry, Ballenstedt, Borthwick, Boucha- 
court, Bound Home, Brooks, Bryant, Buffum, Cal. (Emig. Guide, Gold Reg., 
Gids Naar, Its Gold, Its Past, Notes), California, Californien (Ant. Nach., 
Rathgeber, Und sein Golt, sein Min.), Cassell, Colton, Diggers, Edelmari, 
Farnham, Ferry, Foster, Gerstacker, Gold -finders, Gregory, Hartmaiin, / 
Helper, Holinski, Hoppe, Johnson, Kelly, King, Kip, Kunzel, Lambertie, 
Letts, McCollum, Mcllvaine, Marryat, Mason, Meyer, Oswald, Palmer, 
Parkman, Praslow, Robinson, Ryan, Schwartz, Sedgley, Seyd, Seymour, 
Shaw, Sherwood, Simpson, Solignac, St Amant, Stirling, Taylor, Thompson, 
Tyson, Walton, WejK, Weston, Williamson, Wilson, and Woods. 

86 Such as Aimard, Amelia, Ballou, Bigly, Champagnac, Gerstacker, Pay- 
son, and many more. 

87 Abell, Alexander, Bartlett, Beale, Beckwith, California (Amount, Com- 
mission, Copy, Dent, Establishment, Indians, Land Com., Message, Volun- 
teers), Cooke, Cram, Dei*by, Flagg, Fort Point, Frdmont, Gibbons, Graham, 
Gray, Halleck, Homer, Jones, King, Mason, Meredith, Mex. Boundary, Pac. 
Wagon Roads, Reynolds, Riley, San Francisco, Sherman, Smith, Sutter, Ty- 
son, U. S. and Mex., Warren, Whipple, and Wool. 

88 U. S. Govt Doc. (two series), U. S. Supreme Court Reports, Annals of 
Congress, Congressional Debates, Cong. Globe, Benton's Abridgment, Smith- 
sonian Reports, and Pac. R. R. Reports. 

89 Atlan. & Pac. R. R., Browne, Cal. Appeal, California, Fremont, Liman- 
tour, Logan, Ringgold, Pac. M. S. S. Co., S. F. Custom House, S. F. Land 
Assoc., Stillman, and Thompson. 


we have more than fifty speeches chiefly delivered 
in Congress and circulated in pamphlet form, many 
of them pertaining to the admission of California as 
a state. 90 Besides the books relating wholly or mainly 
to California there were some thirty others on west- 
ern regions with allusions more or less extended to 
the gold regions; 91 and half as many general works 
with mention of California. 92 Both of these classes, 
and especially the latter, might be greatly extended 
in numbers ; and the same may be said of the period- 
icals and collections that contained articles on our 
subject, there being few such publications in, the 
world that gave no attention to the western El Do- 
rado. 93 

Of works published in and about California since 
1856, I attempt no classification. Within my present 
limits it would be impossible satisfactorily to classify 
so bulky and diversified a mass of material, of which, 
indeed, I have not been able even to present the titles 
of more than half in the alphabetical list of authori- 
ties. The efforts of modern writers to record the his- 
tory of the Spanish and Mexican periods have already 
been noticed in this chapter; but I may acid that 
these efforts have been much more successful in their 
application to events subsequent to the discovery of 

9Averett, Baldwin, Bennett, Benton, Bowie, Breck, Brooks, Caldwell, 
Gary, Clark, Cleveland, Corwin, Cro\vell, Douglas, Estell, Foote, Fowler, 
,Gwin, Hall, Hebard, Howard, Howe, Lander, Latham, McDougaL McLean, 
~^HVIcQueen, McWillie, Marshall, Mason, Morehea^l, Olds, Parker, Pftirce, Pres- 
ton, Putnam, Phelps, Seddon, Seward, Smith, Spaulding, Stanley, Thomp- 
$on, Thnrman, Thurston, Toombs, Van Voorhie,. Weller, Wiley, Wiuthrop, 
and Worcester. 

91 Ansted, Briefe, Coke, Combier, Findlay, Gerstacker, Gold-fields, Heap, 
Hines, Horn, Lauts, Perry, Pfeifer, Plumb, Rednitz, Rovings, Schmidt, 
Schmolder, Smucker, Stockton, Thornton, Uphani! Wells, Western Scenes, 
Whiting, Wilkes, Wise, Wood. 

92 Benton, Cevallos, De Bow, Diccionario, Dunlop, Garden, March y La- 
bores, Mayer, Shea, Weichardt, Wilson, Young, Zamacois. 

93 Album Mex., Amer. and For. Christ. Union, Annual of Scientific Dis- 
cov., Bankers' Mag., De Bow's Review, Edinburgh" Review 7 , Hansard, Harper, 
Home Missionary, Hunt's Merch. Mag., Ilustracion Mex., Mining Mag., 
Millennial Star, Niles' Register, North Amer. Review, Nouvelles Annales, 
Panamd Star, Quarterly Rev., Revue Deux Mondes, Silliman's Amer. Jour., 
etc., etc. 


gold, because material has been much more abundant 
and accessible. This applies particularly to the many 
works on local and county annals printed in late 
years, several of which have a standard value. 94 

It is to be noted that the pioneer reminiscences of 
my collection contain, and are supplemented by, the 
statements of prominent men on various practical 
topics connected with the industrial development of 
California in recent times; that several classes of 
printed matter already mentioned, such as municipal, 
state, and national documents, continue to throw light 
on events of the last thirty years ; that travellers have 
never ceased to print their experiences in, and their 
views respecting, this western land; that resident and 
even native writers have contributed largely to our 
store of books on industrial, literary, educational, re- 
ligious, legal, political, and historical subjects; that 
numerous associations and institutions have helped to 
.swell the mass of current pamphlets; and that news- 
papers an invaluable source of material for local and 
personal history have greatly multiplied. Indeed, 
California has not only by reason of her peculiar past 
received more attention at the hands of writers from 
abroad than any other part of our nation, but in re- 
spect of internal literary development she is not 
behind other provinces of like tender years. In con- 
clusion, I append a short list of works published since 
1856, which have somewhat exceptional historic value 
in comparison with others of the mass. 96 Most of 

94 See in the list, besides the names of counties and towns: Banfield, Bar- 
ton, Bledsoe, Butler, Cooper, Cox, Dwinelle, Frazee, Gift, Hall, Halley, Hare, 
Hawley, Hittell, Huse, Lloyd, McPherson, Menefee, Meyrick, Orr, Owen, 
Perkins, Sargent, Soule", Thompson, Tinkham, Western Shore, and Willey. 

95 See Alric, Ames, Barry, Bartlett, Bates, Beers, Bell, Blake, Bonner, 
Brooks, Browne, Bryant, Burnett, Buslmell, California (Arrival, Biog., 
Hardy, Leyes, Med. Soc.), Carvalho, Chandless, Clark, Contemp. Biog., 
Cooke, Cornwallis, Cronise, Coyner, Dixon, Gleeson, Fields, First Steamship, 
Fisher, King, Gray, Grey. Hittell, Hoffman, Hughes, Labatt, McCue, McGar- 
rahan, McGlashan, Mollhausen, Morgan, Moulder, New Almaden, Norman, 
O'Meara, Palmer, Parsons, Patterson, Peabody, Peirce, Peters, Phelps, 
Player-Frowd, Randolph, Raymond, Redding, Rossi, Saxon, Schlagintweit, 
Sherman,' Shuck, Simpson, Stillman, Tuthill, Tyler, Upham, Vallejo, Vis- 
cher, Wetmore, Willey, and Williams. 


them but for the date of their publication might be 
added to the different classes before named, as per- 
taining to the period of 1848-56. For further biblio- 
graphic information, including full or slightly abridged 
title, summary of contents, circumstances attending 
the production, criticism of historic value, and bio- 
graphic notes on the writer of each work mentioned 
in the different classes and subdivisions of this chapter, 
I refer the reader not only to the list at the beginning 
of this volume but to the foot-notes of all the seven 
volumes, which may be traced through the alpha- 
betical index at the end of the work. 




THOUGH the California which is the subject of this 
work inherited its name from an older country whose 
annals have been already recorded by me, yet a state- 
ment respecting the origin and application of the name 
seems appropriate here. When Jimenez discovered 
the peninsula, supposed to be an island, in 1533, he 
applied no name so far as can be known. Cortes, 
landing at the same place with a colony on the 3d of 
May 1535, named the port and the country adjoining 
Santa Cruz, from the day. There is no evidence that 
he ever gave, or even used, any other name, the name 
California not occurring in any of his writings. 1 Ulloa 

1 At least I have not found it. The ' puerto y bahia de Santa Cruz ' is named 
in the original document of 1535. Cortts, Auto da Posesion, in Col. Doc. Ined., 
iv. 192. After his return to Spain in 1540 in a memorial to the king he testi- 
fied 'I arrived at the land of Santa Cruz and was in it. . .and being in the said 
land of Santa Cruz I had complete knowledge of the said land.' Cortes, Memo- 
rial, in Col. Doc. Ined.y iv. 211. Other witnesses who had accompanied Cortds 
testified in Spain about the same time; one, that the country was called Tar- 
sis; another, that the country had no name, but that the bay was called Santa 
Cruz; several, that they remembered no name. Probanza, in Padieco and Car- 
denas, Col. Doc., xvi. 12, 22, 27. 



sailed down the coast in 1539, and the name Cali- 
fornia first appears in Preciado's diary of that voyage. 
It was applied, not to the whole country, but to a 
locality probably but not certainly identical with 
Santa Cruz, or La Paz. 2 

Bernal Diaz, writing before 1568, speaks of the 
island of Santa Cruz, and says that Cortes after many 
troubles there "went to discover other lands, and came 
to California, which is a bay." 3 This testimony is not 
of great weight, but it increases the uncertainty. The 
difference is not, however, essential. The name was 
applied between 1535 and 1539 to a locality. It was 
soon extended to the whole adjoining region; and as 
the region was supposed to be a group of islands, the 
name was often given a plural form, Las Californias. 

Whence came the name thus applied, or applied by 
Cortes as has been erroneously believed, was a ques- 
tion that gave rise to much conjecture before the 
truth was known. The Jesuit missionaries as repre- 
sented by Venegas and Clavigero suggested that it 
might have been deliberately made up from Latin or 
Greek roots; but favored the much more reasonable 
theory that the discoverers had founded the name on 
some misunderstood words of the natives. 4 These 

2 Printed in 1565, in Ramusio, Viagrji, iii. 343. Having left Santa Cruz Oct. 
29th, on 10th of Nov. ' we found ourselves 54 leagues distant from California, 
a little more or less, always in the south-west seeing in the night three or four 
fires. ' (Sempre dalla parte di Garbino vedendo la notte, etc. ) Hakluyt's trans- 
lation of 1600, Voyages, iii. 406-7, is 'always toward the south-west, seeing in 
the night,' etc. From the 9th to the 15th they made 10 leagues; from the 
16th to the 24th, 12 or 15 leagues; and were then, having sighted the Isle of 
Pearls, 70 leagues from Santa Cruz. The author only uses the name California 
once; Hakluyt's 'point of California' is an interpolation. The definite 
distance of 54 leagues indicates that California was a place they had passed; 
it could not be 54 leagues either south-west or north-east of their position, 
and I suppose the direction refers to the coast generally or the fires. The dis- 
tances are not out of the way if we allow 6 or 9 leagues for the progress made 
on Nov. 9th. There is some obscurity of meaning; but apparently California 
was at or near Santa Cruz. Throughout his voyage up and down the gulf 
Preciado uses the name Santa Cruz frequently to locate the lands in the west. 

3 Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Hist. Verdadera, 233, printed in 1632. This 
has often been called the first mention of the name. Some have blunderingly 
talked of Diaz as the discoverer and namer of California. 

* Venegas, Not. CaL, i. 2-5; Clavigero, Storia della CaL, 29-30. The Latin 
calida fornax, or 'hot furnace,' is the most common of the conjectural deriva- 
tions, the reference being supposably either to the hot climate, though it was 
HIST. CAL., VOL. I. 5 


theories have been often repeated by later writers, 
with additions rivalling each other in absurdity. At 
last in 1862 Edward E. Hale was so fortunate 
as to discover the source whence the discoverers 
obtained the name. An old romance, the Sergas 
of Esplandian, by Ordonez de Montalvo, translator of 
Amadis of Gaul, printed perhaps in 1510, and cer- 
tainly in editions of 1519, 1521, 1525, and 1526 in 
Spanish, mentioned an island of California "on the 
right hand of the Indies, very near the Terrestrial 
Paradise," peopled with black women, griffins, and 
other creatures of the author's imagination. 5 There 
is no direct historical evidence of the application of 
this name; nor is any needed. No intelligent man 
will ever question the accuracy of Hale's theory. 
The number of Spanish editions would indicate that 
the book was popular at the time of the discovery;' 
indeed Bernal Diaz often mentions the Amadis of 
Gaul, to which the Esplandian was attached. 

Cortes, as we know, was bent on following the 
coast round to India, and confident of finding rich and 
wonderful isles on the way. It would have been most 
natural for him to apply the old fabulous name, if it 
had met his eye, to the supposed island when first 
discovered; but it appears he did not do it; and I 

not hot compared with others to which the discoverers were accustomed, or 
to the hot baths, or temescales, of the natives. Calidus fornus, Caliente for- 
nalia, Calfforno, and Caliente homo are other expressions of the same root, 
Archibald noting of the last that it would be rather homo caliente., making 
the name 'Fornicalia' instead of California. Another derivation is from cala 
yfornix, Spanish and Latin for * cove and vault ' or 'vaulted cove,' from a peculiar 
natural formation near Cape San Lucas. From the Greek we have kala phor 
nea, kala phora nea, kala phor neia, kala phorneia, kala chora nea, or kalos 
phornia variously rendered 'beautiful woman,' 'moonshine,' or 'adultery;' ' 
'fertile land;' or 'new country.' Colofon or colofonia, the Spanish for resin, 
has also been suggested. In Upper California the idea was a favorite one 
that the name was of Indian origin; but there was little agreement respect- 
ing details. According to the Vallejos, Alvarado, and others, all agreed that 
it came from kali for no, the information coming from Baja California natives; 
but there were two factions, one interpreting the words 'high hill' or 'moun- 
tain' and the other 'native land.' E. D. Guilbert, resident of Copala, Sinaloa, 
told me in 1878 that an old Indian of his locality called the peninsula Tchali- 
falui-al, 'the sandy land beyond the water.' 

5 Hale's discovery was first published in the Amer. Antiq. Soc., Proceed., 
Apr. 30, 18G2, 45-53; also in Atlantic Monthly, xiii. 265; Hale's His Level 
.Uest, etc., 234. 


strongly suspect the name was applied in derision by 
his disgusted colonists on their return in 1536. At 
any rate there can be no doubt the name was adopted 
from the novel between 1535 and 1539. The etymol- 
ogy of the name and the source whence Montalvo ob- 
tained it still remain a field for ingenious guesswork. 
Indeed most of the old conjectures may still be applied 
to the subject in its new phase. But this is not an 
historical subject, nor one of the slightest importance. 
In such matters the probable is but rarely the true. 
What brilliant etymological theories might be drawn 
out by the name Calistoga, if it were not known how 
Samuel Brannan built the word from California and 
Saratoga. 6 

The name California, once applied to the island or 
peninsula, was also naturally used to designate the 
country extending indefinitely northward to the strait 
of Anian, or to Asia, except as interrupted in the 
view, of some foreign geographers by Drake's New 
Albion. Kino at the mouth of the Colorado in 1700 
spoke of Alta California; but he meant simply the 
'upper' part of the peninsula. After 1769 the north- 
ern country was for a time known as the New Estab- 
lishments, or Los Establecimientos de San Diego y 
Monterey, or the Northern Missions. In a few 

6 In Webster's Dictionary, the Spanish calif a, Arabic Khalifa, 'successor,' 
'caliph,' is adopted, as indeed suggested by Hale, as the possible root of the 
name. Archbald, Overland Monthly, ii. 440, suggests Calphurnia, Caesar's 
wife. Perhaps the coolest exhibition of assurance which this matter has drawn 
out in modern times is Prof. Jules Marcou's essay on the 'true origin' of the 
name. The whole pamphlet, although printed by the United States govern- 
ment, with the degree of intelligence too often employed in such cases, perhaps 
because, of an old map attached to it, has about as many blunders as the pages 
can accommodate. I have no space to point them out; but this is what he 
says of the name: 'Cortes and his companions, struck with the difference be- 
tween the dry and burning heat they experienced, compared with the moist 
and much less oppressive heat of the Mexican tierra caliente, first gave to a bay, 
and afterwards extended to the entire country the name of tierra California, 
derived from calida fornax, which signifies fiery furnace, or hot as an oven. 
Hernan Cortes, who was moreover a man of learning, was at once strongly 
impressed with the singular and striking climatic differences ... to whom is 
due the appropriate classification of the Mexican regions into tierra fria, tierra 
tcmplada, tierra caliente, and tierra California '! Marcou's Notes upon tie fir *t 
Discoveries of California and the origin of its name, Washington, 1878. See also 
U: S. Geog. Survey, Wheeler, Kept., 1878, p. 228. 


years, however, without any uniformity of usage the 
upper country began to be known as California Sep- 
tentrional, California del Norte, Nueva California, or 
California Superior. But gradually Alta California 
became more common than the others, both in private 
and official communications, though from the date of 
the separation of the provinces in 1804 Nueva Cali- 
fornia became the legal nam,e, as did Alta California 
after 1824. In these later times Las Californias meant 
not as at first Las Islas Californias, but the two 
provinces, old and new, lower and upper. Down to 
1846, however, the whole country was often called by 
Mexicans and Californians even in official documents 
a peninsula. 

It is not impossible that Francisco de Ulloa, at the 
head of the gulf in 1539, had a distant glimpse of 
mountains within the territory now called California; 
it is very probable that Hernando de Alarcon, as- 
cending the Colorado' in boats nearly to the Gila 
and possibly beyond it, saw Californian soil in Sep- 
tember 1540; and perhaps Melchor Diaz, who crossed 
the Colorado later in the same year, had a similar 

Thus strictly speaking the honor of the first dis- 
covery may with much plausibility be attributed to 
one of these explorers, though none of them mentioned 
the discovery, or could do so, boundary lines being 
as yet not dreamed of. Subsequently Juan de Onate 
and his companions, coming down the Colorado in 
1604, certainly gazed across the river on California, 
and even learned from the natives that the sea was not 
far distant. After 1699 Kino and his Jesuit asso- 
ciates not unfrequently looked upon what was to be 
California from the Gila junction. No European, 
however, from this direction is known to have trod 
the soil of the promised land; therefore this phase 
of the subject may be dismissed without further 


All that was known of California before 1769 was 
founded on the reports of five expeditions; that of 
Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo in 1542-3, that of Francis 
Drake in 1579, that of Francisco de Gali in 1584, 
that of Sebastian Rodriguez de Cermeiion in 1595, and 
that of Sebastian Vizcaino in 1602-3. To describe 
the^e expeditions so far only as they relate to the 
coast of Alta California, for in a general way each has 
been presented in the annals of regions farther south 
with a glance also at a few other voyages bearing in- 
directly upon the subject, is my purpose in the present 

On the 28th of September 1542, Juan Rodriguez 
Cabrillo, coming from the south in command of two 
Spanish exploring vessels, 7 discovered a " landlocked 
and very good harbor," which he named San Miguel 
and located in 34 20'. The next day he sent a boat 
" farther into the port which was large;" and while 
anchored here " a very great gale blew from the west- 
south-west, and south-south-west; but the port being 
good they felt nothing." 8 

7 On the fitting-out of the expedition and its achievements south of Cali- 
fornia, see Hist. North Mex. States, this series. 

8 Cabrillo, Relation 6 diario, de la navegacion que hizo Juan Rodriguez Ca- 
brillo con dos navios, al descubrimiento del paso del Mar del Sur al norte, etc. 
Original in Spanish archives of Seville from Simancas, certified by Navarrete, 
copy in Munoz Collection, printed in Florida, Col.. Doc., 173-89. 'De Juan 
Paez' is marked on the Munoz copy. Another printed original from 'Archivo 
delndias Patronato, est. 1, caj. i.,'is found in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., 
xiv. 165-91, under the title Relation del descubrimiento que hizo Juan Rodri- 
guez, navegando por la contra costa del mar del Sur al norte hecha por Juan 
Paez. Thus it is probable that Juan Paez was the author. Herrera, ILht. 
Gen., dec. vii. lib. v. cap. iii.-iv., gave in 1600 a condensed account probably 
from the above original, but with many omissions, and a few additions, which 
became the foundation of most that was subsequently written on the subject, 
being followed by Burney and others. In 1802 Navarre te in his introduction 
to the Sutil y Mexicana, Viaqe, xxix.-xxxvi., gave a narrative from the orig- 
inal, with notes in which he located, for the most part accurately, the points 
named by Cabrillo. Taylor's First Voyage to the Coast of California. . .by Ca- 
brillo, San Francisco, 1853, was a kind of translation from Navarrete, whose 
notes the translator attempted to correct without any very brilliant success. 
Finally in 1879 we have Evans and Henshaw's Translation from the Spanish of 
the account by the pilot Ferrel of the Voyage of Cabrillo along the west coast 
of North America in 1543, printed in U. S. Geog. Surv., Wheeler, vii. Archce- 
ology, 293-314. Richard S. Evans was the translator; H. W. Henshaw, who 
made antiquarian researches on the coast, was the author of the notes; and H. 
C. Taylor, U. S. N., of the Coast Survey, aided the gentlemen Jiamed with 
the results of his acquaintance with the coast. 


There is no further description ; the latitude is wrong; 
and the port must be identified if at all by its relation 
to other points visited by Cabrillo. It has usually 
been identified by those who have followed Navarrete, 
the earliest investigator, with San Diego ; but recently 
by Henshaw and Taylor with San Pedro further north, 
San Diego being in that case Cabrillo's San Mateo. 9 
Here, as in most parts of this narrative, there is little 
room for positive assertion; but I prefer to regard 
San Miguel as San Diego. Difficulties arise at every 
step which no theory can remove. It is the fault of 
the narrative, respecting the genuineness of which, 
however, there is no room for doubt. Without attempt- 
ing to get over obstacles by ignoring them I shall 
treat them mainly in notes. 10 

At any rate Cabrillo entered Upper California!! 
waters, never before disturbed by other craft than 
Indian canoes, and anchored in San Diego Bay in 
September 1542. If we suppose this port to have been 
his San Miguel, he remained six days. The natives 

9 San Mateo was also described as a good and landlocked (cerrado) port, 
with a little lake of fresh water, and with groves of trees like ceibas, except 
that the wood was hard. There were also many drift-logs washed here by the 
sea, broad grassy plains, high and rolling land, and animals in droves of 100 
or more resembling Peruvian sheep with long wool, small horns, and broad 
round tails. Latitude given 33 20'. 

10 San Augustin Island, the last point on which Navarrete and Henshaw 
agree, is identified with San Martin in about 30 30' on the Baja California 
coast. Three days with little wind brought the ships, no distance given, to 
Cape San Martin, north of San Augustin, where the coast turns from north to 
north-west. This trend, and also the time, if we disregard the calm, favors 
Henshaw's location of Todos Santos rather than Navarrete's of San Quintin. 
Next they sailed four leagues N. E., or N. N. E. ; but this is not possible from 
Todos Santos either by the best maps or the trend just noted. Next 21 leagues 
N. w., and x. N. w. to San Mateo; the distance 25 leagues corresponding 
better with that from San Quintin to Todos Santos, than with that from the 
latter to San Diego. On the other hand, the next stage, 32 leagues to San 
Miguel, better fits that from San Diego to San Pedro than from Todos Santos 
to the former. But they passed a little island close to the shore on arriving 
at San Mateo, there being none at Todos Santos so far as the maps show ; and 
on the other hand, on sailing to San Miguel, they passed three islas desiertas 
three leagues from the main, the largest being two leagues long, or possibly 
in circumference, which agrees better with the Corouados just below San 
Diego than with San Glemente and Santa Catalina. Moreover the description 
of San Mateo with its lake, and especially its groves of trees, does not corre- 
spond at all to San Diego. The strongest reason why San Miguel must be San 
Diego and not San Pedro will be noticed presently. The investigator's troubles 
are not lessened by the non-existence of a perfect chart of the Baja California 


were timid in their intercourse with the strangers, 
whom they called Guacamal ; but they wounded with 
their arrows three of a party that landed at night to 
fish. Interviews, voluntary and enforced, were held 
with a few individuals both on shore and on the ships ; 
and the Spaniards understood by their signs that the 
natives had seen or heard of men like themselves, 
bearded, mounted, and armed, somewhere in the in- 
terior. u 

Leaving San Miguel October 3d, they sail three 
days or about eighteen leagues, along a coast of val- 
leys and plains and smokes, with high mountains in 
the interior, to the islands some seven leagues from 
the main, which they name from their vessels San Sal- 
vador and Vitoria. They land on one of the islands, 
after the inhabitants, timid and even hostile at first, 
have been appeased by signs and have come off in a 
canoe to receive gifts. They too tell of white men on 
the main. On Sunday the Spaniards go over to ti&rra 
Jlrme to a large bay which they call Bahia de los 
Fumos, or Fuegos, from the smoke of fires seen there. 
It is described as a good port with good lands, valleys, 
plains, and groves, lying in 35. I suppose the island 
visited to have been Santa Catalina, and the port to 
have been San Pedro. 12 

Sailing six leagues farther on October 9th, Cabrillo 
anchors in a large ensenada, or bight, which is doubt- 
less Santa Monica. 13 Thence they go on the next day 

11 It is not impossible, though not probable, that the natives had heard of 
Diaz, Alarcon, and Ulloa, at the head of the gulf. The Indians of San Diego 
are described as well formed, of large size, clothed in skins. 

12 Henshaw, as we have seen, makes this Bahia de Fumos Bahia Ona (or 
Santa Monica), identifying San Pedro with San Miguel, and the island with 
Santa Cruz. The name San Salvador as mentioned later seems his strongest 
reason, though he does not say so. He admits the difficulty of identifying 
Santa Catalina with the Islas Desiertas, hinting that other smaller islands 
may have disappeared; but a more serious objection still conclusive to me 
is the fact that San Pedro would never have been called a puerto cerrado, or 
landlocked port; nor would it have afforded protection from a south-west gale. 

13 Certainly not the lacjuna near Pt Mugu as Henshaw says. Santa Monica 
was exactly what the Spaniards would have called an ensenada; indeed, they 
did often so call it in later years as they did also Monterey Bay, and San 
Francisco outside the heads from Pt Reyes to Pigeon Point, always the En- 
senada de los l^arallones. Like the navigators of other nations, they were 


some eight leagues to an Indian town, anchoring 
opposite a great valley. The town, called Pueblo de 
las Canoas and located in 35 20', is doubtless in the 
vicinity of San Buenaventura, the valley being that 
of the Santa Clara. 14 The Spaniards take formal 
possession and remain here four days. The natives 
come to the ships in fine canoes, each carrying twelve 
or thirteen men, and they report other Christians seven 
days' journey distant, for whom they take a letter, 
also indicating the existence of a great river. They 
say there is maize in the valley, which assertion is 
confirmed later by natives who talk also of cae which 
the voyagers understand to be cows, calling the 
maize oep. The natives are fishermen ; they dress in 
skins, and live on raw fish and maguey. Their name 
for the town is Xucu, and they call the Christians 

Six or seven leagues bring them on the 13th past 
two islands each four leagues long and four leagues 
from the coast, uninhabited for lack of water, but 
with good' ports. 15 The next anchorage is two leagues 
farther, opposite a fine valley, perhaps Santa Bar- 
bara, where the natives are friendly and bring fish in 
canoes for barter. The ten leagues of October 15th 
carry them past an island fifteen leagues in length, 
which they name San Lucas, apparently Santa Rosa. 16 

not very strict in their use of geographical terms; but to suppose that the 
little laguna would have been called by them an 'ensenada grande' is too 
absurd for even refutation; 'inlet' is not a correct rendering of ensenada. 
Taylor identifies the ensenada with the cove or roadstead of Santa Barbara. 
First Voyage to the Coast of California. He points out the glaring deficiencies 
in all that had been written on the subject, and flatters himself that by the 
aid of men familiar with the coast he has followed the route of the navigators 
very closely; and so he has, just as far as he copies Navarrete, blundering 
fearfully in most besides. 

w Navarrete says in the ensenada of San Juan Capistrano, which is unin- 

15 Anacapa and the eastern part of Santa Cruz as seen from a distance and 
as explained by the natives' signs, which were not understood. 

]6 Six leagues from the main, and eighteen leagues from Pueblo de Canoas. 
It was said to have the following pueblos: Niquipos, Maxul, Xugua, Nitel, 
Macamo, Nimitopal. Later it is stated that San Lucas was the middle island, 
having three pueblos whose names do not agree with those here given. There 
is a hopeless confusion in the accounts of these islands, but no doubt that this 
was the group visited. 


Monday the 16th they sail four leagues to two towns, 
in a region where there is a place still called Dos 
Pueblos; and three leagues more on Tuesday. The 
natives wear their hair long, and intertwined with 
strings of flint, bone, and wooden daggers. Next day 
they come to a point in latitude 36, which they name 
Cape Galera, now Point Concepcion in latitude 34 
26'. The distance from Pueblo de Canoas is thirty 
leagues, Xexu being the general name of the province, 
which has more than forty towns. 17 

The narrative of what Cabrillo saw on the shores 
and islands of the Santa Barbara Channel, except a 
uniform exaggeration in the size of the islands, confu- 
sion in locating them, and perhaps the casas grandes 
of Canoas town, agrees very well with the truth as 
revealed by later mission annals and by the relics 
exhumed in late years by antiquarians. The region 
was certainly inhabited in early times by people who 
used canoes, lived mainly by fishing, and were much 
superior in many respects to most other natives of 
California. There was a tendency at first, as is usual 
in such cases, to ascribe the Channel relics to a pre- 
historic race; 18 but nothing indicating such an origin 

17 The pueblos, beginning with Canoas, were, Xucu, Bis, Sopono, Alloc, 
Xabaagua, Xocotoc, Potoltuc, Nacbuc, Quelqueme, Misinagua, Misesopano, 
Elquis, Coloc, Mugu, Xagua, Anacbuc, Partocac, Susuquey, Quanmu, Gua 
(or Quanmugua), Asimu, Aguin, Casalic, Tucumu, Incpupu, Cicacut (Sardi- 
nas), Ciucut, Anacot, Maquinanoa, Paltatre, Anacoat (or Anacoac), Olesino, 
Caacat (or Caacac), Paltocac, Tocane, Opia, Opistopia, Nocos, Yutum, Qui- 
man, Nicoma, Garomisopona, and Xexo; and on the islands. On Ziqui- 
muymu, or Juan Rodriguez, or Posesion (San Miguel), Xaco (or Caco) and 
Nimollollo. On Nicalque, or San Lucas (Santa Rosa), Nichochi, Coycoy, 
and Estocoloco (or Coloco). On the other San Lucas. See note 16. On Limu 
(or Limun) or San Salvador (Santa Cruz), Niquesesquelua, Pocle, Pisqueno, 
Pualnacatup, Patiquin, Patiquilid, Ninumu, Muoc, Pilidquay, Lilebeque. 
These names were those which the Indian natives were understood to apply 
to towns not visited, and very little accuracy is to be expected. Taylor, Dis- 
coverers and Founders, i. No. 1, claims to have identified Cabrillo's names in 
several instances with those found in the mission registers. This is not un- 
likely, though the authority is not a safe one. He also says that the Indiana 
in 1863 recognized the native names of San Miguel and its towns as given by 
Cabrillo. None of the many rancheria names which I have met and which 
will be given in later mission annals show any marked resemblance to the old 

18 On the Indians of this region see Native Races, i f 402-22; iv. 687-97. See 
also on archaeological researches U. S. Geoff. Survey, Wheeler, vol. vii. Archae- 
ology, Washington, 1879, passim. 


has ever been found there. Rumors, like those of the 
cows and maize, were far from accurate. 

From Cape Galera they go October 18th to dis- 
cover two islands ten leagues from the main, and they 
spend a week of stormy weather in a good harbor in 
the smaller one which they name La Posesion, prob- 
ably Cuyler's Harbor in San Miguel. The two are 
called San Lucas. 19 Leaving the port Wednesday 
the 25th the ships are beaten about by adverse winds 
for another week, making little progress, barely reach- 
ing a point ten leagues beyond Cape Galera in 36 SO'. 
They do not anchor, nor can they find a great river 
said to be there, though there are signs of rivers, but 
on the 1st of November they return to the anchorage 
under Cape Galera, by them named Todos Santos, 
now Coxo, where is the town of Xexo. They have 
probably gone as far as the mouth of the Santa Maria 
in latitude 35. 20 Next day they proceed down the 
coast to the town of Cicacut, or Sardinas, in 35 45', 
where wood and water are more accessible than at the 
cape. This seems a head town of the province, ruled 
by an old woman who passes two nights on one of the 
vessels. 21 Starting the 6th, it takes them till the 10th 
to get back to the cape anchorage of Todos Santos. 

Perhaps they pass the cape on the 10th. At all 
events on the morning of the llth they are near the 
place reached before, twelve leagues beyond the cape; 
and that day wdth a fair wind they sail twenty leagues 
north-west, along a wild coast without shelter, and 
with a lofty sierra rising abruptly from the shore. 
The mountains in 37 30' are named Sierra de San 
Martin, forming a cape at their end in 38, or as is 

19 The islands are said to be 8 and 4 leagues respectively from east to west, 
twice their real size. Navarrete calls the island San Bernardo, a name that 
seems to have been applied to San Miguel in later years. 

20 Perhaps not so far, as the point named is nearer 15 than 10 leagues 
from Point Concepcion. I find no good reason to suppose it was off San Luis 
Obispo, as Henshaw thinks, which is over 24 leagues. 

21 Sardinas is identified by Henshaw with the present Goleta, which is not 
unlikely. Taylor loses his head completely, making Todos Santos the mod- 
ern San Luis Obispo, and identifying Sardinas with San Simeon. 


stated later in .37 30'. The sierra is that now called 
Santa Lucia, and I suppose the cape to have been 
that still called San Martin, or Punta Gorda in 35 
54', though this is not quite certain. 22 In the night 
being six leagues off the coast they are struck by a 
storm which separates the ships and lasts all day Sun- 
day and until Monday noon. Under a small fore- 
staysail Cabrillo's ships drift slowly and laboriously 
north-westward with the wind. Monday evening, the 
weather clearing somewhat and the wind shifting to 
the westward, the flag-ship turns toward the land, 23 in 
search of the consort. At dawn she sights land, and 
all day in a high sea labors slowly to the north-west 
along a rough coast without harbors, where are many 
trees and lofty mountains covered with snow. They 
sight a point covered with trees in 40; and at night 
heave to. 

Of their course and progress next day, the 15th, 
nothing is said, but probably advancing somewhat 
farther north-westward they see the consort and join 
her at nightfall, when they take in sail and heave to. 
At dawn next morning they have drifted back to a 
large ensenada in 39 or a little more, the shores of 
which are covered with pines, and which is therefore 
named Bahia de los Pinos, and one of its points Cabo 
de Pinos. They hope to find a port and river, but 
after working against the wind for two days and 
a night, they are unable to discover either. They 

22 Henshaw makes it Pt Sur in 36 20'; and it is true that the coast of the 
day's sailing corresponds better in some respects with that up to Pt Sur than 
to Pt Gorda. However, the latitude 37 3(X with allowance for Cabrillo's 
average excess, applies better to Pt Gorda; that point also, according to the 
U. S. Coast Survey charts, corresponds much better, from a southern stand- 
point, to the remote, of the sierra as described; the distance from Pt Concep- 
cion, 32 leagues, has to be considerably exaggerated even to reach Pt Gorda; 
on the return it is noted that about 15 leagues south of the cape the character 
of the coast changed and settlements began, which agrees better with Gorda 
than Sur, and does not agree with the statement that all of the voyage of the 
11 th was along a coast where the mountains rise abruptly from the water. I 
think the coast from San Luis to Pt Gorda agrees well enough with the 
description ; and this supposition throws some light on proceedings farther 
north. f 

23 'A la vuelta de la tierra.' Not 'at the turn of the land' as Evans trans- 
lates it. 


anchor in forty-five fathoms to take possession, but 
dare not land on account of the high sea. Lying to 
for the night, on the 18th they descend the coast, 
under lofty snow-capped mountains so near that they 
seem about to fall on them. The Sierras Nevadas, 
they are called, and a point passed in 38 45' Cabo de 
Nieve. Then they proceed to Cape San Martin, and 
on the 23d arrive at the old harbor on Posesion, or 
San Miguel Island. 

Cabrillo had run along the coast, point by point, 
from Cape Pinos to the island; from Pinos to San 
Martin the coast was wild, rough, without shelter, 
and with no signs of inhabitants; but below San Mar- 
tin fifteen leagues possibly for a distance of fifteen 
leagues the country became better and inhabited. 
Many difficulties present themselves in connection 
with this northern navigation; but I am convinced 
that the Bahia de Pinos was Monterey Bay; Cabo 
de Pinos the cape still so called at the southern end 
of that bay; Cabo de Nieve, or Snowy Cape, the 
present Point Sur; and the point in 40, Point Aiio 
Nuevo, Pigeon Point, Pillar Point, or at most not 
above Point Reyes in 38. 24 

24 Navarrete agrees with this view, except that he does not identify the 
cape in 40, and makes Cape Nieve the same as Ano Nuevo, which last of 
course is a blunder. Taylor also identifies Monterey Bay, makes Point Reyes 
the cape in 40, but falls into great confusion, especially in locating Point 
Martin above Monterey. Herrera makes Point Pinos the cape in 40. Hum- 
boldt, Essai Pol. , 329, thinks the cape was Ano Nuevo. Venegas, Lorenzana, 
and Cavo imply that the cape was Mendocino ; and it is probable indeed that 
that name was given later to a cape supposed to be this one, as we shall see. 
Finally Evans and Henshaw identify the cape in 40 with Point Arenas (33 
57') , the Bay of Pinos with Bodega Bay, Point Pinos presumably the south- 
ern point of that bay, and Cape Nieve they pronounce iinidentifiable. I find 
very little, except the latitudes cited, to justify the conclusions last given, and 
I find much against them. Point Arenas is not a wooded point in any sense 
not quite as applicable to any of the points further south. Bodega Bay might 
possibly be called an enscnada, incorrectly translated inlet, but not a large 
one; if entered its peculiar ramifications would have called for other remark 
than that no port or river could be found ; its shores were never covered with 
pines; and Point Tomales in no way corresponds to Cabrillo's Point Pinos. 
In coasting southward from Bodega, Point Reyes would certainly have been 
noted ; and assuredly that coast has no mountains overhanging the water. 
Evans and Henshaw have to avoid this difficulty by mistranslating costa deste 
dia the ' coast they passed from this day ; ' but even that does not suffice, for 
there is no such coast for a long distance. Again, Cabrillo claims to have 
followed the coast 'point by point,' from Pinos to the islands, finding no 


At La Posesion the voyagers remained for nearly 
two months, and they renamed the island Juan Rodri- 
guez from their brave commander Cabrillo, who died 
there January 3, 1543. He had had a fall on the 
island in October, had made the northern trip suffer- 
ing from a broken arm, and from exposure the injury 
became fatal. His dying orders were to push the 
exploration northward at every hazard. He was a 
Portuguese navigator in the Spanish service, of whom 
nothing is known beyond the skill and bravery dis- 
played on this expedition, and the fact that his repu- 
tation was believed to justify his appointment as 
commander. No traces of his last resting-place, almost 
certainly on San Miguel near Cuyler's harbor, have 
been found; and the drifting sands have perhaps made 
such a discovery doubtful. To this bold mariner, the 
first to discover her coasts, if to any one, California 
may with propriety erect a monument. 25 

On Cabrillo's death Bartolome Ferrelo, the Levan- 
tine piloto mayor, assumes command; but the weather 
does not permit departure till the 19th. Even then 
when they start for the main they are driven to the 
island of San Salvador, or Santa Cruz, 26 and finding 
no harbor are forced to beat about the islands in 
veering winds for eight days, until on the 27th they 

anchorage and no good inhabited country until past San Martin. This is very 
absurd when applied to Bodega, but true enough from Monterey. The trans- 
lators are indeed struck with this absurdity, which they very weakly explain 
by supposing that Cabrillo trusted to his observations in the storm and fog of 
the trip northward. There seems never to have been much doubt among the 
Spaniards about the identity of Cabrillo's Pinos; and I deem it very unwise 
to plunge into such difficulties as those just mentioned for the purpose of con- 
firming Cabrillo's observations of latitude, which are known to have been very 
faulty at best. 

25 Taylor, Discov. and Founders, i. No. 1, mentions unsuccessful researches 
by himself, Admiral Alden, and Nidever. In 1875, however, he found two pits 
on a level near Cuyler's Harbor, about 10 feet in diameter, which he doubts 
not will prove to be the grave of Cabrillo and his men. At any rate they ' had 
a very peculiar look ! ' And an old sailor of Santa Barbara told this author 
that in 1872 he opened a Spanish grave on Santa Cruz Island, which had a 
wooden head-board on which could be deciphered the date of about 1660 ! 

>2li I suppose this was not the San Salvador first named, which was probably 
San Clemente. That there was confusion in the statements respecting these 
islands is certain ; but in my opinion it is not lessened by Henshaw's theory 
that San Clemente and Santa Catalina were the islas desiertas, or by Navar- 
rete's that Ferrelo at this time went to San Clemente. 


return to the old harbor. Two days later they start 
again, first for San Lucas, the middle isle, to recover 
anchors left there and obtain water, then to Port Sar- 
dinas for other supplies, and back to San Salvador, 
whence they finally sail the 18th of February. With 
a north-east wind they follow a south-west course in 
quest of certain islands, which they see at nightfall, 
six in number, 27 having sailed about twelve leagues. 
At dawn they are ten leagues to windward of these 
islands. With a wind from the w. N. w., they stand 
off south-westward for five days, 2 * making a distance of 
about one hundred leagues. Then they turn their 
course landward on the 22d with a south-west wind 
which blows with increasing violence for three days 
until at dawn on Sunday, the 25th, they sight Cape 
Pinos, and anchor at night on a bleak coast twenty 
leagues to windward near a point where the coast 
turns from N. w. to N. N. w. 29 that is at Pigeon Point, 
or thereabout in 37 12'. Herrera names it Cabo de 
Fortunas, or Cape Adventure. 30 

From this point the narrative furnishes but little 
ground for anything but conjecture. There are no 
longer recognizable landmarks but only courses and 
winds with one solar observation. The latitude on 
Wednesday the 28th is 43. If we go by this alone, 
deducting the two degrees of excess that pertain to 
all of this navigator's more northern latitudes, we have 
41, or the region between Humboldt and Trinidad 
bays, as Ferrelo's position; but if. we judge by his 
starting-point, and probable progress as compared 
with other parts of the voyage, it is more probable 

27 Of course the islands could have been no others than San Clemente, 
Santa Catalina, Santa Barbara, San Nicolas, and Beggs Hock, with Cataliua 
appearing as two to make six ; though these are not south-west of the northern 

i8 By the dates it could not have been quite 4 days. 

29 Evans incorrectly says to the N.W.; and though the point is not identi- 
fied, it must be the Pt Cabrillo of modern maps just above Pt Arenas accord- 
ing to Henshaw. 

so Herrera, dec. vii. lib. V. cap. iv. He puts it in 41, that is 1 beyond 
C. Pinos, which he identifies with the cape in 40. He gives the date as Feb. 
26th. In other respects Herrera's account contains nothing that might not 
have been taken from the original narative. 


that he is still far below Cape Mendocino, a conclusion 
that has slight confirmation in the fact that the nar- 
rative indicates no change in the general north-west 
trend of the coast. I append an abridged statement. 31 
During the night of February 28th, and most of the 
next day, they are driven by a south-west gale towards 
the land, and as they estimate to latitude 44. 32 They 
recognize their imminent peril, and appeal to our Lady 
of Guadalupe. In answer to their cries, a norther 
comes which sends them far southward and saves their 
lives. They imagine they see signs of the inevitable 
1 great river' between 41 and 43; they see Cape Pinos 
March 3d; and on the 5th are off the island of Juan 
Rodriguez, their northern wanderings being at an end. 
Of course there is no possibility of determining 
definitely Ferrelo's northern limit. He thought that 
he reached 44, being driven by the gale sixty miles 
beyond the highest observation in 43; and there is no 
reason to suspect any intentional misrepresentation in 
the narrative, written either by Ferrelo or by one of his 
associates. 33 But in southern California the latitudes 
of this voyage are about 1 30' too high, increasing 
apparently to about 2 farther north; thus Ferrelo's 
northern limit was at most 42 or 42 3 0', just beyond 
the present boundary of California. This is substan- 
tially the conclusion of both Navarrete and Henshaw. 34 

31 Feb. 25th, midnight to dawn, course w. N. w., wind s. s. w; Feb. 26th, 
course N. w., wind \v. s. \v. very strong; Feb. 27th, course w. N. w., with 
lowered foresail, wind s. S. w. All night ran s. with w. wind and rough sea; 
Feb. 28th, wind s. w. and moderate; latitude 43. In the right course N. w. 
with much labor. March 1, a furious gale from the s. s. w., with a high sea 
breaking over the ship; course N. E. towards the land. The fog thick, but 
signs of land in the shape of birds, floating wood, etc., also indication of 
rivers. At 3 p. M. a N. wind came to save them, and carried them s. all 
night. March 2d, course s. with rough sea; in the night a N. w. and N. N. w. 
gale, course s. E. and E. s. E. March 3, cleared up at noon; wind N. w.; 
sighted C. Pinos. 

32 Herrera says they took an observation in 44 on March 1st. Venegas 
follows him, but makes the date March 10th. 

33 Perhaps Juan Paez as already explained. Herrera calls Ferrelo Ferrer. 
The original uses both the forms Ferrelo and Ferrer. 

34 Navarrete puts it ' 43 con corta diferencia segun el error de exceso que 
generalmente se not6 en sus latitudes;' but he himself makes the average 
excess 1 30', so that the limit was 41 30'. Henshaw was not, as he implies, 
the first to note the uniform excess. He thinks the southern boundary of 
Oregon ' not far out of the way. ' 


But if we disregard Ferrelo's solar observations all 
other evidence to be drawn from the original nar- 
rative points to a latitude much lower even than 
42, particularly if, as I think I have shown beyond 
much doubt in the preceding pa^es, the bay and point 
of Pinos are to be identified with Monterey. It is 
my opinion that the Spaniards in this voyage did not 
pass far, if at all, beyond Cape Mendocino in 40 26'; 
and there is nothing to support the belief of later 
years that Ferrelo discovered that cape. It may 
however have been named indirectly from Cabrilloa 
supposed discovery; that is, the name may have been 

fiven after the return to the cape in 40 which Ca- 
rillo discovered and did not name, though Torque- 
mada says the discovery was made by vessels coming 
from Manila. Nor is it unlikely that Manila vessels 
noting the cape in later years may have identified it 
with Cabrillo's cape and given the name accordingly 
in honor of the viceroy Mendoza. 8a 

Unable by reason of rough weather to enter the 
old port in the island of Juan Rodriguez, on March 
5th Ferrelo runs over to San Salvador where he loses 
sight of the consort. On the 8th he proceeds to the 
Pueblo de Canoas, obtaining four natives and return- 
ing next day. Two days later he goes down to San 
Miguel, or San Diego, where he waits six days for the 
missing vessel, taking two boys to be carried to Mex- 
ico as interpreters. On the 17th they are at San 
Mateo, or Todos Santos; and on the 26th join the 
Vitoria at Cedros Island. They have been in great 
peril on some shoals at Cabrillo's island; but by 

35 Torquemada, i. 693. Venegas, Not. Cal., i. 181-3, seems to have been 
the first to state that Cabrillo discovered and named the cape. Lorenzana, in 
Cortes, Hist. N. Espafia, 325-6, and Cavo, Tres Siylos, i. 135, make the same 
statement; and it is followed by most later writers. The early writers, how- 
ever, all imply that the cape was discovered before Cabrillo's death and not 
by Ferrelo, doubtless identifying it with the nameless cape in 40, really Aiio 
Nuevo or Pigeon Point. Laet, Novus Orbis, 306-7, makes C. Fortunas the 
northern limit of the voyage; and Burney, Chron. Hist., i. 220-5, identifies 
Fortunas with Mendocino, and is followed by Greenhow, Or. and Cat., 62-3. 
A very absurd theory has been more or less current that Ferrelo gave his 
name to the Faralloues of San Francisco. 


prayers and promises they are saved. They arrive 
at Navidad April 14th, and the first voyage to Alta 
California is at an end. 36 

Francis Drake, made Sir Francis later, entered the 
Pacific by way of Cape Horn in 1578, having in view 
not only a raid on Spanish treasure, but a return by 
the long-sought strait of Anian, or, if that could not 
be found, at least a voyage . round the world. His 
plundering cruise having been most successful, he 
sailed in April 1579 from Guatulco on the Oajaca 
coast to find the strait that was to afford him a passage 
through the continent. He kept well out to sea; but 
in June he became discouraged on account of the 
extreme cold, resolved to abandon the northern enter- 
prise, and having anchored in a bad bay, perhaps in 
latitude 43, he came down the coast in the Golden 
Hind to refit, when a suitable place could be found, 
for a voyage round Cape Good Hope and home. The 
particulars of his operations both in the north and 
south are fully treated elsewhere ; it is only with what 
he did and saw in California that we are now con- 
cerned. 37 

36 On Cabrillo's voyage, in. addition to the works to which I have had occa- 
sion to refer, see the following, none of which, however, throws any addi- 
tional light on the subject, many being but brief allusions to the voyage: 
Forster's Hist. Voy. , 443-9; Fleurieu, in Marchand, Voy. , i. viii.-ix. ; Montanus, 
Nieuwe Viecre'd, 210-11, 101; Id., Ncue Welt, 237-8; Clavifjero, Stor. CaL* 
154-5; Hist. Magazine, ix. 148; Hutching May., i. Ill; iii. 146; iv. 116, 547; 
v. 2G5, '277; CaL Farmer, May 4, 1860, April 18, 1862, Aug. 14, 21, 1863; Over- 
land Monthly * April 1871, 297; Forbes' Hist. CaL, 9; Findlay's Directory, 
i. 314; Browne's L. CaL, 18-19; Capron's Hist. CaL, 121-2; Domenech'a 
Deserts, i. 220; Frir/net, L. Cat., 9, 26; Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Ch., i. 70-2; 
Iiincs' Voy., 352; Muhlenpfordt, Versuch; Murray'.* N. Amer., ii. 79-80; 
Rouhaud, Key., nourel'es, 26; St Amant, Voy., 393; Fcdix, I'Oregon, 55; 
Tytlrr'8 Hist. View, 78-9; Twiss' Oregon Quest., 22; Cronise's Nat. Wealth, 5; 
Marina 'Espanola, ii. 274-7; Barber's Hist., 459; Mofras, Explor., i. 96-7, 
328; Pat/no, in Soc. Hex. Geog., BoletinSdEp., ii. 199; Kerr's Col. Voy., ii. 
112; and a large number of modern mentions in books and newspapers. 

37 See Hist. North Mex. States, and Hist. Northwest Coast, i., this series, 
not only for details of Drake's performances, but for bibliographical informa- 
tion touching the original authorities. Of the latter there are only three that 
narrate the doings in California; Drake's Famous Voyaye, in Hakluyt's Voy., 
iii. 440-2; Drake's World Encompassed, London, 1628; and Discourse of frir 
Francis Drake's lorney and Exploijtes, MS. These are all republished in the 
Hakluyt Society edition of the World Encompassed, which is the edition 
referred to in my notes. Hardly a collection of voyages or any kind of work 

HIST. CAL., VOL. I. 6 


On the 17th of June Drake found a "conuenient 
and fit harborough" for his purpose in latitude 38 30 /38 
where he cast anchor and remained over a month, 
until July 23d. Down to this point the coast was 
"but low and reasonable plaine," every hill being cov- 
ered with snow; and during all their stay, though in 
the height of summer, the cold was nipping as farther 
north, the air for fourteen days being not clear enough 
by reason of ' stinking fogges' for an observation of 
the sun or stars, and the fur-clad natives shivering 
under a lee bank. 89 After a few days the ship was 
brought near the shore and lightened of her cargo for 
the purpose of repairs, tents being erected on shore 

relating to the early history of California has ever been published that has 
not contained a narrative or a mention of Drake's voyage; but, particularly 
so far as California is concerned, they have contained nothing not drawn from 
the sources named. To point out the many errors resulting from carelessness 
and other causes would require much space and serve no good purpose. I 
shall have occasion to name a few woi^ks in later notes of this chapter; I refer 
the reader to the list of authorities on Cabrillo's voyage given in note 36, which 
with few exceptions also describe Drake's visit; and I also name the following 
in addition! Aa, xviii. 11; Berenger, Col. Voy., i. 63, 117; Harris, Nav., i. 
19; Circumnavigations of Globe, 85; Kerr's Col. Voy., x. 27; Laharpe, Altrege, 
xv. 15; P'mkerton's Voy., xii. 1G9; Sammlung, xii. 5; Voyages, Col. Voy. and 
Trail.; Voyages, Col. (Churchill's), viii. 459; Voyages, ^Curious Col., v. 153; 
Voyages, Harlejan Col., ii. 434; Voyages, New Col. , iii. 15; Voyages, New 
Mlscel. Col., i. 3/; Voyages, New Univ. CoL, i. 28; Voyages, Hist. Voy. round 
World, i. 1, 4"5; Voyages, World Displayed, v. 150; Harrow's Life. Drake, 
75; Clarke's Life Drake, 30; Purchas his Pllgrlmes, ii. 52; Gotffriedt, Neice 
WeU.34; Boss, Leben,3&l; Ens, West and Oxt. Ind. Lustgart, 113; Humboldt, 
Essai Pol., 317, 330; Low, Meer oder Seehanen Buch, 44; AloreUi, Fasti N^ov. 
Orb., 27; Laet, Nov. Orbis, 307: Navarrete, Introd., xcviii. ; Id., ViagesApdc., 
38; Barney's Citron.' Hi^t., i. 350; Le Maire, Spleghel, 77; Pauw, Recherches, 
i. 172; Edin. Review, No. clxii. 1879; Nile*' Register, Ixv. 174; Jlunt's Merch. 
Mag., xii. 523; Hayes' Scraps, Cat. Notes, iii. 10; Quigley'a Irish Race, 
146; N. Amer. Review, June 1839, 132; Greenhow's Or. and CaL, 70; Id. 
Memoir, 36; Nicola//'s Or. Ter., 24; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 214; Gleeson's Hist. 
Oath. Ch., i. 73, ii. 35; Belcher's Voy., i. 316; Jladltt's Great Gold Fields, 4; 
California, Past, Present, 53; Frost's Ha'f hours, 161; McCle.Han's Gulden Slate, 
43; TuthiU's Hist. CaL. 17; Holmes' An. Amer., i. 90; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, 
168; Meyer, Nach dem Sac., 197; Norman's Youth's Hist., 29; Page's Nouv. 
Voy., ii/410; Poutsin, Quest, de VOreg., 23; Id. U. .V., 237; Taylor, in CaL 
Farmer, March 29, 1861; April 25, Aug. 15, 22, 29, 1862; W'dlard's Ln*t 
Leaves, 113; Douglass' Summary, i. 35; Urlng's llist., 376; Farnham's Hist. 
Oregon, 11, 21; Goodrich's Man iipon the Sea, 241; Delaporte, Reisen, 457; 
Evans' Puget Sd., 3;- Falconer's Oreg. Quest., 12, 39; Forbes' Hist. CaL 10, 79; 
Gazlay's Pac. Monthly, 227; Soule's An. S. F., 32; also most of the recently 
published county histories of California. 

38 }Yorld Encompassed, 115. 'A faire and good bay 'in 38. Famous Voy. 
'A harborow for his ship' in 44. Discourse, 184. 

39 The excessive cold here is mentioned only in the World Encompassed. 
The author's absurd statements and explanations are not worth reproducing 
in detail. 


for the men, with, a kind of fort for protection. Of 
the repairs the two chief authorities say nothing; but 
the third tells us that Drake's men " grounded his- 
ship to trim her," and that they set sail after having 
" graved and watred theire ship." 40 

When the ship first anchored a native ambassador 
approached in a canoe to make a long speech, bringing 
also a tuft of feathers and a basket of the herb called 
tabdh.* 1 When the Englishmen landed the Indians 
came to the shore in great numbers, but showed no 
hostility, freely receiving and giving presents, and 
soon came to regard the strangers, so the latter be- 
lieved, as gods. The narratives are chiefly filled with 
details of the ceremonies and sacrifices by which they 
signified their submission, even crowning Drake as 
their hioh, or king. The men went for the most part 
naked, the women wearing a loose garment of bul- 
rushes with a deerskin over the shoulders. Their 
houses, some of them close to the water, were partly 
subterranean, the upper parts being conical, of wood, 
and covered with earth. In details respecting the 
people and their habits and ceremonies there is much 
exaggeration and inaccuracy; but the descriptions in 
a general way are applicable enough to the Central 
Californians. 42 

Before his departure Drake made a journey up into 
the land, "to be the better acquainted with the nature 
and commodities of the country," visiting several vil- 
lages. " The inland we found to be farre different 
from the shoare, a goodly country, and fruitfull soyle, 
stored with many blessings fit for the vse of man: 
infinite was the company of very large andYat Deere 
which there we sawe by thousands, as we supposed, 
in a heard ; besides a multitude of a strange kinde of 
Conies, by farre exceeding them in number: their 
heads and bodies, in which they resemble other Conies, 

40 Discourse, 184. 

41 Or t<Mh, called by the Famous Voyarfe, tabacco. They had also a root 
called petdh of which they made meal and bread. 

. 42 See Native Races, i. 361 et seq. 


are but small; his tayle, like the tayle of a Rat, ex- 
ceeding long; and his feet like the pawes of a Want 
or moale; under his chinne, on either side, he hath a 
bagge, into which he gathereth his meate, when he 
hath filled his belly abroade. . .the people eate their 
bodies, and make great account of their skinnes, for 
their kings holidaies coate was made of them." 43 

" This country our Generall named Albion" or Nona 
Albion according to the Famous Voyage, "and that for 
two causes ; the one in respect of the white bancks and 
cliifes, which lie toward the sea; the other, that it 
might haue some affinity, euen in name also, with our 
own country, which was sometime so called." "There 
is no part of earth here to bee taken up, wherein there 
is not some speciall likelihood of gold or silver." 44 
" Before we went from thence, our Generall caused to 
be set vp a monument of our being there, as also of her 
maiesties and successors right and title to that king- 
dome; namely, a plate' of brasse, fast nailed to a great 
and firme post; whereon is engrauen her graces name, 
and the day and yeare of our arriual there, and of 
the free giuing vp of the prouince and kingdome, both 
by the king and people, into her maiesties hands: 
together with her highnesse picture and armes, in a 
piece of sixpence currant English monie, shewing 
itselfe by a hole made of purpose through the plate; 
vnderneath was likewise engrauen the name of our 
Generall, etc. 45 The Spaniards neuer had any dealing, 
or so much as set a foote in this country, the utmost 
of their discoveries reaching onely to many degrees 
Southward of this place." They finally sailed on the 
23d of July, 46 on a south-south-west course accord- 

43 World Encompassed, 131-2. 'We found the whole country to bee a war- 
ren of a strange kinde of Conies, their bodyes in bignes as be the Barbary 
Conies, their heads as the heads of ours, the feet of a Want, and the taile of 
a rat being of great length: under her chinne on either side a bagge,' etc. 
famous Voyage. 

44 Famous Voyage, the rest being from World Encompassed. 

45 In this place Drake set up ' a greate post and nayled thereon a vj d ,w ch 
the countrey people woorshipped as if it had bin God; also hee nayled vppon 
this post a plate of lead, and scratched therein the Queenes name. ' Discourse. 

4<r 'In the latter ende of August.' Discourse, 184. 


ing to the Discourse, and "not farre without this har- 
borough did lye certain Hands (we called them the 
Hands of Saint James] hauing on them plentifull and 
great store of Seales and birds, with one of which we 
fell July 24, whereon we found such prouision as might 
competently serue our turne for a while. We departed 
againe the day next following, viz., July 25." No 
more land was seen till they had crossed the Pacific. 

It should be noted that no regular diary or log of 
this voyage is extant or is known to have ever been 
extant. Of the three narratives which I have cited 
one was perhaps written from memory by a companion 
of Drake. The others are compilations from notes of 
the chaplain, Fletcher, written under circumstances 
of which we know but little, by a man not noted for 
his veracity, arid from the reminiscences probably of 
others. Naturally they abound in discrepancies and 
inaccuracies, as is shown still more clearly in parts not 
relating to California. They are sufficiently accurate 
to leave no room for reasonable doubt that Drake 
really anchored on the coast in the region indicated, 
touching at one of the Farallones on his departure; 
but in respect of further details they inspire no confi- 

Yet the identity of Drake's anchorage is a most 
interesting point, and one that has caused much dis- 
cussion. There are three bays not far apart on the 
coast, those of Bodega, Drake, and San Francisco, 
any one of which to a certain extent may answer the 
requirements, and each of which has had its advocates. 
Their positions are shown on the annexed map. The 
central bay under Point Reyes, the old San Francisco, 
is. almost exactly in latitude 38, and it agrees better 
than the others with the south-south-west course to 
the Farallones as given by one of the narratives; 
Bodega agrees well enough with the 38 30' of the 
Famous Voyage, and more properly than the other 
may be termed a 'faire and good bay;' while San 
Francisco, though some twenty minutes south of the 



lowest latitude mentioned, is a very much more 'con- 
uenient harborough' than either of the others. 

For nearly two centuries after the voyage there 
was but slight occasion to identify Drake's anchorage ; 
yet there can be no doubt that it was to a certain 
extent confounded with the old San Francisco men- 


tioned by Torquemada, and that the confusion was 
shown, or increased, by the occasional occurrence of 
the name S. Francisco Drak for Sir Francis Drake 
on old maps. And later when the new San Francisco 
was found, few if any but Spaniards understood the. 
difference between the two; 47 and therefore, as well 

47 Cabrera Bueno, Navegacion Especulativa, Manila, 1734, makes the dis- 
tinction perfectly clear; but of this work nothing was known to the world 
beyond its mei-e existence till 1874, when one of my assistants in the Over- 
land Monthly gave a translation of its contents so far as relating to this sub- 
ject. Doyle in his reprint of Ptdou, Noticias, i. ix.-x., gave the same iu 
substance later, after consulting my copy. 



as on account of the excellence of the new harbor, 
Drake's anchorage was very naturally identified by 
most with the bay of San Francisco. The Spaniards, 
however, never accepted this theory, but were dis- 
posed from the first to claim for Portold's expedi- 
tion the honor of discovering the new San Francisco, 
and to restrict Drake's discoveries to Bodega. 48 It 
cannot be claimed, however, that the Spaniards had 
any special facilities for learning the truth of the 
matter; and indeed some of them seem to have de- 
clared in favor of the bay under Point Reyes, 49 which 
has for many years borne Drake's name on the maps, 
though advocates of .both the other bays have not 
been wanting. The general opinion in modern times 


* 8 In Bodega y Cuadra, Viage de 1775, MS., it is clearly stated that Bodega 
was Drake's bay and that it was distinct from either San Francisco. Fleurieu, 
Introd. Marchand, Voy., i. Ixxvi. etseq., by a blundering reference to Mau- 
re/le's Journal, 45 et seq., identified Bodega and San Francisco, making some 
absurd charges against the Spaniards of having changed the name, which 
charges Navarrete, Introd. Sutil y Mex. Viaye, xcviii.-ix., refutes, at the same 
time implying his approval of the identity of Drake's bay and Bodega. Hum- 
boldt, E**ai PoL, 327, takes the same view of the subject. 

49 Vancouver, Voyages, i. 430, in 1792 understood the Spaniards to be of 
.this opinion. Yet I iind no evidence that this opinion was ever the pi^evail- 
ing one. The 'Spanish tradition' in California was very strong against new 
San Francisco; but was not very pronounced as between old San Francisco 
and Bodega, favoring, however, the latter. Padre Niel, Apuntaciones, 78, 
writing in about 1718 declared his opinion that Drake's bay was at the mouth 
of Carmelo River! 



has been that the great freebooter did not enter San 
Francisco Bay, and that he probably did anchor at 
Drake Bay. 

Early maps, it would seem, should throw some light 
on this question, but they fail to do so. With the 
exception of Vizcaino's map, to be reproduced presently 
and having no bearing on Drake's voyage, I have not 
found a single map of the California coast of earlier 
date than 1769 bearing the slightest indication of 
having been founded on anything but the narratives 
still extant and the imagination of the map-maker. I 
reproduce two sections of maps from the Arcano del 
Mare to which Hale attaches some importance in 
this connection, with another by Hondius and sup- 
posed to represent Drake's port in New Albion. 60 

Po.di Don Gosper 


Y ^Albion scoperto 
^?X del Dragu Inglese 



50 11 ale's Early Maps of America, and a note on Robert Dudley and the 
Arcano del Mare, Worcester, 1874, a paper read before the American Antiq. 
Soc. in 1873. The author is inclined to think that Dudley had some special 
authority unknown to us for his maps of this coast. ' Our California friends 
must permit me to say that Porto bonissimo (an inscription for Drake's port) 
is a very strong phrase for the open road-stead of "Sir Francis Drake's Bay" 
as it is now understood.' Of the peculiar ' bottle-shaped loop ' of the bay, it 
is said, ' the bay of San Francisco after numerous reductions and copyings 
would assume much this shape.' And the difficulty arising from the other 
bay of like shape just above San Francisco on both maps is thus ingeniously, 
if not very satisfactorily, explained away. ' I confess that it seems to me that 
more, than one navigator of those times probably entered the Golden Gate into 
the bay of San Francisco. Each one recorded his own latitude and these 
two bays, almost identical in appearance, are due to an effort of the map- 
maker to include two incorrect latitudes in one map'! Hale reproduces one 
of the Arcano maps and adds the Hondius map in Bryant's Hist. U. 8., ii. 
570-7. Here he is non-committal about the identity of the bays, admitting 
that the maker of the Hondius map had no knowledge of San Francisco Bay, 
or indeed of any other bay on the coast. In one of the arguments against 
San Francisco that seems to have most weight with him he i:: however in error. 
' It is quite certain that the Spaniards, who eagerly tried to rediscover the 
port, with this map in their possession, did not succeed until near two hun- 
dred years after. Long before they did discover it they were seeking for it, 


With due respect for Hale's views, as those of an able 
and conscientious investigator, I find in them nothing 
to change my own as just expressed. These maps 
like all others represent Drake's port from the current 
narratives as a good bay in about 38 of latitude; all 
the rest is purely imaginary. For like reasons I can- 
not agree with another able student of California 
history who finds proof in the maps given by Hale 
that Drake anchored in Bodega Bay. I do not object 
very strongly to the conclusion, but I find no proof, or 
even evidence in the maps. 51 

calling it the bay of San Francisco, that name probably having been taken 
from no less a saint than the heretic, Sir Francis Drake. ' This is the old 
confusion already alluded to. Hale knew nothing of the distinction between 
the old and new San Francisco. The Spaniards were familiar with the 
position of the former after its discovery and naming by Cermenon in 1595; 
Vizcaino entered it without difficulty in 1G03; Portola was approaching it as 
a perfectly well known landmark when he stumbled on the new San Francisco 
in 1 709. There is no evidence that the Spaniards ever sought San Francisco 
on any other occasion. 

51 1 allude to the writer of a review of Bryant's Hist. U. S. in the S. F. 
Bulletin, Oct. 5, 1878, whom I suppose to have been John W. Dwindle, and 
whose argument is worth quoting at some length. After some remarks on 
Hondius' facilities for knowing the truth, Dwindle writes: 'This map does 
not accurately describe Bodega Bay. There is now a long spit of sand 
running from the east at the foot of the bay and nearly shutting it up. But 
that sand spit did not exist when Captain Bodega discovered the bay in 1775, 
although he reported his opinion that a bar was forming there. The long, 
narrow island represented on Hondius' map of the bay as lying on the outside 
of the coast and parallel to the bay, really lies at the foot of the bay, below 
the peninsula; but, viewed from the point where Drake's ship is represented 
as lying, the island appears to lie outside of the peninsula. Drake's ship 
passed this island only twice, namely, when he sailed in and when he sailed 
out. But it was in sight every day from the place where his ship lay during 
the five weeks that he was there, and from that point, we repeat, this island 
appears to be outside. The bay itself, there at its head, appears to be twice 
as wide as it is at its mouth some miles below, although the reverse is the 
fact. But it is just such a map as a good penman ignorant of linear and aerial 
perspective would have made on the spot, if he had a taste for pen and ink 
maps, such as Fletcher, Drake's chaplain, is known to have had. We have 
visited Bodega Bay with a photographic copy of Hondius' map of Drake's 
Bay, taken from that in the British museum, but enlarged to the dimension of 
5 by G inches. All the indications called for by Drake's narrative exist there. 
Those wo have mentioned; also the Indian villages; the shell-fish; the seals; 
the deciduous trees, the "conies" which honey-combed the soil; the eleva- 
'tion of the coast, which commenced at about that latitude; the white sand- 
hills, which suggested the name of Albion. Also another indication which 
does not appear m the map as copied in the history, a line of rocks below the 
beach at the lower right-hand water-line, thus forming a double coast line. 
\Vc have no doubt that Bodega Bay is Drake's Bay, and that Hondius' map 
was furnished to him by Fletcher, who made it on the spot. Drake's ship 
could go in there now and anchor at its head in 15 feet water* 100 feet from 
the shore, where there is a good sandy beach on which to careen and repair 


The main question is, did Drake enter San Fran- 
cisco Bay? It would serve no good purpose to cata- 
logue the modern writers who have espoused one 
theory or the other. Able men like Burney, David- 
son, Tuthill, and Stillman have maintained that Drake 
anchored within the Golden Gate, against the con- 
trary opinions of other able men like Humboldt, 
Soule, Doyle, Dwinelle, and Hittell. Some have been 
very positive, others cautious and doubtful. Most 

vessels, and where there was an Indian village "on the hill above," as 
demanded by Drake's narrative. The map from Arcano del Mar, edition of 
1647, given at page 571 in the history, in our opinion greatly strengthens this 
view. Directly opposite the mouth of Bodega Bay to the south is the mouth 
of Tomales Bay. Between the two the Rio Estero Americano of the Spanish 
Californians debouches into the ocean ; a stream whose bed is almost bare in 
the dry season, but which, during the rainy season and for some time after- 
wards, poured into the sea a shallow volume of turbulent waters, several 
hundred feet in width. When Drake was on this coast, the winter or rainy 
season was unusually protracted, so far that the deciduous trees, which usually 
resume their foliage in March and April, had not done so as late as July, and 
it still snowed on the coast. Snow on the coast means rain in the interior at 
a short distance from the sea. It may be safely assumed that the Rio Estero 
Americano was swelling full to its margin probably unusually full. The 
"bottle- shaped" bay on the reduced scale of the map from Arcauo del Mar 
might well represent the two bays, the neck standing for the river. The 
latitude is precisely that required for Bodega Bay. Following down the map, 

G. (golfo) di San Pietro, corresponds exactly to Jack : s, or Drake's Bay, as it 
appears from the sea, and also exactly to its latitude. We are of opinion 
that this map must be regarded as authentic, anTl also the vignettes engraved 
upon the same sheet. Two of these represent Drake's ship, the Pelican, the 
fir'st as she lay stranded on the rocks at the Windward Islands, and the other 
as lying at anchor. They both correspond in all their details. Probably the 
drawings from which the engraving was executed were made from the ship 
itself. Drake returned to England in 1580. He never sailed again. The 
engravings were made between 1590 and 1600. Hondius was in England all 
this time. If not made from the ship, the engraving may be safely assumed 
to represent the style of naval architecture of the period. The ship is repre- 
sented as broad in the beam and round in the bow. Her burden, Drake's, 
narrative informs us, was 100 tons. She was therefore shallow and drew but 
little water. The ship-builders whom we have consulted inform us that with 
all her armament she could not have drawn more than from 5 to C feet of 
water. She could therefore have entered Bolinas Bay, Jack's, or Drake's 
(interior) Bay, Tomales Bay, Bodega Bay, Humboldt Bay, and any or all of 
the rivers which Drake encountered. Modern navigators and hydrographers. 
who argue that Drake must have entered the Bay of San Francisco because 
no other bay was deep enough for the entry and repairing of a man-of-war, 
must have certainly had in their minds a modern 74-gun ship, and not a little 
caravel of 100 tons carrying six feet of draft.' It-will be noticed that the 
writer attempts no explanation of the two bottle-shaped bays. It is moreover 
remarkable thtit he should accept Fletcher's statements about the climate and 
season as even remotely founded on truth. 


have written without a full understanding of the dis- 
tinction between the two San Franciscos. Few have 
been sufficiently impressed with the fundamental truth 
that Chaplain Fletcher was a liar. Besides certain 
special pleadings often more ingenious than weighty, 
the convincing arguments have been on the one side 
that Drake after a stay of five weeks would not have 
called any other bay but that of San Francisco a good 
harbor, or have thanked God for a fair wind to enter 
the same; and on the other, that, having entered San 
Francisco, he would never have dismissed it with mere 
mention as a good bay. The former argument is less 
applicable to Bodega than to the bay under Point 

The latter appears to me unanswerable. It is one 
that has naturally occurred to all, but I doubt if 
any have comprehended its full force. It grows on 
the student as he becomes acquainted with the spirit 
of the past centuries in relation to maritime affairs 
and particularly to the north-west coast of America. 
I treat this subject fully elsewhere. 52 That Drake 
and his men should have spent a month in so large 
and so peculiar a bay without an exploration extend- 
ing thirty or forty miles into the interior by water; 
that notes should be written on the visit without a 
mention of any exploration, or of the great rivers 
flowing into the bay, or of its great arms; that Drake's 
companions should have evaded the questions of such 
men as Richard Hakluyt, and have died without im- 
parting a word of the information so eagerly sought 
by so many men, is indeed incredible. For sailors in 
those days to talk of inlets they had never seen was 
common; to suppress their knowledge of real inlets 
would indeed have been a marvel. 53 Drake's business 

52 See Hist. Northwest Coast, 1. chap, ii.-iv., this series. 

53 Stillmaii says, Seekiny the Golden Fleece, % 300: ' He was not on a voyage 
of discovery; his was a business enterprise, and he had an eye to that alone. 
What was not gold and silver was of small consequence to him. ' Whence 
perhaps his minute details of Indian ceremonies! 'Nor does it seem proba- 
ble tliat he knew the extent of the bay of San Francisco. He had already 
concluded . . . that there could be no northwest passage . . . and he had aban- 


in the North Pacific was to find an interoceanic pas- 
sage; if he abandoned the hope in the far north, one 
glance at the Golden Gate would have rekindled it; 
a sight of the far-reaching arms within would have con- 
vinced him that the strait was found ; San Pablo Bay 
would have removed the last doubt from the mind of 
every incredulous companion ; in Suisun Bay the Golden 
Hind would have been well on her way through the 
continent; and a little farther the only question wpuld 
have been whether to proceed directly to Newfound- 
land by the Sacramento or to Florida by the San 
Joaquin. That a man like Fletcher, who found sceptres 
and crowns and kings among the Central Californians, 
who found a special likelihood of gold and silver where 
nothing of the kind ever existed, who was so nearly 
frozen among the snow-covered Californian hills in 
summer, should have called the anchorage under Point 
. Reyes, to say nothing of Bodega, a fine harbor would 
have been wonderful accuracy and moderation on his 
part. But supposing San Francisco Bay to have been 
the subject of his description, let the reader imagine 
the result. The continent is not broad enough to 
contain the complication of channels he would have 

Proof of the most positive nature, more definite than 
the vague narratives in question could 'be expected 
reasonably to yield, is required to overthrow the pre- 
sumption that Drake did not enter San Francisco 
Bay. This proof Stillman, who has made himself in 
these later years champion of the cause, 54 believes 
himself to have found. First, he declares, and forti- 
fies his position with the testimony of a coast-survey 
official and other navigators, that Drake could not 

cloned the hope. ' And Tuthill, Hist. Cal, 24: ' They did not go into ecstasies 
about the harbor. They were not hunting harbors, but fortunes in compact 
form. Harbors, so precious to the Spaniards, who 'had a commerce in the 
Pacific to be protected, were of small account to roving Englishmen.' These 
are evasions of the issue, or the statements of men not acquainted with the 
maritime spirit of the time. 

M Stillman > 8 Footprints in California of Early Navigators, in Id.; Seeking 
the Golden lleece, 285 et seq.; Id., in Overland Monthly, i. 332. 


have graved his vessel in the bay that bears his name 
without the certainty of destruction. Navigators with 
whom I have conversde are somewhat less positive 
on the subject, simply stating that the beaching of 
a vessel there would be venturesome, and. a wise 
captain would if possible avoid it. It is not at all 
uncommon at many places on the coast for vessels to 
be beached in a storm, and safely released by the high 
tide. Stillman and his witnesses imply that Drake's 
ship was grounded to be repaired and graved, but 
only one of the narratives, and that the least reliable, 
contains such a statement; the others simply mention 
a leak to be stopped, perhaps not far below the water- 
line, and I am sure that small vessels upon this coast 
have been often careened and graved without being 
beached at all. The coast survey charts declare the 
harbor to be a secure one except in south-east gales. 
There is an interior bay, communicating with the 
outer by a passage now somewhat obstructed by a 
bar, which possibly now, and very probably in 1579, 
would afford Drake's small ship a safe anchorage. 
And finally this objection would lose its force if ap- 
plied to Bodega instead of Drake Bay. Thus we find 
in this argument nothing of the positive character 
which alone could make it valid. 

The other argument urged is that Fletcher's 'conies* 
were ground-squirrels and that these animals never 
existed in the region of Drake Bay. It must be 
admitted that the description in several respects fits 
the ground-squirrel better than the gopher or any 
other animal of this region; but a very accurate descrip- 
tion of anything would be out of place, -and certainly 
is not found, in these narratives; the 'conies' liter- 
ally rabbits were seen on a trip up into the country, 
how far we do not know ; and no very satisfying proof 
is presented that ground-squirrels never frequented 
the region of either Drake Bay or Bodega. There- 
fore whatever weight might be given to Stillman's 
arguments as against similar arguments on the other 


side drawn from the faulty descriptions available, 
they are in my opinion entitled to very little consider- 
ation as against the overwhelming and irresistible pre- 
sumption noted that Drake could not have entered 
San Francisco Bay. 55 

Between Drake Bay and Bodega I have no decided 
opinion to express. I find no foundation for such an 
opinion. It is not probable that there will ever be 
any means of ascertaining the truth. Drake's post 
and plate were doubtless moved from their original 
site at an early date. If my supposition that- Ca- 
brillo did not pass Cape Mendocino is correct, then the 
English navigator may perhaps be entitled to the 
honor of having discovered a portion of the California 
coast above that point; yet it is by no means certain 
that he crossed the parallel of 42. 56 

The Philippine ships from 1565 followed a northern 
route in returning across the Pacific to Acapulco ; but 
of these trips we have for the most part no records. 
Their instructions were to keep as near to the line 
of 30^Tts possible, and to go no farfher^nortli than 
was necessary to get a wind. It is probable that, 
while they often reached latitude 37, or higher, they 
rarely sighted the coast of Upper California, on ac- 
count of turning to the south as soon as they found 
sea-weeds or other indications that land was near. 
The lower end of the peninsula was generally the first 
land seen in these early years. 

In 1584, however, Francisco Gali, commanding one 
of these ships returning from Macao by way of Japan, 
sailed from that island east and east by north about 
three hundred leagues until he struck the great oce- 

65 Stillman's reference to the Spanish map published by Anson, which I 
reproduce later, should be noticed. It certainly gives a peculiar form to the 
bay under Point Reyes; but it has no bearing on Drake's voyage. It simply 
shows that the draughtsman failed to get a correct idea of the port from the 
text of Vizcaino and Cabrera Bueno. 

56 On the report of one of Drake's men having been landed in California, 
and having gone to Mexico overland, a report not founded on fact. See Hist. 
Northwest Coast, i. CO-1, this series. 


anic current, which carried him some seven hundred 
leagues to within two hundred leagues of the Ameri- 
can coast. Then, "being by the same course upon the 
coast of New Spain, under 37 30', we passed by a 
very high and fair land with many trees, wholly with- 
out snow, and four leagues from the land you find 
thereabout many drifts of roots, leaves of trees, reeds, 
and other leaves like fig-leaves, the like whereof we 
found in great abundance in the country of Japan, 
which they eat; and some of those that we found, I 
caused to be sodden with flesh, and being sodden, they 
eat like coleworts; there likewise we found great store 
of seals; whereby it is to be presumed and certainly 
to be believed, that there are many rivers, bays, and 
havens along by those coasts to the haven of Aca- 
pulco. From thence we ran south-east, south-east 
and by south, and south-east and by east, as we found 
the wind, to the point called Cabo de San Lucas, which 
is the beginning of the land of California, on the 
north-west side, lying under 22, being five hundred 
leagues distant from Cape Mendocino." This is all. 
that Gali's narrative contains respecting the California 
coast. 57 

Gali's seems to be the first mention of 'Cape Men- 
docino, though it is not implied that the name was 
given by him, as nevertheless it may have been. We 
have seen that the name was not, as has been generally 
believed, applied by Cabrillo or Ferrelo in 1542-3; 
and Torque mada's statement has b^en noted to the 
effect that the cape was discovered by the Manila 
ships. It is possible that it had been thus discovered 
in an unrecorded voyage preceding that of Gali; but 
it is quite as likely that the name was given in Mexico, 

57 This narrative was translated into Dutch and published by Linschoten in 

his famous and oft-reprinted Itinerario of 1596. From this source an English 

translation is given in Ilakluyfs Voy., iii. 442-7. A blunder in a French trans- 

" lation by which 57 30' was substituted for 37 30' has caused a fictitious im- 

many of the works cited on the voyages of Cabrillo, Drake", and Vizcaino. 


of course in honor of the viceroy Mendoza, to a point 
discovered but not named by Cabrillo. 

The fourth voyage of Californian annals was like 
the third one from the far west. The piloto Sebastian 
Rodriguez de Cermenon in charge of the San Agustin 
coming from the Philippines in 1595, was ordered by 
Governor Gomez Perez das Marinas, in accordance 
with royal instructions through Viceroy Velaseo, to 
make some explorations on the coast, doubtless with 
a view to find a suitable station for the Manila ships. 
Of Cermenon's adventures we know only that his 
vessel ran aground on a lee shore 58 behind what was 
later called Point Reyes, leaving on the land a large 
quantity of wax and silk in boxes. It is possible that 
the San Agustin was accompanied by another vessel 
on which the officers and men escaped ; but much more 
probable I think that the expression 'was lost' in the 
record is an error, and that the ship escaped with a 
loss of her cargo. One of the men, Francisco Bolanos, 
was piloto mayor, or sailing-master, under Vizcaino in 
1603, when he anchored in the same port to see if 
any trace of the cargo remained, but without landing. 
Tlie statement of Bolanos as reported incidentally in 
the narrative of Vizcaino's voyage by Ascension and 
Torquemada is, so far as I can learn, the only record 
extant of this voyage. 59 

58 * Se perdi6, y dio a la costa con vn viento travesia. ' ' Que en aquel puerto 
avia dado a la Costa el ano de 1595.' 

59 Torquemada, Monnrq. Incl., i. 717-18. 'En la costa reconocimos el puerto 
de San Francisco, adonde en tienipos pasados se perdi6 ima nao de China quo 
venia con orden de descubrir esta costa, y creo que hoy dia hay mucha cera y 
losaza [loza?] qne el navio traia.' Ascension, Relation, 558. 'Here was where 
the ship S. Agustin was lost in the year 1595, coining to make discoveries, 
and the cause of her being lost was rather the fault of him who steered than 
stress of weather.' Cabrera JBneno, Navigation, 303. Venegas, Noticia, i. 
183, says 'the viceroy Velasco, desirous of making a station for the Philippine 
ships on the outer coast, sent a ship called San Ayusiin, which soon returned 
without any resiilts. ' And Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist. N. Esp. , 326. Also, i'rom 
Torquemada, Salmeron, Relac., 20; Niel, Apunt, 74; and Navarrete, It/trod., 
Ivi.-vii. It "does not clearly appear that any of these writers saw anything in 
addition to the statement in Torquemada. In Bodega y Cuadra, Vittye de 
1775, MS., it is said that Cermefion was wrecked in a south-east wind, as he 
could not have been at Bodega or the new San Francisco. Where this infor- 
mation was obtained does not appear. 


It is somewhat remarkable that no additional light 
has ever been thrown on this voyage; but, slight as 
is the record, there is no good reason to question its 
accuracy, especially as_jio grand and impossible discov- 
eries of interoceanic channels are involved. There 
can be very little doubt that Cermenon named the 
port of t his disaster San Francisco, perhaps from the 
day of his arrival. There is nothing to support the 
view sometimes expressed that he came in search of 
a San Francisco Bay, or of the port discovered by 
Drake; though it is not unlikely that rumors of 
Drake's fine -bay had an influence with other motives 
in promoting this exploration. That the Spaniards, 
now or at any other time, founded the name of San 
Francisco on that of Sir Francis, the English free- 
booter, is so improbable as to merit no consideration; 
but it is certain that subsequently foreign writers and 
map-makers confounded the names to some extent, as 
was natural enough. That Vizcaino, Cabrera Bueno, 
and other Spaniards of the early times mistook the 
identity of Cermeiion's bay is hardly possible. The 
timely circulation of a paragraph from Cabrera 
Bueno's work of 1732 and another from Crespfs 
diary of 1769 would have well nigh removed all diffi- 
culties in this matter, which has proved so puzzling 
to the annalists. 

Sebastian Vizcaino, commanding a Spanish explor- 
ing fleet of three vessels, anchored in San Diego Bay 
on November 10, 1G03. He had sailed from Acapulco 
in May of the preceding year, with a force of nearly 
two hundred men including three Carmelite friars. 
His special mission, in addition to that of general ex- 
ploration and the ever potent purpose of finding an 
interoceanic strait, was to find a suitable port for the 
Philippine ships. Details of his expedition to the 
date mentioned and of his explorations along the outer 
coast of the peninsula have been presented in another 
part of this work. It is only with his experience on 

HIST. CAL., VOL. I. 7 


the coast of Upper California that we are now con- 
cerned. 60 

It had been sixty years since Cabrillo had visited 
this bay and named it San Miguel; but here as else- 
where on the Californian coast Vizcaino pays no heed 
/ to the discoveries of his predecessor; giving indeed no 
indication that they were known to him. The name 
was now given doubtless with reference to that of the 
flag-ship, and also to the day of San Diego de Alcala 
occurring on the 1 2th of November. A party landed 
to explore, climbed to the summit of the hills on the 
northern peninsula, had a view of the grand harbor 
and a glimpse of the False Bay, found plenty of wood, 
and came back to report. The general decided to clean 
and pay his ship, and to obtain a supply of wood and 
water. A tent church for the friars was pitched 
somewhere on the western shore between what are 
now La Playa and Point Loma. Wells were dug on 
the opposite sand island, or peninsula, and the work of 

m Hist. North Hex. States, this series. The vessels were the flag- ship, or 
capitana, San Diego, on which sailed Vizcaino as captain-general; the Santo 
Tomc'cs, tinder Toribio Gomez de Corvan as admiral; and the Tres Reyes under 
Alfe"rez Martin Aguilar and the piloto Antonio Flores. Other officers were 
Captain Alonso Este~van Peguero, Captain Gaspar Alarcon, Captain Ger6- 
nimo Martin Palacios, cosmographer ; Alfe'reces Juan Francisco Suriano, 
Sebastian Melendez, and Juan de Acevedo Tejeda; pilotos Francisco Bolafios, 
Baltasar de Armas, and Juan Pascual; sergeants Miguel Legar and Juan 
Castillo Bueno; and corporals Estevan Lopez and Francisco Vidal. The 
friars were Andre's de la Asuncion, Tomas de Aquino, and Antonio de 
la Ascension, the first serving as comisario and the latter as chronicler 
and assistant cosmographer and map-maker. The standard and original 
authorities are Padre Ascension's account, perhaps but little changed from 
the original diary, in Torqnemada, i. 694-726; the same author's JRelacion 
Breve, 539-74, written in 1 620, and adding not much of importance to the 
other; JSalmeron, Relaciones, 14-21, the author of which was personally 
acquainted with Ascension and other companions of Vizcaino; Cabrera Bueno, 
Navigation, 302-13, which contains a derrotero of the coast from Cape Men- 
docino south, drawn from Vizcaino's log and charts; Vencyas, Not., i. 193- 
201; iii. 22-139 and Navarrete, SutilyMex. ix.-xviii., the author of which 
saw in the Spanish archives certified copies of all the papers relating to the 
expedition, including 32 maps, a small reduction from which combined in one 
he published in his atlas. This map, which I reproduce, was also published 
in Burners Chron. Hist., ii. 236-59. It is very much to be regretted that the 
narratives and maps of this voyage have never been published, and that Nav- 
arrete has made so inadequate a use of them. For accounts of the voyage 
adding nothing to information derived from those mentioned I refer the 
reader to the account in an earlier volume of my work; it may be added that 
very many of the works cited in this chapter on the voyages of Cabrillo and 
Drake contain also a mention of Vizcaino. 


refitting went on, though many were sick with the 
scurvy of which some had already died. Indians 
armed with bows and arrows soon appeared on the 
beach but were neither hostile nor very timid, gladly 
consenting to an interchange of gifts. They were 
understood to say by signs that other bearded men 
like the Spaniards were in the interior. All were de- 
lighted with the port and its surroundings. Vizcaino 
with Fray Antonio and an escort made an expedition 
on land, how extensive or in what direction we may 
not know, but probably including the eastern shores. 
After a stay of ten days, they set sail on the 20th of 
November. 61 The islands known as Los Coronados 
were noted and named by Vizcaino; and Cabrera 
Bueno, giving a full description of the port which he 
puts in latitude 34, names also the Punta de Guijar- 
ros, that is the point of cobble-stones, or ballast. 62 

A voyage of eight days against a north-west wind, 
the Tres Reyes hugging the coast and the others keep- 
ing farther out, brought them to an anchorage at the 
island which from the day they named Santa Cata- 
lina, sighting another large island in the south-west 
named San Clemente. 63 Before arriving here they 
had gone to a bight on the main, where smoke and 
green vegetation were seen, but there seemed to be 
no protection from the winds. This was probably 
the bay they called San Pedro, 64 a name still retained, 

61 The narratives enter somewhat into descriptive details for which I have 
no space. Says Ascension: ' In the sands of the beach there was a great quan- 
tity of marcasite, golden (dorada) and spongy, which is a clear sign that in 
the mountains round the port there are gold-mines, because the waters when 
it rains bring it from the mountains. ' They also found in the sand masses of 
a gray light substance like dried ox-dung, which it was thought might be am- 
ber. Some very heavy blue stones with which powdered and mixed in water 
the natives made shining streaks on their faces were thought to 'be rich in 
silver. The fertility of the soil, abundance of game and fish, and indeed all 
the natural qualities of the place are highly praised. San Diego was deemed 
a fine site for a Spanish settlement. 

62 Cabrera Bueno, Naregacion, 305. 

63 Name only in Cabrera Bueno, Nav., 305. The island is not on the map. 
61 On the map it is Ensenada de S. Andres. Cabrera Bueno names San 

Pedro in 34 30', and mentions the little island there. Nov. 26th is the day 
of St Peter, bishop of Alexandria. It will be remembered that Cabrillo had 
called this bay Bahia de los Humos. 



like those of the islands. Santa Catalina had a large 
population of fishermen and traders, who had large 
well built canoes and houses, as well as a temple 
where they sacrificed birds to an idol. They had no 
fear and were friendly, though skillful thieves. One 
or two days were spent here, 65 and then they went on 
through the waters which they named the Canal de 
Santa Barbara, 66 between the main and a chain of 
islands which commanders of the Philippine ships 
are said to have regarded before as tierra jfirme. The 


country was very attractive on both sides of the 
channel, but Vizcaino did not anchor, deeming it 
important to take advantage of favorable winds to 
reach northern latitudes. A chief came off in a canoe, 
however, and used all his eloquence to induce the 
strangers to visit his home, offering ten women for 
each man to supply a need that he noted on board 
the ships. I give here a copy of Vizcaino's map of 
the coast up to Monterey. Between the narrative, 

65 Torquemada, i. 713, says they departed on December 25th, but this must 
be an error. 

66 The day of Santa Barbara is December 4th. 


the map, and Cabrera's description there is no little 
confusion in details. 67 

There were other friendly visits from the natives 
as the Spaniards advanced northward; but after 
emerging from the channel and passing Point Concep- 
cion the coast was so hidden from view by fogs as to 
greatly interfere with the search for a harbor. 63 On 
the 14th of December the fog lifted and revealed to 
the voyagers the lofty coast range which from the 
preceding day was named Sierra de Santa Lucia, and 
which as the chronicler states had been the landmark 
usually sighted by the China ships. Four leagues 
beyond, a river flowing from lofty hills enters the ocean 
with fertile and well wooded banks between the shore 
cliffs. It was named the Rio de Carmelo in honor of 
the Carmelite friars who accompanied the expedition. 69 
Then Vizcaino's fleet rounded and named Punta de 
*VPinos, and on the 16th of December anchored in a 
i jamoso, or excellent, harbor which in honor of the 
viceroy who' had despatched the expedition was named 
Monterey. 70 

Next day the church tent was pitched under the 
shade of an oak whose branches touched the tide- 
water, twenty paces from springs of good water in a 
ravine, . which barranca, with similar trees not quite 
so near the shore, is still a prominent landmark at 
Monterey. There were now but few men on the ships 

67 Map from Svtil y Mexicana, Viage, Atlas No. 4. Torquemada gives 
no names except Santa Catalina Island and Santa Barbara Canal. Cabrera 
Bueno, 304, gives a page of not very clear description. He names Punta de 
Concepcion in 35 30', Farallon de Lobos, Canal de Sta Barbara, Punta de la 
Conversion (perhaps identical with the Punta de Rio Dulce of the map, and 
with the modern Pt Hueneme) Isla de Sta Barbara, Isla de Sta Catalina in 
34 30', Isla de San Clemente in 43 (a little less). 

68 On the map is named Ensenada de Roque, which is either San Luis 
Obispo or Estero Bay; and 'point which looks like a,n island,' evidently Pt 
Sur. Cabrera gives no names except Tierra de Santa Lucia, mentioning how- 
ever the ' morro ' corresponding to Pt Sur. 

69 Not shown on the map. Called by Cabrera Bueno a 'famoso puerto que 
tiene abrigo de todos vientos, y tiene un rio de muy buena agua, y de poco 
fondo, el qual por las orillas esta muy poblado de muchos Alamos negros;' also 
' alamos blancos' as the others say. 

70 Often written in early times in two words Monte Rey or Monte-Rei, 
also Monterei and very commonly Monterrey. Of course the European origin 
of the name in very remote times was monte del rey or ' king's mountain.' 


not affected by the scurvy. Many were seriously ill, 
and sixteen had died. In a council held immediately 
after religious services it was decided to send back one 
of the vessels to carry the sick and report progress. 
Accordingly after such rest and relief as could be 
obtained from a short stay on shore, the Santo Tomds 
was despatched on the 29th of December for Acapulco, 
carrying Father Aquino among the disabled. The 
voyage was one of great suffering; twenty-five men 
died either on the way or soon after arrival ; and only 
nine survived, among whom were the admiral, Corvan, 
and Fray Tomds. Five days after Corvan's depart- 
ure the San Diego and Tres Reyes having obtained a 
supply of wood and water sailed from Monterey for 
the north on January 3, 1603. 

The qualities of Monterey as a harbor protected 
from all winds were somewhat exaggerated, though 
no minute description was given in the diary; and 
the explorers were very enthusiastic in their praises 
of its surroundings, its abundance and variety of ani- 
mals and fishes, its fertile soil, and plentiful wood and 
water. It was deemed especially well fitted for a re- 
fitting station for the Philippine ships, being in the 
latitude where they often sighted the coast. The 
natives, respecting whom less information is given 
than about the fauna and flora of the region, were 
friendly. 71 

For three days from Monterey no discoveries are 
recorded; and on the 7th of January the vessels are 
separated, not to meet again, by some misunderstand- 
ing of signals. Vizcaino on the San Diego turns back 
by a point passed on the sixth, and named from the 
day Punta de los Reyes, to enter the port of San 
Francisco under that point in search of traces of 
>/ Cermenon's visit in 1595. He anchors, but does not 

71 Both Torquemada and Ascension give some details of animals, plants 
trees, and fishes. The latter mentions the fact that a dead whale was lying 
on the beach, which bears came down to eat at night. Cabrera Bueno puts 
the port in 37, gives a very accurate description of it, and states that the 
anchorage is well protected except against north-west winds. 


land, and next day sails on in quest of the consort, 
making inconsiderable progress till the 12th, when 
they sight what they believe to be Cape Mendocino, 
in latitude 41 30'. Next day the ship is hove to in 
a south-east gale; and as only six men are fit for work, 
it is decided to return to La Paz in the gulf, but the 

Cnsta yueguia al Co. bianco 

Cta. Aspera 


>< <)><* esto rio corra algunas leyuas do 3*. S. como dlcen nopuede tener 
slt nacimto al .y. pory. tcndria breve tennino 2>a, scr tan Caudaloso 

I B. Grande cerca del Cabo 
Costa de barrancas asperat 

Costa Seguida entre el rio grande de S. Sebastian 
y la bahiagrande del Ce. Mendocino 


'Ko. Salado 
_ Pto. de los Reyes 
Pa. de barrancas blancaff 
Costa de arboleda 
Costa de barrancas taxadas 

\Ens. Grande 
^i Costa segura 

\ Costa de barrancas y arbota. 


P. de Ano Nuevo 


gale causes them to drift northward. On the 14th 
they are close to Cape Mendocino, but on the 1.9th 
the weather clears and they find themselves in latitude 
42, in sight of a white point near high snowy moun- 
tains. They name the point Cabo Blanco de San 


Sebastian, and, with a favorable wind, turn south- 
ward on St Sebastian's day. They keep near the 
shore, but without discoveries that have left any 
traces in the narrative, and without anchoring until 
they come to Cedros Island on the 7th of January. 
The suffering and loss of life from scurvy have been 
terrible, but relief is found at Mazatlan. 

Meanwhile Aguilar in the Tres Reyes advances to 
latitude 41 and is then driven by the gale to an 
anchorage behind a great cliff near Cape Mendocino. 
Continuing his voyage after the storm, he finds his 
latitude on the 19th to be 43, near a point named 
Cape Blanco, beyond which the coast turns to the 
north-west, 72 and also near a large river. On account 
of sickness and because he has already reached the 
limit of the viceroy's instructions, Aguilar resolves to 
return. Both he and Flores die on the voyage, only 
five men surviving. I give a copy of the map repre- 
senting discoveries above Monterey, not agreeing in 
all respects with the narrative, and showing nothing 
above Cape Mendocino. The great river, supposed by 
Padre Ascension to be the entrance to Anian Strait, 
must have been either imaginary or a small stream. 
It is not possible to determine accurately the northern 
limit of this exploration; but the indications are that 
-it was not beyond the present Oregon line of 42 and 
that Vizcaino's Cape San Sebastian and Aguilar's Cape 
Blanco were identical with the modern Trinidad and 
St George. 73 

72 Ascension says north-east and names the river Santa Lie's. 

73 See Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 147-8. Cabrera Bueno's description of the 
northern coast is as follows: ' In latitude 42 is a high cape, apparently cut 
down perpendicularly to the sea, and from it runs a lower coast some eight 
leagues southward, where the land forms another high point, bare, with some 
white cliffs which rise from the water's edge; this point is in 41 30' and is 
called Cape Mendocino. From here the coast trends s. E. to lat. 39 30', the 
land being of medium elevation and thickly wooded, with some small hills bare 
along the shore. In the said latitude it forms a low point of white cliffs cut 
down to the sea; and from here the coast trends s. E. one quarter s. to 38 30', 
where the land forms a point of medium height, separated from the coast so 
as to appear from a distance to be an island, which is called Punta do loa 
Ileyes. It forms a steep cliff (niorro), and on its north side affords a good 
shelter from all winds, in lat. 38 30', and is called San Francisco. In a south 
or south-east wind the anchorage is at the end of the beach where it forms an 


Except the discovery of Monterey Bay Vizcaino 
had accomplished no more, and indeed in several 
respects less, than had Cabrillo sixty years before ; but 
the results of his voyage were clearly recorded, while 
the expedition of his predecessor had left practically no 
trace in the world's knowledge. From 1603 the trend 
and general character of the California coast, together 
with its chief harbors, always excepting the undiscov- 
ered San Francisco, were well known to the Spaniards 
by these records; but for more than a century and a 
half there was no addition to this knowledge. No 
ship is known to have entered the northern waters 
from the south, while the Manila ships from the far 
west neither touched at the new ports nor left any 
record of what they saw as they passed. Vizcaino 
made strong efforts to be intrusted with a new expe- 
dition for the occupation of Monterey; and in 1606 
there was a prospect of his success; but attention was 
diverted to the far west; and though this navigator, 
returning as a passenger from Japan, on the San Fran- 
cisco, again sighted Cape Mendocino on December 26, 
1613, no more attempts were made on the outer coast. 74 
There is a perfect blank of one hundred and sixty-six 
years in the annals of what we call California. 

Herrera's history containing an account of Ca- 
brillo's discoveries had been published in 1601-15, and 
new Spanish editions appeared in 1728 and 1730. 
Torquemada's great work with a record of Vizcaino's 

angle on the N. w. ; while on the N. E. are three white rocks very near the 
sea, and opposite the middle one an estero makes in from the sea with a good 
entrance and no breakers. Inside are found friendly Indians, and fresh water 
may be easily obtained. S. s. w. from this port are six or seven small white fara- 
llones some larger than others, occupying over a league in circuit. . .About 14 
leagues s. E. s. from Pt Reyes, the land makes a point, before reaching which 
the land is of medium elevation, bare along the shore, with some steep cliffs, 
though inland it is high and wooded, until a low point is reached in 37 30' 
called Pt Ano Nuevo.' Navegacion, 302-3. This author's latitudes are from 
30' to a degree too high. He evidently saw a more minute account of Viz- 
caino's voyage than the one published, or what is not unlikely, had access to 
Cermeiion's report. 

74 Vcner/ax, Not. Cal., i. 191, 201 ; Clavigero, Storia della Cal., 159-60; Cali- 
fornia, Estab. y Proy., 9, 10; Doc. Hist. Hex., ser. ii. torn. iii. 443; Cardona, 
Memorial, 46; Vizcaino, Relation, 1611-13, p. 199; see Hist. North Hex. St., 
i. chap. viii. this series. 



voyage and Cermefion's mishaps appeared in 1613 
and was republished in 1723. Drake's adventures 
were related in scores of popular voyage collections 
besides the original printed accounts. In 1734 Ca- 
brera Bueno's sailing directions were printed across 
the Pacific, but the work was not widely circulated. 75 
In 1742 Anson, the English privateer, found on a 
captured galleon the Spanish chart of which I re- 
produce that part showing the coast of California. 
There is nothing to indicate that the maker had 
access to any information not given by Vizcaino and 

Ano Nuevo 

i.de Piiias 

Pta.de Sn.Diego 
Ensenada de los "Vlrgines 



75 Naveyacion Especidativa, y Prdctica, con la Explication de alyvnos instru- 
mentos, qve e.stan mas en vso en los naveyantes, con las reylas necesarias para su 
verdadero vso, etc. ; Tabla de las declinationes del sol, computadas al meridiano de 
San Bernardino; el modo de navegar por la yeometria; por las tablas de rumbos; 
por la arithmetica; por la triyonometria; por el quadrante de reduction ; por 
los senos loyarithmos; y comunes; con los estampas, yfiguras perteneciente* d lo 
dicho, y otros tratados curiosos. Compvesta por el almirantc D. Joseph Gon- 
zalez Cabrera Bueno, piloto mayor de la Carrera de Philipinas, y natural de la 
islet de Tenerife una de los Canarias, qvien la dedica al M. Iil. tre Sen D. Fer- 
nando de Valdes y Tamon. . .Governador y Capitan General de las Islas Phili- 
pinas, etc. Manila, 1792, fol. 11 f. 392 pages. 2 f. The bulk of the work is a 
treatise ou navigation; but Part V., 292-364, is devoted to derrotas, containing 
sailing directions for the various Philippine and Pacific routes; and chap, v., 
302-22, relates to the coast from C. Mendocino to Panama. Portold and 
Crespi in 1769 had a copy of this work, or at least were familiar with its con- 
tents; but from that time to 1874, when it was described and quoted in the 
Overland Monthly by my assistant, I have found no indication of its having 
been consulted by any writer. 


Cabrera Bueno. 76 In 1757 appeared Venegas' work 
on Baja California, from which, more than from any 
other, a popular knowledge of the northern expedi- 
tions was derived. 77 

The topic that I designate the Northern Mystery 
that is what was thought and written and pictured in 
maps respecting the coast region above the Californian 
gulf from 1530 to 1769, the voyages which I have 
described in this chapter furnishing a slight founda- 
tion of actual knowledge on which an imposing struct- 
ure was reared by imagination, theory, and falsehood 
might very plausibly be regarded as a part of the his- 
tory of California as a country stretching indefinitely 
from the peninsula to the mythic strait of Anian. 
Yet much more essential is this subject to the annals 
of the regions above latitude 42, and therefore, 
especially as a general view of the theories involved 
has already been presented/ 8 to avoid undesirable 
repetition I treat the subject very fully, with a repro- 
duction of many quaint old maps, in another volume 
relating) 1 to the northern countries, 79 confining my re- 
marks here to a very brief statement. 

The chief element of the Northern Mystery was 
the belief in and search for an interoceanic strait sepa- 
rating the Mexican regions from Asia. This strait 
at first was between South America and the Asiatic 
main; but was pushed constantly northward by ex- 
ploration, and was to be found always just beyond the 
highest latitude visited. Each inlet was the entrance 
to the strait until the contrary was proved; inlets 
were discovered or written about that existed only in 
imagination, and navigators even went so far as to 
claim boldly that they had sailed through the strait. 

Anson's Voyage, ed. 1776, 384. Also in Venegas, Not. Cal, iii. 235-6. 
The dotted line shows the route of the galleons. 

77 Here may be mentioned a report given by the natives of San Luis 
Obispo to Father Figuer and recorded in Anza, jDiario, MS., 192-3, in 1776, 
that '23 years before, in 1753, twelve white men dressed like the Spaniards 
landed from a boat and were subsequently cast away on the coast and perished. 

78 See Hist. North Mexican States, i., this series. 

79 See Hist. Northwest Coast, i, chap, ii.-iv., this series. 


At first the belief in rich islands, on the way to India 
had been strong, and with reports of the strait, rumors 
of great kingdoms, cities, amazon isles, gold, and pre- 
cious stones naturally multiplied. 

Next by some strange blunder, apparently of the 
historian Gomara, the wanderings of Coronado in 
Arizona, New Mexico, and the far north-east, were 
transferred to the Pacific coast, and for many years 
Tiguex, Cicuic, Quivira, and the rest appeared dis- 
tributed along the shore with names from Cabrillo 
and Drake. For no other reason apparently than to 
provide room for all these names, it was customary to 
make the coast trend but little north of west between 
25 and 40, thence extending north to the strait. 
One map, however, placed California far north of the 
strait of Anian, and very near the north pole. 

In the third great development of the imaginary 
geography, California played a more definitely im- 
portant part than in those mentioned. The New 
Mexican names were removed from the coast, but 
California from Cape San Lucas to latitude 44 be- 
came a great island. At first the gulf and peninsula 
were mapped with remarkable accuracy. But Lok in 
1582 turned the coast abruptly eastward above 44. 
Ascension in 1603 argued that Aguilar's river in 43 
was the entrance of Anian, and probably connected 
with the gulf. Onate at the Colorado mouth in 1604 
convinced himself that the gulf extended north and 
east to the Atlantic. Cardona in 1617, having as he 
believed seen deep water extending far beyond 34, 
openly declared the whole country an island. And 
finally a party of adventurers about 1620 had no dif- 
ficulty in circumnavigating California. For many 
years the country was so mapped and described, Nova 
Albion forming the north end of the island. From 
1700 to 1746 the Jesuits labored to restore the belief 
in a peninsula, and were successful. The last phases 
of the mystery were those of 1751 and 1774 that the 
Colorado River sent off* a branch to Monterey or San 


Francisco, and then the search for northern wonders 
was transferred to the far north, beyond the farthest 
limits of our California. 

Of the many maps of the early times which I re- 
produce elsewhere, and of the many more similar ones 
which I have studied, not one except those presented 
in this chapter contains any real information about 
the coast of Upper California. On them the reader 
will find a coast line varying in its trend from north 
to west, marked with capes, bays, rivers, and towns, 
which, except so far as founded on the narratives and 
maps which I have noted in this chapter, are purely 
imaginary, the names being traceable to the same nar- 
ratives and maps, except such as come from Coronado's 
inland explorations. These maps afford an interesting 
study, but have no bearing on real discovery. It is 
not unlikely, however, that useful original maps of 
Cabrillo's, Cermenon's, or Vizcaino's explorations may 
yet come to light, or that in the mean time men will 
continue to build grave theories of local discovery on 
the vagaries of the old cosmographers. 




IN all the historical phases briefly alluded to in the 
introductory chapters of this volume, and fully pre- 
sented in early volumes of this work, I have shown an 
epoch of decadence, of varying length in different 
provinces, but nowhere much less than half a century 
in duration. The adventurous spirit of the conquerors 
had for the most part faded away. Poorly equipped 
soldiers performed their routine of garrison duty, and 
of entradas against frontier savages, in a listless me- 
chanical way that but feebly reflected old-time glories. 
Presidios were a kind of public works for the support 
of officials, and the drawing of money from the royal 
coffers. Missionary zeal had not perhaps materially 
abated ; but one of the great religious orders had been 
driven from the country. The friars were impeded 
in their efforts by discouraging difficulties : and the 
mission establishments, reduced in number by secular- 
ization in the south, by destruction and consolidation 



in the north, decimated in population by pestilence, 
desertion, and diminished fecundity, ever coveted and 
disturbed by vicious pobladores, or settlers, had passed 
the era of their greatest prosperity. The most famous 
mineral districts had yielded their richest superficial 
treasures and were now, by reason of savage raids, 
inefficient working, and the quicksilver monopoly, 
comparatively abandoned. Commercial, agricultural, 
and manufacturing industries were now as ever at a 
low ebb. The native population had lost more than 
nine tenths of its original numbers, the survivors liv- 
ing quietly in the missions as neophytes, toiling in the 
mines or on the haciendas practically as slaves, or 
ranging the mountains as apostates more dreaded 
than the savages of the frontier. The fables of the 
Northern Mystery had lost something of their charm, 
and were no longer potent to inspire at court the fit- 
ting-out of armies or fleets. For more than a century 
and a half no exploring vessel had sailed up the north- 
ern coasts. Province after province had settled into 
that stagnation which sooner or later became the lot 
of every Spanish colony. 

We come now to the partial awakening from this 
lethargy which caused, or permitted, the occupation 
of Alta California by Spain in 1769. This occupa- 
tion was in a certain sense accidental; that is, all the 
motives leading to it had long existed and had with 
one exception no new force at this time. For over 
one hundred and sixty years, or since the voyage of 
Sebastian Vizcaino in 1602, as much had been known 
of the country as was now known. This knowledge em- 
braced the general trend and appearance of the coast, 
the comparative fertility of the country and intelli- 
gent docility of its people, the existence, location, and 
general description of ports San Diego, Monterey, and 
that under Point Reyes called San Francisco, with a 
tolerably accurate account of the Santa Barbara chan- 
nel and islands. Thus it was no new information about 
the country that prompted the Californian conquest. 


During all those years the Spanish Court had fully 
realized the importance of extending its dominion 
over the north and especially over the coast region; 
but various troubles at home and abroad had encour- 
aged procrastination. Year after year the Manila 
galleon, coming from the west by the northern route 
sadly in need of a refitting and relief station, had 
borne her strained timbers and oriental treasure and 
scurvy-stricken crew down past the California ports; 
yet no practical effort was made to possess and utilize 
those ports, though it was always intended to do so 
at some future convenient season, and scores of un- 
heeded communications on the subject passed between 
Mexico and Spain. Tales of the Northern Mystery, 
of great empires and rich cities, of golden mountains, 
pearl islands, and giant queens, so effective in the 
earlier days, had lost, as we have seen, much of their 
power at court, if not elsewhere; yet little doubt was 
ever felt that the strait of Anian afforded a northern 
passage by which a fleet of English , cruisers might 
any day appear from the north-east to seize upon 
Anian and Quivira, and to ravage more southern 
coasts. The fear was real enough to the Spaniards, 
but it was by no means sufficient to rouse them from 
their apathy, which also successfully withstood the 
better-founded fear of Russian encroachments from 
the north-west across rather than through the famous 
strait; a fear that furnished the only motive for north- 
ern conquest which had any new or unusual weight at 
this time. Finally among operative incentives must 
be mentioned the missionary ambition to convert 
northern gentiles. Many times was the king re- 
minded of the rich spiritual harvest to be gathered 
in California, by friars who never allowed hini to for- 
get the secular advantages to be gained by complying 
with their wishes; but of late the petitions of Jesuits 
and Franciscans, even for aid and protection in the 
old frontier districts, had received but little attention. 
Indeed, it does not appear that the Franciscans were 


especially urgent at this juncture in their claims to 
be sent up the coast. 

The expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767 fixed the 
attention of the Spanish and Mexican authorities on 
the north-west, where were situated the principal 
missions of the expelled order. California, by reason 
of the old mysterious charm hanging about the name 
and country, the strangely exalted value and impor- 
tance which the Jesuits had always attached to the 
barren peninsula, and the current tales of immense 
treasure hidden there by the society, attracted a very 
large share of this attention. Moreover the explora- 
tions of the Russians on the Alaska coasts from 1741 
to 1765 were tolerably well known to the Spanish 
authorities; the danger of Russian encroachment 
seemed more threatening than in past years; and 
finally the fitting-out of a military expedition for the 
relief of Sonora suggested the expediency of taking 
steps at this time for the protection of the peninsula. 
Accordingly Jose de Galvez decided to visit in person 
the western coast, and not only to superintend prep- 
arations for 'the Sonora campaign, but to cross the 
gulf, investigate the state of affairs in Baja California, 
and to adopt such measures as might be found neces- 
sary for its safety. 

Galvez set out from Mexico for San Bias April 9, 
1768. Shortly after his departure Viceroy Croix re- 
ceived from King Carlos III. orders to the effect that 
in connection with other precautions against the Rus- 
sians on the north-west coast, San Diego and Mon- 
terey should be occupied and fortified. It had occurred 
to the monarch, or his advisers, that this would be an 
opportune time to carry into effect an old scheme, 
give to the galleons their long-desired harbor, and 
secure an important coast line from foreign aggression. 
How the order was worded, whether peremptory in its 
terms or in the form of a recommendation, does not 
appear. But that under ordinary circumstances it 
would have been obeyed with any degree of prompti- 

HIST. CAL., VOL. I. 8 


tude may well be doubted. The governor instructed 
to investigate and report; zealous friars called upon 
for their views; the Franciscan authorities consulted 
as to the supply of missionaries; treasury officials 
questioned about ways and means; preliminary explor- 
ations, conflicting reports, petty quarrels all these 
with the interminable complication of red-tape com- 
munications therewith connected, resulting in vexa- 
tious delay, if not in absolute failure, may be readily 
pictured by the reader of preceding volumes, familiar 
with the ways of the period. 

Fortunately none of these obstacles was in this case 
interposed. The royal order was clear that San Diego 
and Monterey should be occupied ; the movement was 
not a complicated or apparently difficult one; it was 
promptly and effectually executed. The cause of this 
unusual promptness was in the man who undertook to 
carry out the order. The whole matter was by the 
viceroy turned over to Jose de Galvez, who was, as we 
have seen, on his way to the Jalisco coast to embark 
for the peninsula. Galvez had come to Mexico in 1765 
as visitador general of New Spain. 'He was a member 
of the Council of the Indies, and subsequently minis- 
ter of state, holding the latter position at the time 
of his death in 1789. He was invested by Carlos III. 
with well nigh absolute powers to investigate and 
reform the administration of the government in its 
different branches, particularly in matters pertaining 
to the royal finances. Independent of the viceroy in 
many respects by virtue of his position, only nominally 
subordinate in others, assuming probably some prerog- 
atives that did not belong to him, he was to all intents 
the highest authority in New Spain. The viceroy 
Cruillas was removed from office largely because of 
his opposition to the visitador, and was replaced by 
the more complaisant Marques de Croix. If there 
were any viceregal attributes not originally possessed 
by Galvez, or arbitrarily assumed by him, they were 
especially delegated to him by Croix when he started 


for the west. Thus powerful and independent, Galvez 
was also remarkable for his practical good sense, busi- 
ness ability, untiring energy, and disregard of all 
routine formalities that stood in his way. He is 
entitled to the first place among the pioneers of Cal- 
ifornia though he never set foot in the country. 1 

Galvez sailed from San Bias in May, but was driven 
to the Tres Marias and back to Mazatlan, not reach- 
ing the peninsula till the first week in July. At this 
time Captain Gaspar de PortoM, an easy-going, pop- 
ular man, but brave and honest withal, was ruling the 
country as civil and military governor, while Captain 
Fernando Javier Rivera y Moncada commanded the 
garrison of about forty soldiers at Loreto. PortoM 
was a new-comer of the preceding year; Rivera had 
been long in the country. 2 The missions were in the 

1 Galvez was 'alcalde de casa y corte, ministro del consejo de Indias, mar- 
que's de Sonora, ministro de estado y del despacho universal de Indias.' Rivera, 
Gobernantes de ]\fcx., 402-10. This is the only authority I have seen for the 
exact date of the departure from Mexico. In an edict dated Nov. 2, 17G8, 
in Lower California, Galvez signs himself 'del consejo y camara de Su Mages- 
tad en cl real y supremo de las Indias, yntendeiite de exe"rcito, visitador gen- 
eral de todos los tribunales de justicia, caxas, y demas ramos de real hacienda 
de estos reynos, y comisionado con las amplisimas facultades del Ex. Sr. Mar- 
que's de Croix.' Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. C. In his report to the viceroy dated 
June 10, 1709, he gives as the chief object of the northern expedition the 
establishment of a presidio to protect the peninsula from the danger always 
threatened by foreign nations 'y con especialidad las (tentativas) que ultima- 
mente ban hecho los rusos pretendiendo familiarizarso con la navegacion del 
mar do Tartaria. ' Pal oil, Not., i. 183. See also for notices concerning Galvez' 
coming to lower California. Id., i. 248-50. Fear of the Russians as the leading 
motive for the northern establishment is mentioned in Armona, Carta, 1770, 
in Doc. Hist. Uex., 4th ser., torn. ii. 15G-7; Revilla-Gigedo, Informe de 1793, 
according to Cavo, Tres 81-jlos, iii. 117; by Navarrete, in trod, to Sutll y Mex. 
Viagc, xci.-ii. ; and by other writers. Greenhow, Or. and C'aL, 105, tells us 
that Galvez was a man of the most violent and tyrannical disposition. If this 
be true it is to be regretted that violence and tyranny were not more common 
qualities in Spanish officials. Hughes, California, 119, learns from Harper's 
Biofj. Cyclopedia, that Galvez visited California in search of gold-mines dis- 
covered by the Jesuits ; that his companion, Miguel Jos6 de Arenza, became 
discouraged after a few weeks, recommending the abandonment of the search 
and accusing Galvez of insanity for continuing it, for which he Was cast 
into prison ! Galvez was ill in Sonora after leaving California, and is said 
to have imprisoned his secretary Azanza, afterward viceroy, for saying 
that his malady was mental. Such was the origin doubtless of the story. 
Venegas, Not. Col., ii. 200, 543-4, iii. 4-14, has something to say on the 
proposals to settle Alta California and how the matter stood in the middle 
of the century. 

2 Biographical sketches of these officers will be given later. As authority 
for the fonn of Portola's name I cite his signature in an original letter of 1779 


hands of sixteen Franciscan friars from the college of 
San Fernando in Mexico, who had been in possession 
only about three months, and were under the direc- 
tion of Father Junlpero Serra as president. 3 There is 
nothing to show that either governor, or commandant, 
or president had come to the peninsula with any ex- 
pectation that their authority was to be soon extended 
'to the northern coast. Yet all doubtless shared the 
prevalent impression, amounting to a hope in the 
minds of the padres, that sooner or later Monterey 
and San Diego were to be occupied and missionary 
work begun. Galvez set himself to work most zeal- 
ously to investigate the condition and supply the needs 
of the peninsula establishments. His policy and acts 
in this direction are fully set forth in connection with 
the annals of Lower California. 4 

But the visitador kept always in mind his project 
of northern conquest. Rapidly his busy brain ma- 
tured a plan of action, which had probably been con- 
ceived before he left San Bias, and which a few months 
after his arrival he was ready to carry into execution. 
Means and methods were fortunately under his exclu- 
sive control, and -he had resolved on an expedition in 
four divisions, two_by sea and two by land, to start 
separately, but all to meet at San Diego, and thence 
press on to Monterey. Thus a practical knowledge of 
both routes would be gained, transportation econo- 
mized, and risks of failure lessened. Available for the 
sea-going divisions were two small vessels, iliepaq uebotes, 
or snows, San Carlos and San Antonio, under the com- 
mand of captains Vicente Vila and Juan Perez, expe- 
rienced pilotos of the royal navy. They had been built 

among- the MSS. of Molera; Portold, Dlario del Viacje, 17C9, MS., a contem- 
porary copy; Ortega in Santa Clara, Arch. Parr., MS., 48; Palou, Vida; and 
Monterey, Estracto de Noticias; though Serra wrote it Portala in San Dieijo, 
Lib. Mision, MS., 63; and in Palou, Noticias, it is printed Portola. 

3 Father Serra was a native of Mallorca, 55 years of age, who had come 
to America in 1749, had served as a missionary in the Sierra Gorda district 
for nine years, and about the same time in the college, or travelling as comi- 
sario of the inquisition. Palou, Vida, 1-13, 43-G. See preceding note. 

4 See Hist. North Mexican States, vol. i., this series. 


for the transportation of troops to Sonora, and the co- 
mandante at San Bias had orders to fit them out and 
send them over to La Paz with the least possible delay. 
The land expeditions under Portola and Rivera were to 
march from Santa Maria on the northern frontier. An 
additional military force would be required, to supply 
which Colonel Elizondo was instructed to send over 
twenty -five Catalan volunteers 5 under Lieutenant 
Pedro Fages. The peninsular missions must assist at 
the birth of the new ones, by furnishing church orna- 
ments, live-stock, and other supplies to the full extent 
of their ability. 

From his head-quarters at Santa Ana Galvez super- 
intended the collection at La Paz and Cape San Lucas 
of everything that was to be forwarded by sea. He 
sent north supplies for the land expedition, and ap- 
pointed Captain Rivera, a man practically acquainted 
with the country, as comisario with instructions to 
proceed northward from mission to mission, and take 
from each all the live-stock, provisions, and imple- 
ments that could be spared. Likewise he was to re- 
cruit some people for the new settlements, and bring 
everything to Santa Maria with all possible despatch. 
Rivera set out upon this work in August or Septem- 
ber 1768. 6 

The proposed occupation of the northern country, 
however, was to be spiritual as well as military. The 
natives were to be converted after their subjection, 
and not only presidios but missions were to be 
founded. Preparations having been effectually set on 
foot en lo secular, it was now time for the spiritual 
aspect of the scheme to receive attention. Accord- 
ingly the padre president was invited to come down 
to Santa Ana for a personal interview with the visita- 
dor, as he did, arriving at the end of October. Serra 
doubtless had before this time made himself pretty 
well acquainted with what Galvez was doing and pro- 

5 The Catalonia company, 1st battalion, 2cl regiment, light infantry, had 
left Cadiz May 27, 1767. Prov. Stat. Pap., MS., i. 2. 

6 Palou, Not. i. 252, says August ; but in Vida, 65, September. 


posed to do; but he listened patiently to the visita- 
dor's explanations, and then not only expressed his 
approval of the scheme, but announced his intention 
to join the land expedition in person. It was thought 
best to found, besides the missions at San Diego and 
Monterey, another at some intermediate point, 7 and 
still another on the frontier of Lower California in 
order to facilitate communication between the old 
establishments and the new. Three priests were to go 
north by sea and three by land; and in order that so 
many might be spared three were drawn from the 
college of San Fernando. Serra agreed with Galvez 
that church furniture, ornaments, and vestments, 
must be supplied by the old missions. Surplus grain 
and other articles of food were to be taken as gifts, 
while live-stock and implements must be regarded as 
loans, and as such repaid in kind. This burden, al- 
though in accord with the past policy of both Jesuits 
and Franciscans that old missions must support the 
new, might have met with opposition had there been 
any to oppose. 

The king's and viceroy's representative, the civil 
and military governor, and the president of the 
missions were in accord on the subject. The natives 
were not consulted, and the priests were new-comers, 
not very deeply interested in the country or in their 
respective missions. 8 Galvez and Serra had only 
themselves to convince that the measure was right, 
and the task was not a hard one. The Francis- 
cans were bound by their vows, said the visitador, 
the president echoing approval, to spread the faith, 
not to accumulate wealth or build up grand establish- 
ments a doctrine that subsequently lost something 
of its force in the land whither they were going. Serra 
took a list of the church property that Galvez had 
already collected, and promised to continue this sacred 

7 According to Palou, Vida, 57, this intermediate. mission was to be called 
San Buenaventura. 

8 Palou, Not., 1. 43-56, claims also that*Galvez, the viceroy, and the king 
fully repaid the missions later for all that was taken. 


though enforced loan in the north, as he did some 
months later. 9 

During the month of November, Father Junipero 
made a tour of the southern missions, completing 
arrangements for secularization which should release 
two more priests for duty in the north. A slaughter 
of wild cattle in the south furnished meat for the first 
sea expedition. Stores of all kinds were collected 
at La Paz. Galvez issued a proclamation naming St 
Joseph the patron saint of the adventure, 10 and shortly 
after Lieutenant Fages arrived from Guaymas with 
twenty -five Catalan volunteers of the compania franca, 
who were to go by sea as a first detachment of the 
invading army to overcome gentile battalions that 
might oppose the landing and progress of the Spaniards. 

9 Palou gives long lists of all the church property taken from each mission, 
which I have thought it worth while to combine into the following, which is 
as nearly accurate as the author's occasional use of the terms ' several ' and ' a 
fe\v' will permit: 7 church bells, 11 small altar bells, 23 altar cloths, 5 choir 
copes, 3 surplices, 4 carpets, 2 coverlets, 3 roquetes, 3 veils, 19 full sets sacred 
raiments, different colors, 6 old single vestments, 17 albas, albs, or white 
tunics, 10 pallos, palliums, or short cloaks, 10 amitos, amices, or pieces of linen, 

-ubles, 12 girdles, 6 hopas, or cassocks, 18 altar-linens, or corporales, 21 
j.'T/jiradores, purificatories, or chalice cloths, 1 pall cloth, 11 pictures of the 
virgin, 12 silver or gilded chalices, 1 cibary, or silver goblet, 7 crismeras, or 
silver phials for chrism, or sacred oil, 1 custodia, or silver casket for holy 
wafers, 5 concha*, or silver conchs for baptism, 6 incensarios, or silver censers 
With incense dish and spoon, 12 pairs of viiiageras, silver and glass cruets for 
Wine and water, 1 silver cross with pedestal, 1 box containing Jesus, Mary, 
told Joseph, 1 copper platter for baptismal font, 2 copper baptismal fonts, 29 
brass, copper, and silver candlesticks, 1 copper dipper for holy water, 1 silver 
jar, 1 tin wafer box, 3 statues, 2 silver suns or dazzlers, 4 irons for making 
wafers, coins and rings for arras at marriages, 5 aras, or consecrated stones, 
4 missals and a missal-stand, 1 Betaiicurt's Manual; also quantities of hand- 
kerchiefs, curtains, and tinsels ; with laces, silks, and other stuffs to be made 
into altar upholstery, taken from the royal almacen at Loreto. This church 
property was for the most part sent by water to the new establishments. 
Many of the old vestments and church ornaments, some dating back perhaps 
to this first invoice, are yet preserved in the missions. See Visit to Southern 
California, MS. 

10 In his proclamation, dated Nov. 21st, and preserved in Arch. Santa Bdr- 

iS., i. 15, 16, Galvez refers to the driving away of the locusts in 1767, at 
S; u Jos6 del Cabo by aid of St Joseph's image, as a reason why the Monterey 
expedition is to be under him as patron. He charges the priests to say mass 
or. the 19th of every month, and the rogative litany while the expeditions con- 
tinue, imploring through the intercession of the saint divine protection, and 
tl. is in addition to the regular salve to Maria, patron of all the Calif ornian con- 
versions, and also in addition to the regulajj^esto of San Jose*. On the same 
dc.y he calls the attention of Padre Lasuen to this matter. Letter in Id., xi. 
36D-70, with another letter of Nov. 23d, relating to supplies from the Loreto 
w irehouse. 


Early in December the San Carlos arrived at La Paz 
from San Bias. She had been hastily and, like all 
Pacific coast craft of the time, imperfectly constructed, 
had encountered stormy weather, and was in a leaky 
condition. She was already partially laden with effects 
for the north from the San Bias warehouses; but had 
to be unloaded, careened, and loaded again, all of which 
labor Galvez personally superintended, often lending 
a hand in the stowing of an unwieldy package, greatly 
to the encouragement of his men and to the admira- 
tion of the chroniclers. 11 The 9th of January ,1769 
the San Carlos was ready. All who were going in 
her confessed, heard mass, partook of the communion, 
and then listened to a parting address from Galvez. 
The visitador reminded his hearers that theirs was a 
glorious mission, that they were going to plant the 
cross among the heathen, and charged them in the 
name of God, the king, and the viceroy to respect 
their priests and maintain peace and union among 
themselves. Finally Junipero Serra pronounced a 
formal blessing on the pilgrims, their vessel, the flag, 
the crew, and on Father Parron, to whom was in- 
trusted the spiritual care of the company. The cere- 
mony over, the San Carlos put to sea. Galvez in the 
Conception accompanied her clown the gulf from La Paz 
to Cape San Lucas, watching her until she doubled the 
point and struck bravely northward before a fair wind. 12 
While the president returned to Loreto Galvez 
gave his attention to the San Antonio, which was to 
follow the San Carlos. Touching at La Paz the 15th 
of January, she arrived at Cape San Lucas the 25th. 13 

11 Palou, Vida, 60, notes that Galvez was particularly zealous in packing 
.for San Buenaventura which he called his mission, and was delighted at having 
done his work quicker than Padre Junipero who packed for his mission of 
San Carlos. 

1 -Crespi, in Palou, Not., ii. 149, says the San Cdrlos sailed January 10th. 
Leaving La Paz on the 9th, she may have been last seen by Galvez on the 10th, 
though Palou, Not., i. 216, says it was the llth. For further details respecting 
the officers, men, cargo, instructions, and plans, see description of the voyage 
in the next chapter. 

13 Galvez' letter in Prow. St. Pap., MS., i. 44. Palou, Vida, 61, tells us 
that the 8. in Antonio had gone to San Lucas because prevented by the wind 
fro;u rca'jliinsc La Paz. 


Her condition being no better than that of the 
capitana, or flag-ship, she was unloaded and careened, 
and so was not ready for sea till the 15th of Feb- 
ruary. Then, after an exhortation by Galvez and the 
usual religious ceremonies, Perez shook out his sails 
and with a fair wind struck northward from San 
Jose del Cabo. ."God seems to reward my only 
virtue, my faith," writes Galvez to Fages, "for all 
goes well." 14 

Meanwhile active preparations for the land expe- 
dition were being made in the north. Rivera had 
left Santa Ana in September, as we have seen. On 
his way northward he had visited each mission and 
had taken such live-stock and other needed supplies 
as he and the different friars thought could be spared. 
The 200 cattle, 140 horses, 46 mules, and two asses, 
with various implements and articles of food thus 
acquired, 15 were collected at first at the frontier mis- 
sion of Santa Maria, but the pasturage there being 
insufficient for his animals, Rivera soon transferred his 
camp to Yelicatd eight or ten leagues farther north. 16 
From this point he sent word to Galvez at Santa Ana 
and to Serra at Loretd that he would be ready to 
start for San Diego in March. The president had 
returned to Loreto at the end of January, and had 
since been busily engaged in his preparations, forward- 
ing such articles as he could get to La Paz or to Santa 
Maria according as they were to go by water or by 
land. On receipt of Rivera's message he at once noti- 
fied Fray Juan Crespi, who was to accompany the first 
land expedition, to join the force at Velicata without 
delay. Crespi, an intimate personal friend as well as 

14 Prov. St. Pap., MS.M. 46. 

lu Tho articles, not including the Loreto contribution, were 54 aparejos, or 
pack-saddles, 28 leather bags, 1 case of bottles, 13 sides of leather, 28 arrobas 
of figs, 1 bale and 4 arrobas of sugar, 340 arrobas tasajo, or dried meat, 28 
arrobas flour, 35 almudes pinole, 21 fanegas wheat, 23 arrobas raisins, 4 
cargas biscuits, 10 arrobas lard, 2 jugs and 12 bottles wine. Eatables were 
gifts. Palou, Not., i. 43-5. Galvez sent some implements and seeds. Id. 
Vida, 60. 

16 He reached Velicatii before Dec. 20th on which date he \vrote to Galvez. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 45. 


obedient subordinate of Serra, 17 accordingly left his 
mission of Purisirna the 26th of February and reached 
Rivera's camp on the 22d of March, having been 
joined at Santa Maria by Padre Lasuen who had 
journeyed from San Francisco de Borja in order to 
bestow the customary blessing on the departing pil- 
grims. Everything was in readiness, and two days 
after the coming of the friars Rivera's little army 
began its march into the land of gentiles. 

Portola with the second division of the land, expe- 
dition was already on his way to the northern frontier, 
having left Loreto on the ninth of March; 18 but he 
was obliged to await at Santa Maria the transporta- 
tion from 'San Luis Bay of supplies which had been 
sent up by water. 19 Serra was unable to accompany 
the governor because his work of collecting church 
utensils and ornaments was not yet completed, and 
he was besides suffering from a sore foot, obtained 
long before on a walk from Vera Cruz to Mexico, 
which made it doubtful to every one but himself 
whether he would be able to go with the expedition 
at all. However, he promised to follow as soon as 
possible, and meanwhile sent Campa from San Ignacio 
in- his place. At the end of March, though still very 
lame, he was ready to start, and after spending several 
days at San Javier with Francisco Palou, 20 whom he 
appointed president of the old missions during his 
absence, he journeyed slowly and painfully northward, 
stopping at each mission except Mulege, and finally 

17 Crespi was like Serra a native of Mallorca, had come to America in the 
same vessel, and had served 16 years in the Sierra Gorda missions. He 
was at this time 48 years of age. Many old Californians say they were 
accustomed to hear his name pronounced by their fathers Crespi, and it is so 
written in Portola, Diarlo and other MSS. 

18 Sergeant Jose F. Ortega, who was with Portold on this march, says that 
he left Loreto March 14. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 171. According to a frag- 
ment in Ortega's handwriting in Sta. Clara, Arch. Parroquia, MS., 48, the 
date was March 14th or 16th. Palou makes it the 9th. 

19 They had been sent by the canoas San lynacio and San Borja, which 
returned to San Lucas before Feb. 14th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 45. 

20 Palou was now 47 years of age. He had been a pupil of Serra in Spain, 
was perhaps also a native of Mallorca, had come with him to America, and 
had served with him in the Sierra Gorda. 


joining the governor's party at Santa Maria the 5th 
of May. The whole company left Santa Maria on the 
llth, and arrived at Velicata the 14th. 21 The same 
day a mission was founded there under the name of 
San Fernando, Cam pa being left in charge; then on 
the 15th of May Portola with the second land expe- 
dition set out and followed the track of Rivera. 

Thus within a period of four months Galvez had 
despatched the four divisions, and only an extraordi- 
nary series of misfortunes could prevent the successful 
occupation of San Diego and Monterey. He had not, 
however, quite reached the limit of his efforts in that 
direction, since he had caused to be built at San Bias 
a new vessel, especially intended for northern coast 
service, and named for the patron saint of the expedi- 
tion the San Jose. She arrived at Cape San Lucas on 
the 13th of February, two days before the departure 
of the San Antonio, 2 * but it was found necessary to 
overhaul her for repairs at the cape harbor, whence 
she was convoyed by Galvez in a sloop to Loreto in 
April. In May she bore the visitador across the gulf 
to the Rio Mayo, and brought back part of a cargo of 
supplies to Loreto, where she completed her lading 
and sailed for San Diego on the 16th of June. 23 She 
was to have touched at San Jose del Cabo to take on 
board Father Murguia and some church ornaments; 
but nothing was seen of her there or elsewhere, until 
three months later she appeared at Loreto with a 
broken mast and otherwise disabled. Word was sent 
to Galvez in Sonora, and he ordered her to San Bias 
for repairs. The cargo was taken out and sent in 
boats to Cape San Lucas, except a quantity of corn 
left on board. A trunk of vestments was sent to 
Velicata by land, and the vessel sailed for San Bias 

21 Port old, Diario, MS., 1, 2. The leader and friars went in advance and 
reached Velicata on the 13th. 

22 Galvez, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 45. 

23 Palou, Fir/a, 03, says the vessel was never heard of again, and it is only 
in his other work, Noticias, i. 54, 276-9, in which, however, he says nothing 
of her trip to Sonora, that he describes her subsequent movements. 


in October. The unfortunate paquebot came back 
next year, and sailed from San Jose del Cabo in May 
with a cargo of supplies and a double crew to ree'n- 
force the other vessels, but without Murguia, who 
was detained by illness. Nothing was ever heard 
subsequently of either vessel or crew. The captain's 
name was Callegan. 

The proceedings of Galvez and other events in the 
peninsula after the departure of the northern expedi- 
tions have been fully narrated elsewhere; 24 and there 
is but little in connection with those annals for several 
years that has any bearing on the new establishments 
of San Diego and Monterey. As early as July 1769, 
the San Antonio returned to San Bias, and on the 7th 
of September a schooner brought up to Loreto news 
that all the expeditions had reached San Diego. 25 The 
25th of February 1770 Rivera returned to Velicatd, 
for cattle and other supplies left there, with San Diego 
news to the llth of February, and with reports for 
Galvez and the viceroy on the failure of the first 
attempt to find Monterey. A month later two natives 
arrived from San Diego with April letters to Palou 
and the viceroy which reached Loreto late in May. 26 
The 2d of August messengers arrived from Monterey 
at Todos Santos, bringing to Governor Armona and 
Father Palou news of the founding of San Cdrlos 
mission. The event was celebrated by a mass of 
thanksgiving and by a discharge of fire-arms at Santa 
Ana. From Portola who returned by sea the good 
news was received in Mexico about the same time. 27 
I have already noticed the despatching of the ill-fated 
San Jose in May 1770. Palou, the acting president, 

24 See Hist. North Mexican States, vol. i., this series. 

25 Aug. 20, 1769, Juan B. Anza writes from Tubac, Sonora, toGov. Pineda 
that an Indian from the Gila has reported that a nation beyond the Cocomari- 
copas met four Spaniards with guns, whom the writer thinks may be part of 
the Monterey expedition. Doc. Hist. Mex. t ser. iv. torn. ii. 117-18. 

2G Gov. Armona of Baja California writes from Santa Ana July 19, 1770, 
that he arrived June 13th, and found good news of the northern expeditions, 
including the discovery of the ' prodigiosisimo puerto' called San Francisco 
.and which may be Monterey. Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iv. torn. ii. 156-7. 

27 Dept. St:Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., Ixxxvii. 10. 


kept himself in constant communication with Serra, 
and in the midst of all his cares and vexations respect- 
ing peninsular affairs, never lost sight of the new 
northern establishments. 88 

28 On preparations in the peninsula for the northern expeditions the standard 
authority is Pafou, Noticias, i. 29-56, 247-79, and Id., Vida de Junipero Serra, 
57-75, besides the original sources of information to which I have referred on 
special points in past notes. So large and complete is my collection of original, 
and especially manuscript, authorities on California history that I shall not 
attempt any systematically complete reference to all the printed works which 
touch upon each point or each brief epoch, but which give information at 
second hand only. I shall refer to such works to point out errors worth notic- 
ing, or for other special purposes; and I shall also for bibliographical purposes 
give occasional lists of these secondary authorities bearing on definite historic 
periods. For such a list on the occupation and early mission history of Cal- 
ifornia see end of this volume. 





TURN now to the northern coasts, to the bay of San 
Diego, whose waters had lain for more than a century 
and a half undisturbed by European keel, whose 
shores had known no tread of iron heel since Sebas- 
tian Vizcaino was there. The native inhabitants yet 
preserved a traditional remembrance of white and 
bearded visitors, kept alive perhaps by an occasional 
rumor wafted overland from the south-east, and by 
distant glimpses of the white-winged galleon which 
year after year bore its oriental treasure down past 
this port, which, so far as can be known, was never 
entered. And now the aboriginal solitude is destined 
to be forever broken. 

The llth of April 17G9 1 a Spanish vessel appears 
and anchors in the bay. It is the San Antonio some- 
times called El Principe, and is commanded by Juan 

1 Crespi, in Palou, Not., ii. 149, gives the date as April 14th. Humboldt, 
Esuai. Pol., 318, says it was in April 1703. 



Perez, an experienced Mallorcaii who has seen service 
in the Pacific as piloto, or master, of the Manila gal- 
leon. She had been despatched from Cape San Lucas 
in February, after religious services and a parting 
address from the visitador general Jose de Galvez, the 
highest official who had visited the north-western 


coast since the days of Hernan Cortes. On board are 
the friars Juan Vizcaino and Francisco Gomez, a few 
carpenters and blacksmiths, then there is the crew, 
whose number is not known, and a miscellaneous 
cargo of supplies for two settlements which it is 
designed to found on the upper coast. Under the 
protecting care of Saint Anthony of Padua, patron, 
indeed, of the day of sailing as well as of the vessel 
herself, the voyage of twenty-four days has been a 
prosperous one, the only misfortune recorded being 
the illness of a few seamen who suffered from scurvy, 
a scourge rarely escaped by voyagers of the period. 

The first land made was an island in the Santa Bar- 
bara Channel, which was named Santa Cruz from the 
honesty of the natives in restoring an iron cross, left 
on shore. Here they received the best of treatment 
and obtained plenty of fish and water in exchange for* 
beads; but their observations showed that they were 
above the supposed latitude of San Diego, 2 and Perez 
accordingly returned southward along the coast until 
he passed Point Guijarros and entered the desired 
port, as we have seen, on the llth of April. Here 
also the natives are kind to the strangers, 3 but Perez 
finds no sign of Vila, his superior in command of the 

2 According to observations the vessel was in 34 40', but really in about 
34; while San Diego, supposed to be in 34, Cabrera Butno, Naveyacion, 305, 
was nearly a degree and a half further south. 

y The natives at first took the vessel for a great whale, but soon discovered 
their error, and regarded it as the forerunner of wonderful things, especially 
as an eclipse of the sun and an earthquake occurred simultaneously with the 
arrival of the vessel. ' This story was told by them later, and is recorded by 
Serra, Representadon sobre Mis tones, 21 de Mayo 1773, MS., who says the 
Spaniards noticed neither eclipse nor temblor, and regards it as a miracle by 
which, though the padres could not yet begin their teachings, ' comenzaron 
a predicar prodigiosamente a aquellos miseros gentiles las criaturas insensibles 
del Cielo y do la tierra.' These phenomena are also noticed, from the same 
source, in the 8. F. Bulletin, Oct. 12, 1865.. 


flag-ship, which had sailed from the peninsula more 
than a month before the San Antonio, and which he 
had hoped to find at San Diego. Neither are there 
any tidings to be obtained of the overland party to 
the same port. Under these circumstances the cap- 
tain's orders call for a stay of twenty days before pro- 
ceeding to Monterey. As there are no soldiers, and 
as the instructions of Galvez had been to run no risks, 
the friars do not land, nor is any attempt made to ex- 
plore the country. Two days before the twenty days 
elapse, that is on the 29th of April, the tardy capi- 
tana comes in si^ht. 


The San Carlos, otherwise called the Golden Fleece, 
is commanded by Vicente Vila, a native of Andalucla, 
and sailing-master of the first class in the royal Spanish 
navy. 4 She had sailed from La Paz having on board 
Vila, a mate not named, Alferez Miguel Costanso 5 
acting as cosmographer, and a crew of twenty-three 
sailors and two boys. Also on board were Lieutenant 
Pedro Fages, with twenty-five Catalan volunteers, 
including a sergeant and corporal ; Hernando Parron, 
a Franciscan friar; Pedro Prat, a Frenchman and 
surgeon of the royal army ; four cooks and two black- 
smiths sixty-two persons in all; with supplies for 
eight months or a year, implements of various kinds, 
and a quantity of .church furniture and other mission 
property. 6 All the proper religious ceremonies had 

4 Vila's appointment by Galvez, dated La Paz, Dec. 27, 1768, names as 
'Capitan, Piloto Mayor, y comandante del San Carlos, a D. Vicente Vila, 
piloto de los primerds de la Real Armada, por las apreciables circunstancias 
que en el concurren, con la jurisdiccion y prerogativas que le corresponden por 
la Real Ordenanza de Marina,' with $120 per month and $30 additional if the 
voyage is successful. Officers and crews of both vessels are ordered under 
severe penalties to obey Vila as commander of the capitana. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., i. 66-8. 

5 _ Printed Costans6 in Monterey, Estracto de Noticias, and so signed by him- 
self in several autographs now before me. Often printed Costanzo or Constanzo. 

6 The manifest of the San Carlos signed by Vila on Jan. 5th is preserved in 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 13-21. The list of supplies includes: 4,676 Ibs. meat, 
1,783 Ibs. fish, 230 bush, maize, 500 Ibs. lard, 7 jars vinegar, 5 tons wood, l,27e 
Ibs. brown sugar, 5 jars brandy, 6 tanatcs figs, 3 tanates raisins, 2 tanates dates 
300 Ibs. red pepper, 125 Ibs. garlic, 6,678 Ibs. bread, common, 690 Ibs. bread, 
white, 945 Ibs. rice, 945 Ibs. chickpeas, 17 bushels salt, 3,800 gallons water, 
450 Ibs. cheese, 6 jars Cal. wine, 125 Ibs. sugar, 275 Ibs. chocolate, 10 hams, 


been attended to at the start; Junipero Serra, presi- 
dent of the California missions, had invoked the 
blessing of heaven upon this first detachment of pa- 
cificators; Miguel de Azanza, subsequently viceroy of 
New Spain, had acted as shipping-clerk at the em- 
barkation of the supplies; and Jose de Galvez, the 
foremost man in America, had not only aided in the 
lading and delivered a parting address, but had ac- 
companied the vessel to the cape, seeing her safely 
headed for San Diego. 

Yet despite such favorable auspices the San Carlos 
was unfortunate. The water-casks leaked and noth- 
ing but water of a bad quality could be obtained at 
Cedros Island. This greatly aggravated the scurvy, 
always prevalent on the coast, and soon no sailors 
were left with sufficient strength to work the vessel 
or to launch the boats for fresh water. Vila, in accord- 
ance with his instructions, 7 was obliged to go up the 
coast to 34 as had Perez before him, the increased 
distance and cold adding greatly to his troubles. At 

11 bottles oil, 2 Ibs. spice, 25 smoked beef- tongues, 6 live cattle, 575 Ibs. len- 
tils, 112 Ibs. candles, 1,300 Ibs. flour, 15 sacks bran, 495 Ibs. beans, 16 sacks 
coal, hens for the sick and for breeding, $1,000 in money, etc. The brandy and 
cheese were for stormy weather only, the former being considered conducive 
to scilrvy if used habitually on this coast. The wine was for cabin use, or for 
the missions. Many of the articles named, or specified portions thereof, were 
intended for the missions, or for the land expedition; and part of the panocha 
was to lie used ia sweetening the temper of the natives. 

7 Galvez' instructions to Capt. Vila, dated Jan. 5th, are preserved in Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., i. 22-31, under the title, 'Instruction to be observed by D. 
Vicente Vila, first-class master in the royal navy and Captain Comandante 
of the paquebot of his majesty called the San Carlos alias Tolson de Oro in 
the voyage which by divine aid this vessel is to make to the ports of San 
Diego and Monterey, situated on the northern coast of this peninsula of Cali- 
fornias in 33 and 37 of latitude.' The different articles of this document are 
in substance as follows: 1st. The object is to establish the Catholic faith, to 
extend Spanish domain, to check the ambitious schemes of a foreign nation, 
and to carry out a plan formed by Felipe III. as early as 1606. Therefore no 
pains can be spared without offense to God, the king, and the country. 2d. 
The vessel being new, strong, and well supplied for over a year, to be followed 
by the San A ntonio with additional supplies, having only 300 leagues to make, 
having a strong military force, and going to a land whose natives are docile, 
have no arms but bows and arrows, and are without boats, there can be no 
excuse en lo huma/io for failure. 3d. Vila is to sail Jan. 7th, weather per- 
mitting, keep out to sea according to his judgment in search of favorable 
winds, to take careful observations, and to stand in shore at 34, San Diego 

ft in 33 according to the cdclula of Felipe III. , and being easy to find by 
/izcaino's narrative enclosed with this document in print in the third volume. 
Hisr. CAL., VOL. I. 9 


last, however, a tedious navigation of a hundred and .| 
ten days was ended by the San Carlos, almost mi- 
raculously it would seem, by turning into San Diego 
Bay the 29th of April. 8 

Perez has already deposited a letter at the foot of 
a cross on shore, and has completed his preparations 
to sail on the 1st of May, when the San Carlos ap- 
pears and drops anchor, but without lowering a boat. 
A visit to the vessel soon reveals the fact that all 
hands are down with scurvy. The sick are at once 
removed by the crew of the San Antonio to the shore, 
where they are sheltered by sail tents and receive 
from Dr Prat and the three friars such care as cir- 
cumstances allow. It does not clearly appear that 
more than two had succumbed at sea; but now death 
begins its ravages in the canvas pest-house on the 
beach. 9 Perez* men are attacked by the scourge; 

of the Notlcia de Calif ornias (that is in Venegas, Not. Cal., iii. 85-0). 4th. If 
Capt. Rivera be found at San Diego, the mission effects are to be landed, and 
such other supplies as Rivera may need, the rest to be taken by sea to Mon- 
terey. 5th. if Rivera and the land force have not arrived Vila is to wait 15 
or 20 days at most, obtaining wood and water, while Fages and Costans6 
explore the country. 6th. After the 20 days, or on Rivera, 's arrival, the tian 
Carlos is to sail for Monterey, with the San Antonio if she be there. 7th. 
The strictest discipline is to be kept, every precaution taken for safety, and 
any outrage on the natives to be severely punished. ' 8th. The sailors are to 
aid the soldiers in building a temporary fort at Monterey. 9th. The natives 
are to be conciliated with panocha and triUcs, but to be very closely watched, 
and to be induced to look on weapons as a kind of adornment. lOLh. Panocha, 
cloths, etc., are to be given to Pages and Rivera, on their demand, a receipt 
being taken, llth. A report is to be sent to Galvez from San Diego by land, 
and from Monterey one of the vessels is to return to San Diego with de- 
spatches to go overland, or if only one vessel is there she is to come as soon 
as safety will permit and return immediately. 12th. Vila to remain in the 
best fitted of the two vessels at Monterey until the San Jose shall arrive. 
13th. The other vessel is to remain at San Diego long enough to deliver 
despatches, etc., and is then to continue her voyage to C. San Lucas and San 
Bias with duplicate despatches. 14th. Coasts about Monterey are to be 
explored, especially port and river Carmclo, and if possible the port of San 
Francisco said to be in 38 SO'. To this end Vila will give all possible aid to 
Costanso and Fagcs. 15th. On the arrival of the Sctn Jose, Vila in his vessel 
will return to San Bias, exploring the coast in order to confirm or correct 
Cabrera Bueno's derrotero, the best extant. Naveyacion Especulativa y prdc- 
tica, Manila, 1734. 

8 According to Palou, Not., i. 262, she anchored on the 30th. 

9 Judge Hayes, Emifj. Notes, MS., 474, thinks that the vessels were 
anchored off what is now New Town, between the two wharves, and that 
Punta de los Muertes, or Dead Men's Point, derived its name from the burial 


and of about ninety sailors, soldiers, and mechanics 
considerably less than one third survive, though none 
of the officers or friars die or are even attacked so 
far as the records show. 10 Of course the continua- 
tion of the voyage to Monterey is not possible under 
the circumstances. Neither can Fages and Costanso 
do otherwise than disregard their instructions 11 call- 
ing for a preliminary exploration of the surrounding 

of the scurvy-stricken sailors. And such is probably the fact, for the name 
appears on Pantoja's chart of 1784 in Sutll y Mexicana, Viages, Atlas, No. 5. 
See also Bancroft's Pers. 06s., MS., 14. 

10 There is some confusion respecting numbers, increased by our ignorance 
of the exact force on the San Antonio. Palou says, Not., i. 262, that from 
the San Carlos 5 of the crew and 12 soldiers survived; while of the other 
crew all but 7 died. Again, ii. 151, he says that before May 14th 9 of the 
Sun Carlos had died. Again, i. 282, that the San Antonio, sailing July 6th 
(or 9th), lost 9 men on the voyage, arriving at San Bias sin gente para marear. 
And finally, that 5 sailors and 2 boys remained on the San Carlos after July 
14th, at which time 29 sailors and soldiers had been buried on the beach. 
In a letter dated July 3d, Serra states that all the crew of the San Carlos 
died except one man and a cook, and 8 died from the San Antonio. Palou, 
Vida, 76. He writes in the San Diego death register, San Die<jo, Lib. Mision, 
MS., 63-5, that half of Fages' soldiers died; that Parron at first and himself 
later kept a record of deaths which was destroyed with the mission a few 
years later, and that the deaths within a few months amounted to over 60, 
inclining some Indians. The good friar hopes the names are inscribed in the 
'book of life.' In Loreto, Lib. Mision, MS., 129, the Indian Juan Alvarez 
is mentioned as having been one of the San Antonio's men, who died at San 
Diego on June 25th. 

11 Galvez' instructions to Fages, dated like those to Vila January 5th, and 
found in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 31-43, are substantially as follows: 1st. Fages, 
military chief of the sea expedition, is to exercise the same authority on land 
until Gov. Portola arrives; that is he is to be Rivera's superior, and is to 
superintend the economical distribution of rations. 2d. The soldiers are to 
aid the sailors, and Fages must see that harmony and discipline are preserved. 
3d. Three fires on the hill north-west of San Diego will be a signal to the 
vessel that Rivera has already arrived. 4th. If Rivera has not arrived at 
San Diego, Fages is to use every possible means by exploration and inquiry 
to learn his whereabouts and aid his march. 5th. Before Rivera's arrival the 
natives, and especially chiefs, are to be prepared so far as possible by Fages 
and Parron for the founding of a mission. 6th. The natives being friendly, 
and Costanso having selected a proper site, Fages may erect some buildings, 
and thus prepare for Rivera's coming with soldiers for a mission guard; but 
if Rivera has already attended to this, Fages is to render any needed aid 
with the least possible delay to the vessel. 7th. If Rivera has not come, and 
the San Antonio arrives, the latter vessel is to be left at San Diego, with half 
the soldiers, to attend to the preceding instructions, while the San Carlos, 
with Fages, goes on to Monterey. Galvez also wrote to Fages on February 
14th, Id., 46-7, directing him to put half his men on board the San Antonio, 
8th. At Monterey the Indians are to be pacified, a landing effected with all 
caution, and a camp fortified with ditch, estacada, and cannons on a site 
chosen by the engineer, and under the guns of the vessel. 9th. The natives 
are to be impressed with the advantages of peace and salvation and protection 
from foreign insult offered by the Spaniards. 10th. The natives, if friendly, 
to be told of Rivera's approach and induced to send guides, llth. Fages and 


country. For two weeks the .well have more than 
enough to do in caring for the sick and in burying 
the dead, and then on the 14th of May other Span- 
iards come to their relief. 

These are Rivera y Moncada with his twenty-five 
soldados de cuera, 12 or cuirassiers, from the presidio of 
Loreto; also the priest Juan Crespi, ihe pilotin 13 Jose 
Canizares, three muleteers, and a band of christianized 
natives from the northern missions of Baja California. 
Of these last there were forty-two in number at the 
outset, whose duty it was to make roads, assist the 
muleteers, and perform the drudgery. This first 
division of the land expedition had started from 
Velicata" in March, and had been fifty-one days on 
the way, the distance being given at the time as one 
hundred and twenty-one leagues. Two diaries were 
kept and are extant, one by Crespi and the other by 
Canizares. 14 Both are very complete, but neither 
affords matter of much interest to the historical stu- 
dent, since it could serve no good purpose to repeat 
the details of that monotonous march. 

Many localities were named and their latitudes 

Costans6 may, if deemed best, send soldiers with the natives to meet Rivera. 
12th. Fages may use force to overcome resistance if necessary. 13th. The 
natives are never to be fully trusted, but always watched, for the 'common 
enemy' will surely incite them to mischief. 14th. Both soldiers and sailors to 
work on the fort. 15th. Constant precautions against clanger, notwithstand- 
ing peaceful appearances. 16th. Trade with the natives is allowed, but no 
knives or other weapons must be given them. 17th. Fages is to send full re- 
ports to Galvez down to the time of Portola's taking the command. Great 
reliance is placed in the 'activity, honor, and prudence' of Fages and Cos- 
tans6. Galvez adds a note to the effect that the presidio and mission at Mon- 
terey are to be called by the glorious name of San Carlos. 

12 These soldiers derived their name from the cuera, or cuirass, which in 
California was a sleeveless jacket made of 7 or 8 thicknesses of deer or sheep 
skin quilted. From the Latin cor mm. The metallic cuirass was called in 
Spanish coraza. 

^Apitotin was the master's mate on a vessel. Caiiizares accompanied the 
land force to take observations and write a diary. 

14 Canizares, Diario ejecutado por Tierra desde el parage de Villacata d f.ste 
puerto de San Dieyo, 1769, MS. This diary is dated July 3d, and was proba- 
bly sent south by the San Antonio a few clays later. Crespi, Primera Expcd. 
de Tierra al Descubrimiento del Puerto de San Diego, in Palou, Not., ij. 93- 
149. This diary extends to July 2d, and probably was completed like the other 
on July 3d. The writer had before him the diaries of the second expedition 
under Portola. from which he takes some material respecting changes in names 
of places along the route. 


fixed, but these geographical details belong to the 
eninsula rather than to Alta California. The route 
ay west of the main sierra and for the most part near 
the coast. 15 The country was barren and unattractive ; 
water had to be carried for the animals and men for 
days at a time; and at times their progress was hin- 
dered by showers of rain. At Santa Cruz on Todos 
Santos Bay the savages made some threatening demon- 
strations, and once again there was almost a fight, but 
the foe was frightened away by the noise of gun- 
powder. The Indians of the company soon began to 
sicken and die 16 or to desert, and one or more of the 
men had usually to be carried on tepestles, or litters. 
As the party approached San Diego the gentiles 
became more numerous, less timid, more disposed to 
curiosity and theft, and eager to explain by their sign- 
language the recent passing of the Spanish ships. On 
the morning of the 14th of May the little army rose 
so completely wet through by the rain that had fallen 
during the night that mass had to be omitted, much 
to the sorrow of Father Crespi because it was the first 
day of pentecost. The march began at ten o'clock. 
Soon they caught a distant view of the anchored ves- 
sels ; Crespi says they had seen the mast-tops the day 
before; and at four in the afternoon, having travelled 
six leagues during the day, they reached the camp on 
the beach and were welcomed, by a salute from all the 
fire-arms that could be manned. 17 

The first thing to be done, now that the coming of 
Rivera's men renders it possible, is to prepare for per- 
manent settlement. The old camp, or pest-house, on 

15 At the outset they followed the route of Link in 1766, but the latter soon 
turned to the right to cross the mountains. 

16 Serra, in San Diego, Lib. Mision, MS., 64, says that 5 died. Nine de- 
serted at one time according to Palou. 

17 Ortega, in Santa Clara, Arch. Parroquia, MS., 48-54, gives an account 
of this expedition in which he represents the sufferings of the soldiers to have 
been very great, three tortillas per day being the rations. Vallejo, Hist. Ca'., 
MS., i. 83, obtained the same idea from his father's narrative, stating that 
the soldiers were glad to barter their jewelry and clothing for the rations of 
their Indian companions, while the latter lived on roots, wild fruits, etc. 


the bay shore, is probably within the limits of what 
is now the city of San Diego, locally known as New 
Town; but the day after his arrival Rivera so say 
the chroniclers, although according to the instructions 
of Galvez, Fages was chief in command selects a 
new site some miles north, at what is now Old, or 
North, San Diego, at the foot of a hill on which are 
still to be seen the remains of the old presidio. Here 
camp is pitched and fortified, a corral for the animals 
and a few rude huts are built, and hither on the sev- 
enteenth are transported the sick and their tents. 
The immediate purpose is that the camp may be near 
the river which at this point flows into the north end 
of the bay. For six weeks officers, priests, and sol- 
diers are occupied in attending to the wants of the 
sick and in unloading the San Antonio. Then they 
await the arrival of PortoM. 

In the last days of June Sergeant Ortega with a 
soldier makes his appearance in camp, announcing that 
his companions under Portola are only a few days' 
march from the port. Ten soldiers are sent back with 
Ortega to meet the approaching party. On the 29th 
the governor arrives in advance of his men; and on 
the first of July, a little before noon, Father Serra 
and all the rest are welcomed in camp. This second 
division of the land expedition, consisting of the three 
officials just named, of nine or ten soldiers de cuera, 
four muleteers, two servants of the governor and 
president, and forty-four natives of Lower California, 
had left Yelicata the 15th of May, and had followed 
the route of Rivera's party. The journey had been 
an uneventful and comparatively easy one. The gen- 
tiles were occasionally threatening, but did no harm. 
As in the case of the first division most of the neo- 
phytes deserted, only twelve reaching San Diego; 
but there were no deaths. 18 The second day Father 

18 Portola, Diario del Viage que. haze por tierra D n Gaspar de Portold, Cap- 
itan de Dragones del refjimiento de Espana, Governador de Calif ornias, d los 
puertos de San Diego y. Monterey situadoven 33 y 37 (/rados, haviendo sidonom- 
brado comandante en gefe de esta expedition por el III Senior D n Joseph de 


Junipero's foot became so painful that it seemed im- 
possible for him to continue. Portolii wished to send 
him back, but the president would not think of it. A 
litter was thereupon ordered to be made, but Serra 
was much troubled at the extra work this imposed on 
the poor Indians. Calling an arriero he induced him 
to prepare an ointment of tallow and herbs which, 
combined with the friar's faith and prayers, so far 
healed the affected limb in a single night that it gave 
no more trouble. Listen to the record: " That even- 
ing he called the arriero Juan Antonio Coronel, and 
said, 'Son, canst thou not make me a remedy for the 
ulcer on my foot and leg?' But he answered, ' Padre, 
what remedy can I know? Am I a surgeon? I am an 
arriero, and have healed only the sores of beasts/ 
' Then, son, suppose me a beast and this ulcer a saddle- 
gall from which have resulted the swelling of the leg 
and the pains that I feel and that give me no rest; and 
make for me the same medicament that thou wouldst 
apply to a beast/ " 19 

Galvez en virtud de las facultades vice-regiasque le ha concedido su Excel a - Dlcha 
expedition se componia de 37 soldados de cuera con su capitan D n Fernando de 
Rivera deviendo este adelantarxe con 27 soldados, y el governador con 10 y un 
sargento. MS., folio, 35 pages. This diary is a copy from the original made 
in early times. It includes not only the trip to San Diego but the later one 
to Monterey to be noticed in the next chapter. The entries for each day's 
march are very brief, containing the number of hours marched, generally 4 or 
5 per day, the character of the road and camping-place, and some notes of 
interviews with gentiles. For example, May 27, 'anduvimos como cinco 
horas, buen camino, paramos en la cieneguilla, cuio nombre puso el padre 
jesuita Line, desde aqui se tomo otro rumbo, y paramos en un arroyuelo 
aunque seco,' etc. June 21, they were at Todos Santos, and heard of other 
Spaniards beyond. For the last 3 or 4 days they travelled on or near the shore. 
Other diaries of this journey, several of which were written, arc not extant; 
but Crespi's journal already referred to was intended to embody all the infor- 
mation worth preserving. Sergt. Ortega, in Santa Clara, Arch. Parroquia, 
MS., 48-54, represents the hardships of the soldiers as very great; but he 
was evidently writing for an object that required this view of the matter. 
The same writer gives a brief and rather confused account of the journey in 
a narrative of his own services dated 1786. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 171-2. 
Serra, in his letter of July 3d, to Palou, says there was no suffering whatever. 
Palou, Vida, 78; Greenhow, Or. and Cal., 100, erroneously implies that both 
land expeditions started together and that Portola arrived last on account of 
having followed a more difficult route. 

19 From San Diego Serra himself writes, Palou, Vida, 73-8: 'Now the foot 
is all sound like the other, while from the ankle half way up the leg it is as 
the foot was before, an ulcer; but without swelling or pain except the occa- 
sional itching. In fact it is nothing serious.' 


Thus are the four branches of the visitador gen- 
eral's grand expedition finally reunited at San Diego, 
one year after Galvez had begun his preparations on 
the peninsula. Next day is Sunday, fiesta de la visi- 
tation, and the California pilgrims, one hundred and 
twenty-six in number out of two hundred and nine- 
teen who had started; 20 or, omitting natives and 
sailors, seventy-eight of Spanish blood out of ninety 
who had come to remain celebrate their safe reunion 
by a solemn thanksgiving mass to the patron San 
Jose chanted with "la solernnidad posible," and to the 
accompaniment of exploding gunpowder. The cere- 
monies over, the two comandantes PortoM and Vila 
meet to consult respecting future movements, the 
want of sailors necessitating changes in the original 
plans. The decision is to send the San Antonio back 
to San Bias for supplies, and especially a crew r for 
herself and the San Carlos, which is to await her 
return. The friars for missionary and hospital work 
are to be left at San Diego under the protection of a 
guard of soldiers, while the main force presses on to 
Monterey by land. Great dependence is placed on 
the San Jose which on arrival is to be sent up the 
coast to aid the land expedition. Accordingly the 
9th of July Perez sails with a small crew of convales- 
cent sailors for the south, 21 bearing reports from the 
commandants and president. Five days later Portola 
starts on his overland march northward, which will 
be described in the following chapter. 

There are left at San Diego Captain Vila, Surgeon 
Prat, the mate Canizares, three friars, a guard of eight 

20 The numbers are not exact, statements of deaths being conflicting. These 
pioneers included captains Portola and Rivera, Lieut. Images, captains Vila 
and Perez of the vessels, padres Serra, Crespi, Vizcaino, Gomez, and Parron; 
Surgeon Prat; Costans6, engineer; Cailizares, piloto; and sergeants Ortega 
and Puig. For names of all the band see list at end of this volume. 

21 Palou, Not., i. 282, says that July 6th was the day set for sailing; but this 
may be a misprint. Nine of the sailors died of scurvy on the voyage. It is 
probable that these last victims were included in Palou's statement of 12 sur- 
vivors, 5 of whom were left on the San Cdrlos, 2 or 3 reached San Bias, and 
4 or 5 remained ill at San Diego. The San Antonio made the voyage in 20 


cuera soldiers, five convalescent Catalan volunteers, 
a . few sick sailors, five able seamen, a carpenter and 
a blacksmith, three boy servants, and eight Lower 
California Indians about forty persons in all. As yet 
no mission has been formally founded; but this duty 
is at once attended to by Father Serra, who raises 
and blesses the cross on Sunday, the 16th of July. 22 
This first of the Californian missions is dedicated, as 
the port had been by Vizcaino long before, to San 
Diego de AlcaM, being founded on a spot called by 
the natives Cosoy, 23 now Old Town. The ceremonies 
are not minutely recorded, but are the usual blessing 
of the cross, mass, and sermon by which it was hoped 
"to put to flight all the hosts of Hell and subject to 
the mild yoke of our holy faith the barbarity of the 
gentile Dieguirios." Then more huts are built, and 
one is dedicated as a church. 

The new establishment, however, in which Father 
Parron is associate minister, still lacks one essential 
element of a prosperous mission, namely, converts, 
who in this case are difficult to find. The natives are 
by no means timid, but they come to the mission for 
gifts material rather than spiritual; and being adroit 
thieves as well as importunate beggars, their presence 
in large numbers becomes a nuisance, rendering it 
impossible for the small force to watch them and give 
proper attention to the sick. Fortunately the savages 
will have nothing to do with the food of the Spaniards, 
attributing to it some agency in the late ravages of 
the scurvy; but other things, particularly cloth, they 
deign to steal at any hour of day or night. They even 

22 It is noticeable that in all the general reports after 1823 this date is given 
as June 16th; but there is no doubt that it is an error. Arch. Santa Bdrbara, 
MS., xii. 125. Serra thinks, Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 125, that April llth has 
some claim to be considered the beginning of the mission, since on that 
day when the San Antonio arrived began the spiritual manifestations to the 
natives, causing them to see an eclipse and feel an earthquake, not perceptible 
to the Christians. 

23 San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS. St James of Alcala was an Andalucian 
Franciscan who lived from 1400 to 1463, and was canonized in 1588 rather for 
his pious life and the miracles wrought through him before and after death 
than for any high position held by him. Alcala was rarely attached to the 
( nanie of the mission in popular usage. 


attempt in their tule rafts to pillage the San Carlos, 
so that two of the eight soldiers are obliged to be on 
board. Persuasions, threats, and even the noise of 
fire-arms are met by ridicule. 

Naturally matters come to a crisis. The guard is 
obliged to use force in repelling the intruders, who in 
their turn determine upon a raid for plunder. The 
loth of August, while Parron with a guard of two 
soldiers is saying mass on the ship, as he is wont to 
do on feast-days, the savages enter the mission and 
begin to strip the clothing from the beds of the sick. 
Two soldiers are on guard and two more hasten to 
their aid; but when they attempt to drive away the 
pillagers they receive a volley of arrows which kills a 
boy and wounds Padre Vizcaino, the blacksmith, a 
soldier, and a California 24 Indian. The Spaniards in 
return fire a volley of musket-balls which kills three 
of the foe, wounds several more, and puts the whole 
crowd to flight. Serra and Vizcaino have just finished 
mass and are sitting together in a hut at the time of 
the attack, and the latter, rising to close the door, 
receives an arrow in the hand just as the boy servant 
staggers in and falls dead. The smith greatly dis- 
tinguishes himself by his bravery, fighting without 
the protection of a cuera? 5 

It is not long before the gentiles come back to 
seek medical treatment for their wounded, imbued 
with a degree of faith in the destructive power of 
gunpowder, and correspondingly improved in manners, 
but by no means desirous of conversion. A stockade 
is thrown round the mission and the natives are no 
longer permitted to bring weapons within musket- 
shot. Thus safety is assured, but in missionary work 

24 For a long time at San Diego and Monterey the peninsula only was 
spoken of as ' California. ' Either local names or Nuevos Establecimientos were 
applied to the north, although Serra in his first letter from San Diego used 
the term ' California Septentrional. ' 

25 In his Vlda de Junip. Serra, 84, Falou speaks of previous assaults with 
intent to kill the Spaniards on Aug. 12th to 13th, which were repulsed. Tut- 
hill, Hist. CnL, 79, erroneously states that a priest was killed. Serra,- San 
Dieyo, Lib. J/z's., MS., Co, says the man killed was a Spanish arriero 20 years 
old named Jose" Maria Vegerano. 


no progress is made. One gentile, indeed, is induced 
by gifts to live with the Spaniards and becomes a skil- 
ful interpreter, but even with his aid no converts can 
be gained. Once the savages offer a child for baptism, 
but when the service begins they seize the child and 
flee in terror. Yet we are told that when a painting 
of the virgin and child is displayed, the native women 
come and offer their breasts to feed " that pretty 
babe." Prior to April 1770, a full year from the first 
coming of the Spaniards, and perhaps to a still later 
period, for the register was subsequently destroyed, 
and thee arliest date is not known, not a single neo- 
phyte was enrolled at the mission. In all the mis- 
sionary annals of the north-west there is no other 
instance where paganism remained so long so stub- 

Meanwhile new cases of sickness occur and death 
continues its ravages, taking from the little band 
before the return of PortoU in January, eight sol- 
diers, four sailors, one servant, and six Indians, and 
leaving but about twenty persons. Little wonder 
that small progress is made in missionary work/ 


26 On the general subject of this chapter, in addition to the special docu- 
ments already referred to, see for a connected narrative Palou, Not., i. 254-84, 
427-32; ii. 93-153; Id., Vida, GO-86. The notes of Serra in San, Diego, Lib. 
AJision, MS., are also a valuable source of information. These notes were 
\vritten to supply as far as possible from memory the loss of the original mis- 
Sion books destroyed with the mission in 1775. Copies are also found in 
Hayes* Miss. Book, MS., i. 99-106, and in Bandini, Doc. Hist. Col., MS. 
Miguel Costanso published in Mexico, 1770, an account of these expeditions as 
Dlario Historico de losviagesde mar y tierra, hechos alNorte de la California, fol. 
G. It was translated by Wm. Revely and published in 1700 by A. Dal- 
rymple as An Historical Journal, etc., 2 maps, 4to, 70 p. 






I HAVE stated that two weeks after his arrival from 
the south Portola left San Diego 1 July 14, 1769, and 
marched with nearly all his force northward. His 
intention was to reach Monterey Bay by following 
the coast, and either at his destination or on the way 
he hoped to be overtaken by the San Josg, and with 
the aid brought by her to found a presidio and the 
mission of San Carlos. The company consisted of 
himself, Rivera y Moncada in command of twenty- 
seven cuera soldiers, including Sergeant Joseph Fran- 
cisco Ortega, Lieutenant Pedro Fages, with six or 
seven of his twenty-five Catalan volunteers, all that 
the scurvy had left alive and strong enough to under- 
take the march, Engineer Miguel Costanso, 2 fathers 
Juan Crespi and Francisco Gomez, seven muleteers, 

1 Mofras, ExpJor., i. 106, says the expedition had come across Sonora. 
2 Costans6, Fages, and others, according to the Porlold, Diario, MS., 10, 
were ill, but advised by Prat to undertake the journey as a remedy. 



fifteen christianized Lower Californians, and two ser- 
vants of Portola and Rivera sixty-four persons in all. 
The expedition is fully described in a diary kept by 
Crespi 3 and still extant, as are original statements, 
less complete than Crespfs, of no less than five par- 
ticipants, Portola*, Fages, Costanso, Ortega, and Ri- 
vera. As the first exploration by land of a broad 
extent of most important country it is not without 
importance and interest ; yet as recorded it is in itself 
singularly unattractive. Crespfs diary, like that of 
Portola", is a long and, except in certain parts, monoto- 
nous description of petty happenings notworth remem- 
bering. It is an almost nedless catalogue of nearly 
two hundred jornadas, or marches, tediously like one 
another, over hills and vales distinguished as being 
con zacate or sin zacate, grassy or barren, with the 
Sierra ever towering on the right, and the broad 
Pacific ever stretching to the left. The distance and 
bearing of each day's march are given, and observa- 
tions for latitudes were frequent; but the Mexican 
league was practically a vague measurement, the ob- 
servations of Crespi and Costanso often differed, and 

3 Crespi, Viage de la Espedicion de tierra de San Dierjo d Monterey, Copia del 
diario }) camiitata que h'zo la espediclon desde elpuerto de San Diego de Alcald 
hasta cl de Monterey, saHendo el 14 de Julio de 1760, in Palou, Not., i. 285-4'23. 
Portola, Diario del Viage, MS., 11, cb seq., covers the same ground but muck 
more briefly, adding nothing to Crespfs narrative except on a few points to 
be noticed in thefr place. 'El 27 lianduvimos tres horas, bucn camino, 
macho pasto y agua ' is a fair sample of most entries. Very few names of 
localities are given. In his Vida de Junipe.ro Serra, 80-2, 88-9, Palou gives 
but a brief account, referring for particulars to Crespi's diary. Lieut. Pages, 
a member of the expedition, in his Voyage en Cal. , inNouv. Amialesdes Voy., 
ei. 147-9, 155-9, 1G5-71, 170-82,321-4/328, gives a very full narrative of it, 
except from Monterey to San Francisco, including names of places, distances, 
bearings, latitudes, and description of the country, but omitting names of 
persons and dates. I shall note variations from Crespi's diary, with whicli 
Pages' narrative for the most part agrees. Costanso, in his Diario Histdrico de 
los viage$ de mar y tierra, gives an abridged version differing in no essential 
respect from Crespi. Costans6's narrative is abridged and quoted in an article 
signed <M. P.,' in Album Hex., ii. 37-40. Ortega, Fraymento, in Santa Clara, 
Arch. Parroqitia, MS.,. 4854, gives an original but not very complete or accu- i 
rate narrative. Capt. Rivera also in a certificate relating the services of Pedro 
Amador, gives some information respecting this entrada. St. Pap. Miss, and 
Colon., MS., i. 52-3. John T. Doyle in his pamphlets entitled Address and 
Memorandum in 1S70 and 1873 gave brief resumes of parts from Crespi; and 
the newspapers since the reprint of Palou's work have had something to say 
more or less superficially on the subject of the discovery of San Francisco Bay. 


worse than all, typographical errors in the printed 
diary make the figures unreliable. In a monograph 
on the trip I could, I think, trace with much accuracy 
each day's course, and such minute treatment would 
not be devoid of local interest as showing the original 
names applied by the Spaniards, very few of which 
have been preserved; but for this of course I have no 
space here, and must content myself with a general 
narrative and a note on geographical details.* 

*List of places between San Diego and San Francisco as named in 
Crespi's diary of the first exploration of the California coast by land, with 
distances, bearings, and latitudes. Notes from the return trip in brackets 
"[...]"; notes from Pages' Voyage in parentheses "(...)"; additional and 
self-explanatory notes in italics. The Portold, Diario has no distances, or 
names, only hours and descriptions. 

July 14. 








San Diego, 32 30'. Really 32 44' 

Rinconada. On False Bay 

Pocitos de la Canada de San Diego 

Sta Isabel Valley. 1 league by 400 varas. 

S. Jacome de la Marca Val. 1 1. by 5 1., 
from JST. to s. (Posa de Osuna), [7 1. 
from S. Juan.] , ... 

Encinos Canada 

S. Alejo. 33 > 

S. Simon Lipnica Val., near sea-shore . . . 

Sta Sinforosa 

S. Juan Capistrano Val. 2 1., N.E. to 
s.w., ending at shore, 33 6'.. Really 
S. Luis Key, lot, accurate. 

Sta Margarita Val. The sierra draws 
near shore and threatens to stop ad- 
vance. Name retained 

Sta Pragedis de los RosalesCafiada, 33 10' 

Los Cristianos, S. Apolinario, Bautismos 
[arroyo], (Canada del Bautismo) 

Sta Maria Magdalena Canada [Quemada], 
33 14' 

S. Francisco Solano, 33 18'. A mesa at 
foot of sierra with fine stream, oppo- 
site Sta Catalina Island, said by the 
explorers to be 5 1. from S. Pedro Bay. 
At or near 8. Juan Capistrano 

S. Pantaleon (Aguada del P. Gomez), on 
the edge of a large plain 

Santiago Arroyo, 33 6'. Misprint ? 

Sta Ana Riv., or Jesus de los Temblores, 
thought to flow into S. Pedro Bay [9 1. 
from Rio Porciiincula] 

Sta Marta Spring (Los Ojitos and S. Mi- 

(No name), lat. 33 34' 

(No name), lat. 34 10'. Los Angeles re- 

2.5 (3) 

3.5 (4) 





3 [2] 

2.5 [3] 

1.5 [1] 
















Four days after setting out from San Diego the 
explorers reached the pleasant valley in which the 
mission of San Luis Hey was later built. Their 
progress had been at the rate of from two -to four 
leagues each day, and nothing along the way attracted 
more attention than the abundance of flowers, especially 

Aug. 2, 










Porciiincula Riv., a large stream, with 
much good land. North branch of the 
S. Gabriel 

Alisos de S. Este"van Spring, near an as- 
phaltum marsh 

S. Rogerio Spring, or Berrendo (Fontaine 
du daini mouchet^) 

Sta Catalina de Bononia de los Encinos 
Val., 34 37', really 34 10'. San Fer- 
nando Valley, in which a station still 
called Eiiclno 

(No name. ) 

Sta Rosa de Viterbo, or Corral rancheria, 
3 1. across the plain, and 4 1. over mts., 
34 47'. Near Hart's 

Sta Clara stream and cafiada 

Sta Clara, down same stream, 34 30', a 
good site for a mission. 6 1. from Sta 
Rosa and 10 1. from Sta Catalina. 
T/iifi must be an error 

S. Pedro Amoliano rancheria, down the 

Stos Murtires Ipolito y Cuciano rancheria 
ami river, down same stream, which 
widens out into a river. Still called 
lilo Sta Clara 

Asuncion (Asunta) rancheria, on sea-shore. 
Fine site for a mission, 34 3G'. Co- 
stansd made it 34 13'. Doubtless S. 

Sta Conefundis (RaucheriaVolante), along 

Sta Clara de Monte Talco, or Bilarin, a 
largo pueblo in 34 40', on an arroyo, 
along beach 

S. Roque, or Carpinteria, a large pueblo 
in a plain, 4 1. by 1 1., much asphal- 
tum. Sta Barbara region 

Concepcion Laguna (Pueblo de la Lagu- 
na), a very large rancheria, on a point 
across an cst<ro. Sta Barbara ivus af- 
terwards founded at S. Joaquin de la 
Layuna. Coast turns from W.N.W. 

Sta Margarita de Cortona, or Isla, or Mes- 
caltitlan pueblos, 34 43'. In a marshy 
region, where the sloughs form an 
island, with four or five scattered ran- 
cherias . . 









3.5 [2.5] 






W.( W.N.W.) 

W.( W.N.W.) 

w. (W.N.W.) 

W.( W.N.W.) 
W.( W.N.W.) 


of roses similar to those of old Castile, and for that 
reason delightful to the Spaniards. Crespi notes the 
plucking of one branch bearing six roses and twelve 
buds. Thus far all was literally couleur de rose. The 
route followed was very nearly that of the subsequent 
stage road between San Diego and Los Angeles. It 
was noticed that much of the grass had been burned 

Aug. 21. 







Sept. 1. 


S. Luis Obispo, 34 45', still along shore . 

S. Giiido de Cortona, along shore, four 
islands in sight 

S. Luis Rey, or La Gaviota, along shore, 
on a slough, 34 47'. Perhaps origin of 
Gaviota Pass. Three islands in sight: 
S. Bernardo, S. Miguel, farthest west; 
Sta Cruz, 8taRo8a t Ta!Kf.i- t and Sta Bar- 
bara, Sta Ortiz, farthest east 

S. Seferino, 34 30' (14"), an Indian pueblo, 
Sta Ana rancheria 

Sta Teresa, or Cojo, rancheria, 34 30', or 
34 51' 

Pt Concepcion, 34 30' 

Concepcion, rancheria (Ransho cle la Es- 
pada), 34 51' 30" 

S. Juan Bautista, or Pedernales (34 33'), 
in sight of another point near by [from 
which Pt Concepcion bears S.E., 8 
E.] This point mast be PtAryiiello, 
though there are some difficulties 

Sta Rosalia, or Canada Seca, on a bay be- 
tween last point and another 

S. Bernardo Riv., or Sta Rosa, mouth 
filled with sand, the largest river yet 
passed, 34 55'. The Rio Sta Incs, 
though distance and hearing are -not cor- 
rect; just possibly the Sta Maria, in 
which case Pt Concepcion ivas Arguello, 
Arguello Purisima, the 2d point Pu- 
risima, and S'a Rosalia at the mouth 
of Rio Sta Incs 

S. Ramon Nonato, La Graciosa, or Baile 
de las Indias laguna 

S. 'Daniel, laguna grande, in a fine valley, 
3 1. by 7 1. , having in the middle a la- 
guna 500 varas wide ? 34 13'? Mouth 
of the Rio Sta Maria. 

S. Juan Perucia y S. Pedro de Sacro Ter- 
rato, or Real de las Viboras, or Oso 
Flaco (Laguna Redonda) 

S. Ladislao, or El Buchon. By varying 
courses, and finally N. into mts., 35 
28'. Not clear 

Sta Elena, or Angosta Cafiada, 35 3' ?. . . 

Natividad, or Canada de los Osos, down 
which they went to the sea. -S'. Luis 
Qluspoicas founded later on tliis Canada, 

2 [2.5] 

2.5 (3) [2] 



/1. 5 or 



2.5 (2) 

2.5 (2) 













N.W. (N.N.W.) 




by the natives to facilitate the capture of rabbits. Few 
of the inhabitants were met in the south, but when 
seen they were always friendly, and the 22d of J uly 
they permitted t be baptized two dying children, who 
were named Maria Magdalena and Margarita. About 
the same time two mineral deposits, of red ochre and 
white earth, were discovered. On the 24th the islands 

Sept. 8, 






Oct. 1. 




S. Adriano, near the shore at mouth of 
Canada de los Osos. The diary clearly 
mentions the Estero Bay and Morro 
Rock of modern maps 

Sta Serafiua Estero, 36, or 35 27', after 
crossing eight arroyos 

S. Benvenuto, or Osito, 36 2', or (35 33') 

S. Nicolas, or Cantil, arroyo 35 35', along 

S. Vicente arroyo (Arroyada Honda), 36 

Sta Umiliana arroyo [35 45'], at foot of 
Sierra de Sta Lucia. In region between 
S. Simeon and Cape S. Martin 

Pie" de la Sierra de Sta Lucia, up a caiiada 
into the mts., probably N.E 

Hoy a do la Sierra de Sta Lucia, or San 
Francisco, 36 18' 30", up into the mts. 
on N. side of a canon [slightly differ- 
ent route on return]. In region of the 
lytcr S. Antonio mission. Probably 


Real de Piiiones, by a mt. way over the 
summit, N.E 

S. Francisco (Rio de Truchas) 

S. Elizario [Elcearo] Rio, or Real del 
Chocolate, down a caiiada to a river 
believed to be the Carmelo, but really 
the Rio Salinas 

Real del Alamo, 36 38', down the river. . 

Real Blanco, down river. 

Real de Cazadores, down river 

Sta Delfina [Riv.], 36 44', or 36 53', down 
river to within 1 A 1. of beach. From 
this point Monterey and Carmelo bays 
were explored. Pt Pinos, 36 36'; Pt 
Aiio Nuevo, 36 4'; Carmelo Bay, 36 

Sta Brigida, or La Grulla, passing several 

Pajaro, or Sta Ana Riv. Name still re- 

Nr Sra del Pilar lagunas [corral], 34 35' ? 

Sta Teresa 

Rosario del Serafin de Asculi arroyo, near 

S. Lorenzo River still retains the name. 
The camp was near Sta Cruz 

HIST. CAL., VOL. I. 10 




3.5 (3) 







N.W. and N. N.E. 









of San Clemente and Santa Catalina were sighted. 
Next day the natives seemed to say that inland were 
other white men with horses, mules, swords, and hats. 
On the 28th, when the governor and his followers 
were on the Santa Ana River, four violent shocks of 
earthquake frightened the Indians into a kind of 
prayer to the four winds, and caused the stream to be 
also named Jesus de los Temblores. Many more 
shocks were felt during the following week; yet the 
foreigners were delighted with the region, noting the 
agricultural possibilities which they and their succes- 
sors later realized. The 1st of August they began to 
kill and eat berrendos, or antelopes, and- next day 
forded the Rio de Porciuncula on which the city of 
Los Angeles now stands. 

From the Angeles region the route lay through the 
valley of Santa Catalina de los Encinos, now San Fer- 
nando, and thence northward through' the mountain 
pass to the head streams of the Rio de Santa Clara, 
so called then and now, down whose banks the 
Spaniards followed to the sea again. Immediately on 
leaving the Porciuncula more earthquakes were' felt, 
causing the friars to think there were volcanoes in the 
sierra; springs of pez brea, cliapopote, or asphaltum, 

Oct. 18. 







Sta Cruz arroyo, and four other streams, 
the last being S. Lucas, or Puentes 

La Olla (Hoya) barranca 

S. Pedro de Alcantara, or Jumin [Jamon] . 

S. Luis Beltran, or Salud, arroyo, about 
1 1. from Pt Aiio Nuevo, 37 22', or 
373'[Ptin 36 4'] 

S. Juan Nepomuceno, or Casa Grande, 
rancheria, across a level niesa along 

San Pedro Regalado 

Sto Domingo, 37 30' 

S. Ibon, or Pulgas, rancheria 

S. Simon y S. Judas arroyo, or Llano de 
los Ansares, in sight of a point x.x.w. 
with farallones just above Half -Moon 
Bay, and in sight of Pt S. Pedro 

Pt Angel Custodio, or Almejas, 37 24', 
30', 49' [37 31'] 

To 2wints subsequently visited, no names 
were applied. 




4 or 2 










were also regarded as signs of volcanic action. The 
natives now spoke not only of bearded men who came 
from the east in earlier times, but said they had 
lately observed vessels in the channel itwill be remem- 
bered that the San Antonio and San Carlos had reached 
this latitude on their way from Cape San Lucas to 
San Diego and one man even claimed to recognize 
Gomez, Fages, and Costans6 whom he had seen on the 
vessel. Everywhere the men went naked, but from 
this region the women dressed more according to Euro- 
pean ideas, covering much of their person with skins 
of deer and rabbits. August 14th Portola crossed 
from a point near the mouth of the Santa Clara to 
the shore farther north, where he found the largest 
Indian village yet seen in California. The houses were 
of spherical form thatched with straw, and the natives 
used boats twenty-four feet long made of pine boards 
tied together with cords and covered with asphaltum, 
capable of carrying each ten fishermen. A few old 
blades of knives and swords were seen. Some in- 
habitants of the channel islands came across to gazo 
at the strangers. Previously the inhabitants had 
bartered seeds, grass baskets, and shells for the cov- 
eted glass beads, but now fish and carved bits of wood 
were added to the limited list of commercial products. 
Thus more food was offered than could be eaten. This 
fine pueblo, the first of a long line of similar ones 
along the channel coast, was called Asuncion and was 
identical in site with the modern San Buenaventura. 5 
From the middle of August to the 7th of Septem- 
ber the Spaniards followed the coast of the Santa 
Barbara Channel westward, always in sight of the 
islands, meeting a dense native population settled in 
many large towns and uniformly hospitable. Passing 
Point Concepcion, they turned northward to the site 
on which San Luis Obispo now stands. On the 18th 
of August they passed a village called Laguria de la 
Concepcion in the vicinity of what is now Santa Ba/r- 

5 See founding of San Buenaventura in a later chapter. 


bara, perhaps on the exact site, since the presidio was 
founded later at a place said to have been called San 
Joaquin de la Laguna by these first explorers. 6 A 
few leagues farther, and in several other places, there 
were noticed large cemeteries, those of the men and 
women being distinct as the gentle savages explained. 
Over each grave a painted pole was set up bearing 
the hair of the men, and those of the women being 
adorned with coras, or grass baskets. Large whale- 
bones were also a distinguishing feature of the burial- 
grounds. Many of these graves have been opened 
within the past few years, and the relics thus brought 
to light have created in local circles quite a flutter of 
archaeological enthusiasm, being popularly attributed, 
as is the custom in such cases, to ' prehistoric' times 
and to races long since extinct. On the 24th a sea- 
gull was killed and the place called San Luis by the 
padres was christened La Gaviota by the soldiers 
very many localities along the route being thus doubly 
named, whence perhaps the name Gaviota Pass of 
modern maps. Near Point Concepcion the natives 
displayed beads of European make, said to have been 
obtained from the north. Here a lean and worn- 
out mule was left to recuperate under Indian care. 
Crespi's latitudes for the channel coasts were too high, 
varying from 34 30' to 34 51'. Costanso's observa- 
tions placed Point Concepcion in 34 30', about 5' too 
far north. After turning the point the natives were 
poorer and less numerous, but were still friendly. 
On the 30th a large stream was crossed on a sand-bar 
at its mouth which "served as a bridge." This was 
the Rio Santa Ines, 7 called at its discovery Santa Rosa, 
and on September 1st the camp was pitched at the 
Laguna de San Daniel, probably at the mouth of the 
Rio Santa Maria. Next day Sergeant Ortega was 

6 Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 61-2. 

7 There is some confusion in the description of this part of the coast, and 
this stream might as well be the Santa Maria, were it not for the fact that 
Purisima Mission was afterward bnilt on Rio de Santa Rosa. Purisima, Lib. 
Muion, MS., 1; Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 112-13. 


taken ill, and ten of the men began to complain of 
sore feet. Turning inland not far from what is now 
Point San Luis, they crossed the hills by a some- 
what winding course and on the 7th encamped in 
the Canada de los Osos in the vicinity of the later 
San Luis Obispo. Here the soldiers engaged in a 
grand bear-hunt, in which one of these fierce brutes, 
seen here in groups of fourteen or sixteen, according 
to Portola's diary, was killed after receiving nine bul- 
lets, one of the soldiers barely escaping with his life. 
The names Los Osos and El Buchon applied at this 
time are still preserved in this region. 

From San Luis, instead of proceeding north and 
inland, which would have been the easier route, the 
explorers follow the Bear Canada down to the sea, 
where they note Estero Bay and Morro Rock, and 
whence they follow the- coast some ten leagues to a 
point located by Costanso in latitude 35 45', and 
apparently not far below Cape San Martin. The 
sierra of Santa Lucia, so named long before, now 
impedes further progress, and on September 16th the 
travellers turn to the right and begin to climb the 
mountain range, "con el credo en la boca," one league 
per day being counted good progress in such a rough 
country. . From the 1 7th to the 1 9th they are on the 
Hoya, or ravine, cle la Sierra de Santa Lucia, on the 
head-waters of the Rio de San Antonio near where 
the mission of the same name is afterward founded. 
On the 20th the lofty range northward is ascended, 
and from the highest ridge, probably Santa Lucia 
Peak, the Spaniards gaze upon a boundless sea of 
mountains, " a sad spectacle for poor travellers worn 
out by the fatigues of so long a journey," sighs Crespi. 
The cold begins to be severe, and some of the men 
are disabled by scurvy; yet for the glory of God and 
with unfailing confidence in their great patron St 
Joseph, they press bravely on, after remaining four 
days in a little mountain canon dedicated by the friars 
to the Llagas de San Francisco, the name San Fran- 


cisco proper being reserved forthat saint's 'famous port.' 
Wending their way down the northern slope, perhaps 
by way of the Arroyo Seco, on the 26th they reach 
a river which they name San Elizario, or Santa Del- 
fina, believed by the Spaniards to be the Rio del Car- 
melo. It is the stream, however, since known as 
Salinas, and down it Portola's company march to the 
sea, arriving on the 30th at a point near the mouth. 
The natives are less hospitable in the Salinas Valley 
than south of there. 

As the expedition draws near the sea-shore, a point 
of land becomes visible in the south, which is correctly 
judged to be Point Pinos, one of the prominent land- 
marks by which Monterey was to be identified. It is 
therefore determined to stop here for exploration. 
October 1st the governor, engineer, and Crespi, with 
five soldiers climb a hill, "from the top of which," 
writes the friar, "we saw the great entrance, and con- 
jectured that it was the one which Cabrera Bueno 
puts between Point Aflo Nuevo and Point Pinos of 
Monterey." That is to say, believing yet doubting 
they look out over the bay and harbor of Monterey 
in search of which they had come so far, then pass on 
wondering where is Monterey. Rivera with eight men 
explores southward, marching along the very shore of 
the port they are seeking; then toward Point Pinos 
and over to "a small bight formed between the said 
point and another south of it, with an arroyo flowing 
down from the mountains, well wooded, and a slough, 
into which the said stream discharges, and some little 
lagoons of slight extent;" but the mountains prevent 
further progress southward along the shore. The 
places thus explored are Carmelo bay, river, and point ; 8 
nevertheless Rivera returns to camp saying that no 
port is to be found. 

The 4th of October after solemn mass in a brush- 

8 Cypress Point is not noticed in this exploration; but it is certain that if 
tho bighiTnow visited, were not Carmelo Bay, that bay would have been found 
raid mentioned later when the attempt was made again to find a shore route 


wood tent at the mouth of the Salinas River, a meet- 
ing of all the officers and friars is held to deliberate 
on what shall be done. At this meeting the com- 
mandant briefly calls attention to the scarcity of pro- 
visions, to the seventeen men on the sick-list unfit for 
duty, to the excessive burden of labor imposed on 
those who are well in sentinel duty and continual 
reconnoissances, and to the lateness of the season. In 
view of these circumstances and of the fact that the 
port of Monterey could not be found where it had 
been supposed to lie, 9 each person present is called 
upon to express freely his opinion. The decision of 
officers and priests is unanimous "that the journey be 
continued as the only expedient remaining, in the hope 
of finding by the favor of God the desired port of 
Monterey and in it the San Jose 'to supply our needs, 
and that if God should permit that in the search for 
Monterey we all perish, we shall still have fulfilled 
our duty to God and men by working together to the 
death in the accomplishment of the enterprise on 
which we have been sent." Their hope rests mainly in 
the fact that they had not yet reached the latitude in 
which Vizcaino and Cabrera Bueno had placed the port. 

* ' En visto de lo dicho y de no hallar el puerto de Monterey en la altura 
que se presumia. ' Crespi, Viatje, 355. This use of the word altura is an error 
of the writer, since Cabrera Bueno, the authority on which dependence was 
placed, gives the latitude of Monterey as 37, while Costanso now made it 
36 30'; but the explanation is that this was \vritten after subsequent explor- 
ations further north which had an influence on Crespi 's words. The Junta 
l rn de ffuerra de la crped'ic/on de tic-rra qne pascdta en sollcitud del puerto te 
Monterey en 4 de Octiibre de 17G9 is attached to the Portold, Diarro, MS. In 
his opening address Portohi says 'what should be the Rio Carmelo is only an 
arroyo; what should be a port is only a little ensc-nada; what were great lakes 
are lagumllas; ' and yet to go on and find another Sierra de Sta Lucia would 
take time; 11 men were sick, and only 50 costalcs of flour remained. Cos- 
tanso gave his opinion first: that they were in only 30 42', while Monterey 
was in 37 or perhaps more; they should not fail to explore up to 37 30' so as 
either to find the port or to be sure of its non-existence. Fages followed and 
also favored going on to 37 or a little more, as the port had certainly not 
been passed, and they had not yet reached its latitude. Then Rivera, who 
did not seem to think Monterey would be found, since it was not where it 
ought to be, but thought they should establish themselves somewhere, but 
not where they then were. Then Portold decided to rest 6 days, go on as 
far as possible, and then select the most eligible place for a. settlement if 
Monterey did not appear. All agreed in writing to this plan, including, 
padres Gomez and Crespi. 


It is and must ever remain more or less inexpli- 
cable that the Spaniards should have failed at this 
time to identify Monterey. All that was known of 
that port had resulted from Vizcaino's visit, and 
this knowledge was in the hands of the explorers in 
the works of Venegas and Cabrera Bueno. The de- 
scription of landmarks was tolerably clear, 10 and in 
fact these landmarks had been readily recognized by 
Portola's party at their first arrival on the bay shore. 
Moreover, the advantages of the harbor had not been 
very greatly exaggerated, both Torquemada, as quoted 
by Venegas, and Cabrera Bueno having called Monte- 
rey simply afamoso puerto, the former stating that it 
was protected from all winds, and the latter, from all 
except north-west winds. Yet with the harbor lying 
at their feet, and with several landmarks so clearly 
defined that Vila and Serra recognized them at once 
from the reports at San Diego, and penetrated the 
truth of the matter in spite of their companions' 
mystification, the Spanish officers could find nothing 
resembling the object of their search, and even were 
tempted to account for the port's disappearance by 
the theory that since Vizcaino's time it had perhaps 
been filled up with sand! 11 

10 See chapter iii., this volume. 

11 Crespi's remarks, in addition to what has been given in the preceding 
narrative, are as follows: 'In view of what has been said. . .and of our not 
finding in these regions the port of Monterey so celebrated and so praised in 
their time by men of character, skilful, intelligent, and practical navigators 
who came expressly to explore these coasts by order of the king. . .we have 
to say that it is not found after the most careful efforts made at cost of much 
sweat and fatigue; or it must be said that it has been filled up and destro}"ed 
with time, though we see no indications to support this opinion; and therefore 
I suspend my opinion on this point, but what I can say with assurance is that 
with all diligence on the part of comandante, officers, and soldiers no such 
port has been found. . .At Pt Pinos there is no port, nor have we seen in 
all our journey a country more desolate than this, or people more rude, Se- 
bastian Vizcaino to the contrary notwithstanding. . .although this was easier 
to be misrepresented than a port so famous as was Monterey in former cen- 
turies. ' Viage, 395-6. In a letter buried before the final return it is stated 
that the expedition ' sighted Pt Pinos and the ensenadas north and south of 
it without seeing any signs of the port of Monterey, and resolved to go on in 
search of it,' and again on the return 'made an effort to search for the port 
of Monterey within the mountain range following along the sea, in spite of 

its roughness, but in vain.' Palou, Not., i. 399-400. According to Palou, 
Vida., 88, P. Crespi wrote him that he feared the port had been filled up; and 


There are, however, several circumstances which 
tend to lessen our difficulty in accounting for the 
error committed, and which are almost sufficient to 
remove the difficulty altogether, especially so far as 
this first visit on the northward march is concerned. 
First, the Rio Carmelo, seen but once when swollen 
by winter rains, was on the record as a " river of good 
water though of little depth," and in geographical 
discussions of the past had gradually acquired great 
importance. Portola's party reaching the Salinas, the 
largest river in this region, naturally supposed they 
were on the Carmelo. If it were the Carmelo, Pt 
Pinos should bear north rather than south; if it were 
not, then not only was this large river not mentioned 
in the old authorities, but there was no river in the 
region to be identified with the Carmelo, for it never 
occurred to the travellers to apply that name to the 
creek, now nearly dry, which flowed into the en- 
senada to the south of the point. Second, Cabrera 
Bueno's description of the bays north arid south of 
Point Pinos as fine ports, the latter protected from all 
winds and the former from all but those from the 
north-west, was exaggerated, perhaps very much so; yet 
it was not Cabrera's or Vizcaino's exaggerations that 

Serra mentioned in one of his letters the same opinion founded on the great 
sand dunes foimd where the port ought to be. Id., 92. Fages says: 'We 
knewiiou if the place where we were was that of our destination; still after 
having carefully examined it and compared it with the relations of the ancient 
voyagers, wo resolved to continue our march ; for after having taken the lati- 
tude, we found that we were only in 3G 44', while, according to the reports 
of the pilot, Cabrera Bueno, Monterey should be in 37, and so serious an 
error was not supposable on the part of a man of well known skill. The con- 
figuration of the coast did not agree either with the relations which served us 
as a guide.' Voy. en CaL, 328-9. Rivera simply says: 'We went in the ex- 
pedition by land to San Diego and Monterey, and having failed to recognize 
the latter we proceeded in search of it till we came to San Francisco, whence 
for want of provisions we returned and the whole expedition slept two nights 
in Monterey itself and encamped several days on the Rio Carmelo. ' St. Pap. , 
Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 52-3. According to Ortega, 'On October 5th or 
Gth \ve reached Pt Pinos, and according to the indications of Capt, Vizcaino 
and the piloto Cabrera Bueno and our latitude as well-^we should have 
thought ourselves already at Monterey; but not finding the shelter and pro- 
tection ascribed by them to the port caused us to doubt, since we saw a bight 
over twelve leagues across with no shelter except for small craft at the point, 
although the said bight is large enough to hold thousands of vessels, but with 
little projection from some winds.' Fragmento, MS., 52. 


misled Portola. Monterey had been much talked and 
written about during the past century and a half in 
connection with the fables of Northern Mystery, and 
while its waters lay undisturbed by foreign keel its 
importance as a harbor had been constantly growing 
in the minds of Spanish officials and missionaries. It 
was not the piloto's comparatively modest description 
so much as the grand popular ideal which supported 
the expectations of the governor and his companions, 
and of which the reality fell^so far short. Third, the 
very different impressions of storm-tossed mariners 
anchoring in the bay when its shores were brightened 
and refreshed by winter rains, and of travellers arriv- 
ing at the end of the dry season from the sunny clime, 
large villages, and hospitable population of the Santa 
Barbara Channel must be taken into consideration. 
Fourth, the Spaniards had no boats in which to make 
soundings and test the anchorage capacities of the 
harbor. Fifth, Cabrera's latitude was thirty minutes 
higher than that resulting from Costanso's observa- 

To these considerations should be added two other 
theories respecting the failure to find Monterey. One 
is that favored by Palou, 12 who like some of his com- 
panions was disposed to regard the concealment of 
the port as a miraculous interposition of God at the 
intercession and in the interests of St Francis; for 
on starting from the peninsula after completing ar- 
rangements for the new establishments, Father Juni- 
pero had asked Galvez " and for Our Father San 
Francisco is there to be no mission?" to which the 
visitador had replied "if San Francisco wants a 
mission let him cause his port to be found and it will 
be put there;" and the saint did show his port and left 
St Charles to do as much at Monterey later. The 

12 ' Luego que lei esta noticia atribui ;i disposicion divina el quo no hallando 
la expedition el puerto de Monterey en el parade <|iie lo sefialaba el antiguo 
hasta Ik-gar ;;1 Puerto dc N. 1'. S. lYanei; ;<<>.' \'kla dt 

fit, 88, Gleeson, JJixt. < '<{?//. Ch., ii. 35-8, accepts the view that 
it was a miracle. 


other theory is one that was somewhat prevalent 
among the descendants of the first Spanish soldiers 
and settlers in later years, namely, that the explorers 
had secret orders from Galvez not to find Monterey, 
but to go on to San Francisco. 13 Neither this view 
of the matter nor that involving supernatural agencies 
seems to demand much comment. It would be very 
difficult to prove the inaccuracy of either. 

It having been determined to proceed, Ortega and 
a few men advance October Gth to .make a rconnois- 
sance which seems to favor former conclusions, since 
lie saw another river and thought he saw another 
wooded point, which might be the veritable Rio Car- 
rnelo and Point Pinos. Next day the whole company 
set out and in twenty-three days march up the coast 
to Point Angel Custoclio, since called Point San 
Pedro. Eleven men have to be carried in litters, 14 
and progress is slow. On the 8th the Pajaro River 
is crossed and named by the soldiers from a stuffed 
bird found among the natives. A week later in the 
vicinity of Soquel the palo Colorado, or redwood, 
begins to be seen. On the 17th they cross and name 
the Rio de Sari Lorenzo, at the site of the present 
Santa Cruz; and on the 23d Point Ano Nuevo is 
passed. Vegetables soon gi\ 7 e out as had meat long 
ago, and rations are reduced to five tortillas of bran 
and flour a clay. Portold and Rivera are added to the 
sick list. On the 28th the rains begin, and the men 
are attacked by diarrhoea, which seems to relieve the 
scurvy. The 30th they reach a point with detached 
rocks, or farallones, located by Costanso in 37 31', 

13 Vail f jo, IIht. Cat, MS., i. 39-42; Alvarado, Hist. CaL, MS., i. 19-20; 
Vril.'"jrj (J. /".), liemin., MS., 66-7. All have heard from Ignacio Vallejo and 
others of his time that Portola was supposed to have passed Monterey inten- 

14 Ortega describes the labors and sufferings of the men more fully than 
others. He says 10 lost the use of their limbs. Each night they were 
rubbed with oil and each morning were fastened to the tijeras, a kind of 
wooden frame, and raised to the 1 jacks of the mules. The rain however 
brought some relief. Fragmento, MS. 


where the hills bar the passage along the shore. It i& 
named Point Angel Custodio and Point Almejas, 
being that now known as San Pedro. 15 

It is the last day of October. After some prelimi- 
nary examination by an advance party, the whole com- 
pany climb the hill and gaze about them. On their 
left is the ever present sea, rolling oiF to the west in 
a dim eternity of waters. Before them is a bay, or 
bight, lying between the point on which they stand 
and one beyond extending into the sea far to the north- 
west. Rising abruptly full before them, high above 
the ocean, the bold shore presents a dismal front in 
its summer-soiled robes, as yet undyed by the delicious 
winter rains, the clouded sun meanwhile refusing its fre- 
quent exhibitions of exquisite colorings between the 
deep blue waters and the dark, purple bluff. Farther to 
the left, about west-north-west from their position and 
apparently south-west from the distant point, is seen 
a group of six or seven whitish farallones; and finally 
looking along the shore northward they discover white 
cliffs and what appears to be the mouth of an inlet 
making toward the north-east. There is no mistaking 
these landmarks so clearly- laid down by Cabrera Bu- 
eno. 16 The travellers recognize them immediately; 
the distant point of land must be Point Reyes, and 
under it lies the port of San Francisco. The saint 
has indeed and unexpectedly brought the missionaries 
within sight of his port. Strong in this well founded 
conviction, the pilgrims descend the hill northward 
and encamp near the beach at the southern extremity 

15 Mr Doyle, Address 7, makes it Corral de Tierra, or Pillar Point, at the 
northern extremity of Half Moon Bay. I do not know if this was a deliber- 
ately formed opinion; but my reasons for identifying Mussel Point with San 
Pedro are: 1st, the detached rocks or farallones not found in connection with 
the other points, see Gal. State GeoL frurv. Map of region adjacent to 8. F. , 1367; 
2d, the hills cutting off the shore passage as they do not at Pillar Point, see Id. ; 
3d, the clear view of Drake Bay and the Farallones, etc.; and 4th, the fact 
that in order to put in the number of leagues they did going south along the 
Canada they must have crossed at San Pedro rather than at Pillar, especially, 
if as Doyle suggests, their last camp was no farther south- than Searsville. 
There are, however, some clifficiilties. 

10 For this author's full description of this region see chap. iii. this volume. 


of the sheet of water known to the Spaniards from 
that time as the Ensenada de los Farallones. 

There has been much perplexity in the minds of 
modern writers respecting this port of San Francisco, 
resulting from want of familiarity with the original 
records, and from the later transfer of the name to 
another bay. These writers have failed to clear away 
the difficulties that seemed to surround the subject. 17 
I have no space to catalogue all the erroneous ideas 
that have been entertained; but most authors seem 
to have supposed that the matter was as dark in the 
minds of the Spaniards as in their own, and it has 
been customary to interpret the reply of Galvez to 
Serra already quoted somewhat like this: "If San 
Francisco wants a mission let him reveal the where- 
abouts of this port of his of which we have heard so 
much and which we have never been able to find," or 
in other instances more simply, "let him show a good 
port if he wants a mission." 18 

17 Certain exceptions should be noted. My assistant, in the Overland 
Monthly, made known for the first time to the English-reading public the 
statements of Cabrera Bueno and Crespi, and in a few brief notes put the sub- 
ject in its true light. Doyle in notes to his reprint of Palou subsequently 
gave a correct version; and several writers since have partially utilized the 
information thus presented. 

18 The following from Dwindle 's Colon, flist. 8. F., xi. 24, is a sample of 
the errors current in the best class of works: 'There was a report in Mexico 
that such a port existed, yet navigators sent to explore it had not succeeded 
in finding it, and even at Monterey nobody believed in it. But in 1772 Father 
Junipcro, taking the viceroy at his word, caused an overland expedition to set 
out for Monterey under the command of Juan B. Ainsa to search for the apoc- 
ryphal port. They were so successful as to discover the present bay of San 
Francisco.' Dwindle 's idea seems to be that there was a tradition of such a 
bay before Drake's time; that Drake and others after him missed the bay on 
account of fogs, etc.; and that the real bay had thus come to be regarded as 
apochryphal. Randolph in his famous oration, Hutching* Mag., v. 269, regards 
it 'as one of the most remarkable facts in history that others had passed- it, 
anchored near it, and actually given its name to adjacent roadsteads, and so 
described its position that it was immediately known; and yet that the cloud 
had never been lifted which concealed the entrance of the bay of San Fran- 
cisco, and that it was at last discovered by land.' Randolph's error was in 
supposing that it was the inside bay that 'was immediately known,' rather 
than the 'adjacent roadstead.' Tuthill, Hist. CaL, 77-9, says that Portola 
went on to San Francisco and recognized it as having been before described. 
Possibly some Spaniards had visited the port and their oral descriptions mixed 
with that of -Drake gave rise to the name and to glowing accounts which were 
accredited to Monterey ! Thus all became confusion between the two bays. 
Some authors, correctly stating that Portola discovered the bay of San Fran- 


There was, however, nothing mysterious in the 
matter, save as all things in the north were at one 
time or another tinged with mystery. The truth is 
that before 1769 San Francisco Port under Point 
Reyes had been twice visited by Spaniards, to say 
nothing of a probable visit by an Englishman, while 
Monterey had received only one visit; both were 
located and described with equal clearness in Cabrera 
Bueno's coast-pilot; and consequently, if less talked 
about San Francisco was quite as well known to Gal- 
vez, PortoM, Crespi, and the rest, as w r as Monterey. 
The visitador's remark to Serra meant simply, "if San 
Francisco wants a mission let him favor our enter- 
prise so that our exploration and occupation may be 
extended northward to include his port." The ex- 
plorers passed up the coast, came within sight of San 
Francisco Port, and had no difficulty in recognizing 
the landmarks at first glance. The miracle in the 
padre's eyes was not in the showing of San Francisco, 
but in the concealment of Monterey. And all this, 
be it remembered, without the slightest suspicion or 
tradition of the existence of any other San Fran- 
cisco, or of the grand inland bay so near which has 
since made the name famous. St Francis had indeed 
brought the Spaniards within sight of his port, but 
his mission was not to be there ; and some years later, 
when the Spaniards found they could not go to San 
Francisco, they decided that San Francisco must come 
to them, and accordingly transferred the name south- 
ward to the peninsula and bay. Hence the confu- 

cisQO in 1709, also tell us that he named it. See Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Ch., ii. 
38; Capron's Hist. Cal., 122; Soule's Annals of S. F., 40, etc.; but the inner 
bay was not named for some years, and the outer bay had been named long 
before. That confusion still reigns in the minds of the best writers is shown 
by the following from HittelCs Hist. S. Francisco, 41: 'The Spanish explorers, 
Portold and Crespi, did not imagine that they had made a discovery. T':; y 
saw that the harbor was different from that of Monterey, described by Viz- 

harbor of San Francisco, and he gave to them the name which they now bear. ' 


sion alluded to. It must be borne in mind that the 
inner bay was not named during this trip, nor for 
some years later; while the outer bay had been named 
for more than a half century. 

A few of the company still venture to assert that 
Monterey has not been passed, and to remove all 
doubt it is decided to send the explorers forward to 
Point Reyes. Ortega sets out with a small party on 
the day following, taking provisions for a three days' 
trip. Meanwhile the rest remain in camp just north 
of Mussel Point. But during Ortega's absence, the 
2d of November, some 6F the soldiers, in hunting for 
deer, climb the north-eastern hills, and return with 
tidings of a new discovery. From the summit they 
had beheld a great inland sea stretching northward 
and south-eastward as far as the eye could reach. The 
country is well wooded they say, and exceedingly 
beautiful. Thus European eyes first rest on the waters 
of San Francisco Bay; but the names of these deer- 
hunters can never be known. At camp they make 
one error on hearing the news, by attempting to iden- 
tify this new "brazo de mar 6 estero" with the "es- 
tero" mentioned by Cabrera Bueno as entering the 
land from the port of San Francisco under Point 
Reyes; 13 that is, at first thought it did not seem pos- 
sible for an inlet of so great extent to have escaped 
the notice of the early voyagers; but this erroneous 
idea does not last long, or lead to any results. It is 
at once foreseen that Ortega's party will not be able 
to reach Point Reyes, because he has no boats in 
which to cross, and no time to go round the inlet. 
And indeed next day Ortega returns. As had been 
anticipated, he had not been able to cross the inlet 
and reach San Francisco. To Ortega, whose descend- 
ants still live in California, belongs the honor of having 

19 It must be remembered that, to casual observers like the hunters at 
least, standing on the San Bruno hills, the connection of the bay with the 
ocean would seem to be very much farther north than the Golden Gate, and 
possibly far enough north to reach the bay under Pt Reyes. 


first explored the peninsula on which stands the com- 
mercial metropolis of the west coast of North Amer- 
ica; probably also that of having discovered what is 
now known as the Golden Gate, and possibly that of 
being the discoverer of the bay, for he .may have 
climbed the hills on his way north and have looked 
down on the 'brazo de mar/ before the deer-hunters 
saw it. 20 Yet we have no details of Ortega's ex- 
ploration, because he comes back with one idea 
which has driven all others from his mind, and which 
indeed turns the thoughts of the whole company into 
a new channel. He has understood the natives, of 
whom he found some on the peninsula, to say that 
at the head of the 'brazo de mar' is a harbor, and in 
it a vessel at anchor. 

Visions of the San Jose and of the food and other 
necessaries they can now obtain float before them 
sleeping and waking. Some think that after all they 
are indeed at Monterey. Obviously the next thing 
to be done is to seek that harbor and vessel. Henc 
on the 4th of November they break camp and set 
out, at first keeping along the shore, but soon turning 
inland and crossing the hills north-eastward, the 
whole company looking down from the summit upon 
the inland sea, and then descending into a Canada, 
down which they follow southward for a time and 
then encamp; the day's march being only about five 
or six miles in all. They have crossed the San Bruno 
hills from just above Point San Pedro to the head 
of the Canada in a course due west from Milbrae. 
Next day they march down the same Canada, called 
by them San Francisco, now San Andres and San 
Kaimundo, for three leagues and a half, having the 
main range on the right, and on the left a line ^ of 
low hills which obstruct their view of the bay. They 
encamp on a large lagoon, now Laguna Grande, on San 
Mateo Creek. On the Gth they continue their march 

20 It must also be noted that among Fages' volunteers there was a Sergeant 
Puig who may possibly be entitled to all this honor, but probably not. 



for other three leagues and a half to the end of the 
Canada, pitching their camp on a stream flowing into 
the bay doubtless the San Francisquito Creek in 
the vicinity of Searsville. 

Here the main force remain four days, suffering 
considerably from hunger, and many making them- 
selves ill by eating acorns, while the sergeant and 


eight of the party are absent examining the country 
and searching for the port and vessel. On the 10th 
of November the men return and report the country 
sterile and the natives hostile. There is another large 
'estero' communicating with the one in sight, but no 
sign of any port at its end, which is far away and 
difficult to reach. There is nothing to show how far 

HIST. GAL., VOL. I. 11 


this reconnoissance extended along the bay shore; 
but the new estero is evidently but the south-eastern 
extension of the main bay ; and reports of the country 
are doubtless colored by disappointment respecting 
the San Jose. A council of officers and friars is 
called on the llth, and after the solemnities of holy 
mass each member gives his written opinion on what 
should be done. The decision is unanimous that it is 
useless to seek Monterey farther north, and that it is 
best to return to Point Pinos. Portola makes some 
objection, probably as a matter of form, but yields to 
the views of the others. 

The same afternoon they set out on their return, 
and in a march of twenty-six days, over the same 
route by which they came, and without incidents that 
require notice, they reach what is really Carmelo 
Bay. Here they remain from November 28th to 
December 10th, making some additional explorations, 
but finding no port, and in fact learning nothing new 
save that the mountains in the south belong to the 
Sierra de Santa Lucia and that no passage along the 
shore is practicable. Grass is now abundant for the 
animals, but the men can get no game, fish, or even 
clams. Some gulls are eaten, and a mule is killed 
which only the Catalan volunteers and Lower Cali- 
fornians will eat. Finally, after religious exercises on 
the preceding day a council is held on the 7th. 21 Three 
plans are proposed. Some, and among them the gov- 
ernor, favor dividing the force, part remaining at Point 
Pinos to wait for a vessel, the rest returning to San 
Diego; others think it best for all to remain till pro- 
visions are exhausted, and then depend on mule-meat 
for the return ; but the prevailing sentiment and the 
decision are in favor of immediate return, since sup- 
plies are reduced to fourteen small sacks of flour, while 
the cold is excessive and snow begins to cover the 
hills. Meanwhile two mulatto arrieros desert, and on 

21 The record of this junta and of the former one of Nov. llth were in- 
cluded in the original Porlold, Diario, MS., but are not in the copy. 


the 9th an iron band supposed to have come from the 
mast of some vessel is found on the beach, by the natives. 
Before leaving Carmelo Bay a large cross is set up 
on a knoll near the beach, bearing the carved inscrip- 
tion "Dig at the foot and thou wilt find a writing." 
The buried document is a brief narrative of the expe- 
dition with a request that the commander of any ves- 
sel arriving soon will sail down the coast and try to 
communicate with the land party. 22 Recrossing the 
peninsula they set up, on the shore of the very harbor 
they could not find, another cross with an inscription 
announcing their departure. Setting out on their 
return the llth they ascend the Salinas and retrace, 
with a few exceptions, their former route. It is an 
uneventful journey, but I catalogue a few details in a 
note. 23 Below the San Luis Obispo region the natives 
begin to bring in an abundance of fish and other food, 
so that there is no further suffering, and on January 
24, 1770, with many curious conjectures as to the 
condition in which their friends will be found, they 
approach the palisade enclosure at San Diego, and 
announce their arrival by a discharge of musketry. 
Warm welcome follows and then comparison of notes. 
Neither party can report much progress toward the 
conquest of California. 

22 The letter is dated Dec. 9th, and is translated in Doyle's Address. 

23 December 16th, a lean mule left in the Sierra de Sta Lucia was recovered 
fat and well cared for by the natives. 20th, to prevent theft provisions 
were distributed, 40 tortillas to each man and a little biscuit, ham, and 
chocolate for each officer and padre. 21st, a man who had deserted at Point 
Pinos was found among the natives and excused himself by saying that he had 
gone in search of Monterey in the hope of honor and reward. Another 
deserter returned later to San Diego. 24th and 25th, the natives began to 
bring in food. 28th, stuck fast in a mud-hole near San Luis Obispo, and 
unable to say mass though it was a day of fiesta. January 1st, a bear and 
cubs killed furnishing material for a feast. January 3d, passed Point Con- 
cepcion. 4th, another fat mule restored by the natives. Food now abundant, 
llth, at Asmnpta, or Santa Barbara. January 12th to loth, instead of going 
up the Santa Clara River, they took a more southern route. They could not 
get through by the first route tried, on which they named the Triunfo ran- 
cheria, a name that seems to have survived; but they finally crossed by the 
modern stage route via Simi. January 16th to 18th, their route through the 
Los Angeles region was also different but not very clear. On the 17th they 
crossed the Rio Porciuncula and went to a valley which they called Sau 
Miguel, where San Gabriel mission afterwards stood; and next day they 
crossed the Rio Santa Ana 6 long leagues distant. 





AT San Diego during PortoM's absence no progress 
had been made in mission work, save perhaps the ad- 
dition of a palisade and a few tule .huts to the build- 
ings. The governor's return in January 1770, from 
his unsuccessful trip to Monterey, had no effect to 
brighten the aspect of affairs, since he was much dis- 
heartened, and not disposed to afford aid to the presi- 
dent in advancing the interests of a mission that would 
very likely have to be abandoned. So nothing w^as 
done beyond making a new corral for the horses. 
Serra and Parron were just recovering from the 
scurvy, and Vizcaino was still suffering from the 
arrow wound in his hand. 1 Portola's plan was to 
make a careful inventory of supplies, reserve enough 
for the march to Velicata, and abandon San Diego 
when the remainder should be exhausted, which would 

1 Eight of the volunteers had died. Portold, Diario, MS., 34. 



be a little after the middle of April, the 20th being 
fixed as the date of departure. 

The friars, especially Serra and Crespi, were greatly 
disappointed at the governor's resolution. They were 
opposed to the idea of abandoning an enterprise so 
auspiciously begun, though how they expected the 
soldiers to live does not clearly appear. PortoU was 
probably somewhat too much inclined to look at the 
dark side; while the president perhaps allowed his 
missionary zeal to impair his judgment. So far as 
they were concerned, personally, Serra and Crespi 
resolved to stay in the country at all hazards; and for 
the result they could only trust in providence to send 
supplies before the day set for departure. They re- 
ceived some encouragement, however, from Captain 
Vila, who, judging from the description, agreed with 
Serra that the northern port where a cross had been 
left was really Monterey. Furthermore it is said 
that Vila made a secret promise to take the priests on 
board the San Carlos, wait at San Diego for another 

* O 

vessel, and renew the northern coast enterprise. 2 

On the 11 tli of February Rivera was despatched 
southward, with nineteen or twenty soldiers, two 
muleteers, two natives, eighty mules, and ten horses. 
He was accompanied by Padre Vizcaino whose lame 
hand procured him leave of absence; and his destina- 
tion was Velicata", where he was to get the cattle 
that had been left there, and such other supplies as 
might be procurable. He carried full reports to secu- 
lar and Franciscan authorities of all that had thus 
far befallen the expedition, bearing also a letter from 
Serra to Palou, in which the writer bewailed the 
prospect of failure and announced his intention to 
remain to the last. After some skirmishes with the 
savages, two of whom had to be . killed to frighten 
away the rest, Rivera reached Velicata February 
25th, at once setting about his task of gathering sup- 
plies, in which he was zealously seconded by Palou; 

2 Palou, Vida, 95-6. 


but some months passed before he could be ready to 
march northward indeed, before he was ready the 
urgent necessity had ceased. 

Meanwhile at San Diego men and officers were 
waiting, preparations were being made for departure, 
friars were praying, and days were passing one by 
one, but yet no vessel came. The only conversation 
was of abandoning the northern country, and every 
word was an arrow to the soul of the pious Junipero; 
but he could only pray unceasingly, and trust to the 
intercession of Saint Joseph the great patron of the 
expedition. In his honor a novena nine days' public 
prayer was instituted, to culminate in a grand cere- 
monial entreaty on the saint's own day, March the 
19th, the day before the one of final abandonment. 

Gently smiled the morning sun on that momentous 
morrow as it rose above the hills and warmed to hap- 
piness the myriads of creatures beneath its benignant 
rays. Surpassingly lovely the scene; the beautiful 
bay in its fresh spring border hiding behind the hills 
like a sportive girl from briny mother ocean. At an 
early hour the fathers were abroad on the heights, 
for they could neither eat nor rest. The fulfilment or 
failure of their hopes was now to be determined. The 
clay wore slowly away; noon came, and the hours of 
the afternoon, and yet no sail appeared. The suspense 
was painful, for it was more than life to these holy 
men, the redemption of the bright, fresh paradise; 
and so all the day they watched and prayed, watched 
with strained eyes, and prayed, not with lips only but 
with all those soul-longings which omniscience alone 
can translate. Finally, as the sun dropped below the 
horizon and all hope was gone, a sail appeared in the 
distance like a- winged messenger from heaven, and 
before twilight deepened into darkness the so ardently 
longed-for vessel was in the offing. California was 
saved, blessed be God! and they might yet consum- 
mate their dearly cherished schemes. 


The fourth day thereafter the San Antonio anchored 
in the bay, whence she had sailed the previous July. 
She had reached San Bias in twenty days, and both 
Galvez and the viceroy gave immediate orders to pro- 
vide the needed supplies. After certain vexatious but 
unavoidable delays, she had again turned her prow 
northward in December. Perez had orders to sail 
for Monterey direct, where it was supposed Portold, 
would be found; but fortunately he was obliged to 
enter the Santa Barbara channel for water, and the 
natives explained that the land expedition had re- 
turned southward. Even then Perez in his perplexity 
would have gone to Monterey had not the loss of an 
anchor forced him to turn about just in time to pre- 
vent the abandonment of San Diego. The San An- 
tonio brought abundant supplies, and she also brought 
instructions from Galvez and Viceroy Croix, one or 
both of which facts drove from Portola's mind all 
thought of abandoning the conquest. He made haste 
in his preparations for a return to Monterey with 
Serra and Crespi, setting out overland April 17th, 
after despatching the San Antonio northward the day 

There were left at San Diego, Vila with a mate and 
five sailors on the San Carlos, Sergeant Ortega and 
eight soldiers de cuera as a guard, Parron and Gomez 
as regular ministers in charge of the mission, and ten 
Lower Galifornians as laborers. The San Carlos had 
orders to receive a crew from the San Jose when that 
most uncertain craft should arrive, and then proceed 
to Monterey. Simultaneously with the departure of 
the northern expedition t\vo natives had- been sent 
south with letters which reached Velicata in nine 
days, and Loreto late in May. All went quietly with 
the little company left to struggle spiritually with the 
southern gentilidad. Let it be hoped that before the 
end of 1770 the missionaries succeeded in making a 
few converts, as they probably did, but there is no 
positive record of a single baptism. Rivera with his 


nineteen or twenty soldiers, over eighty mules laden 
with supplies, and one hundred and sixty-four head of 
cattle, having left Velicata in May, 3 arrived in July. 
About the same time messengers came down by land 
announcing the successful occupation of Monterey, and 
the intention of Portola to come down by sea and take 
the San Carlos for San Bias. Vila, accordingly, made 
ready for departure, obtaining a soldier and two mule- 
teers to reenforce his crew; but as the -San Antonio 
did not appear, and his own vessel was being injured 
by her long stay, in August the worthy captain shook 
out his idle sails and made for San Bias. He died a 
little later, and his pioneer paquebot had to return to 
California under a new commander. 4 

Let us turn again toward the north with the expe- 
ditions sent out by land and sea to renew the search 
for Monterey. The San Antonio sailed from San Diego 
April 16th, having on board besides Perez and crew- 
Miguel del Pino being second officer Junipero Serra, 
Miguel Costanso, Pedro Prat, 5 and a cargo of stores 
for a new mission. Next day Portola set out by land, 
his company consisting of Fages with twelve Cata- 
lan volunteers and seven soldados de cuera, Padre 
Crespi, two muleteers, and five natives. They followed 
the same route as before, recovered in the Sierra de 
Santa Lucia an Indian who had deserted on the former 
trip, and finally encamped on the 24th of May near 
the spot where they had left the second cross the 
winter before on the bay shore. They found the cross 
still standing, but curiously surrounded and adorned 
with arrows, sticks, feathers, fish, meat, and clams 
evidently deposited there by the savages as offerings 
to the strangers' fetich. And later when the natives 

3 April 14th, according to Monterey, Estracto de Noticias. 

4 On San Diego events of 1770 see Palou, Not., i. 423-6, 432-9, 460-1; Id., 
Vida, 88-104. 

5 By computation there should also have been on board 2 mechanics, 5 
servants, 3 muleteers, and 6 Lower Calif ornians; but it is doubtful if these 
figures are correct, especially in the items of Indians and muleteers, not a 
very useful class of persons on board a ship. 


had learned to make themselves understood, to speak 
as best should please their teachers, some strange tales 
they told, how the cross had been illuminated at night 
and had grown in stature till it seemed to reach the 
heavens, moving the gentiles to propitiate by their 
offerings this Christian symbol that it might do them 
no harm. As Portola, Crespi, and Fages walked along 
the beach that afternoon returning from a visit to the 
cross, they looked out over the placid bay, ruffled only 
by the movements of seals and whales, and they said, 
all being of one accord, " This is the port of Monterey 
which we seek, just as Vizcaino and Cabrera Bueno 
describe it" and so it was, the only w r onder being that 
they had not known it before. Soon for lack of fresh 
water camp was moved across to Carmelo .Bay. 

A week later, on the last day of May, the San t 
Antonio hove in sight off Point Pinos; fires were 
lighted on shore for her guidance; and she entered the 
harbor by Cabrera's sailing directions. She had at 
first been driven south to latitude 30, and then north 
to the Ensenada de los Farallones, where she might 
have explored the port of San Francisco and the 
newly discovered inland bay had not Perez' orders 
required him to steer direct for Monterey. June 1st 
the governor, friar, and lieutenant crossed over from 
Carmelo to welcome the new arrival, and the order 
was given to transfer the camp back to the port of 
Monterey, about whose identity there was no longer 
any doubt; for close search along the shore revealed 
the little ravine with its pools of fresh water, the trees, 
and even the wide-spreading oak whose branches 
touched the water at high tide and under which mass 
had been said by Ascension in 1602, 6 all as in olden 
time except the crowds of friendly natives. 

6 'Hizose la Iglesia a la sombra de tina grande Encina. qtie con algunas de 
sus ramas llegaba a la. Mar, y cerca de ella, en una Barranquilla, a veinte pas- 
sos, ha via unos pozos en que havia agua muy buena.' Venef/a^, Not. CaL, iii. 

101-2, quoted from Torquemada. According to Vallejo, Hist. CaL, MS., i. 
54, the tree under which Ascension said mass in 1602, and Serra in 1770. is 
still standing, being that under \vhich a new cross was set up on the 100th 
anniversary June 3, 1870; but as the latter tree is at some distance from the 


On the 3d of June all were assembled on the beach, 
where an enramada, or shelter of branches, had been 
erected and a cross made ready near the old oak. 
Water was blessed, the bells were hung, and ihejiesta 
began by loud and oft-repeated peals. Then Father 
Junipero donned his alb and stole, and all on bended 
knee chanted the venite creator spiritus, after which 
the cross was planted and blessed, and the good friar 
sprinkled beach and fields with holy water, thus " put- 
ting to rout all infernal foes." An image of the holy 
virgin presented by Archbishop Lorenzana of Mexico 
having been set up on the altar, mass was said by 
Serra amidst the thunder of cannon and the crack of 
musketry, followed by a salve to the image and a 
te deum laudamus. The church ceremonies ended, 
Portola proceeded to take formal possession in the 
name of Carlos III. by hoisting and saluting the royal 
flag of Spain, and going through the usual forms of 
pulling grass, throwing stones, and recording all in 
the prescribed acta. Finally the officers and friars 
ate together under the shade of trees near the shore, 
while the soldiers and others enjoyed their feast a. little 

Thus were formally founded on June 3 y 1770, the 
mission and presidio of San Carlos Borromeo de 
Monterey. 7 The mission was founded in the name of 

tide -water the identity niay be questioned. David Spence, an old and well 
known citizen of Monterey, said that Junlpero's tree was shown him in 1824 
by Mariano Estrada, and that it fell in 1837 or 1838, the water having washed 
away the earth from its roots. Spence thought there was no doubt of its 
identity. Taylor's Discov. and Founders, ii., No. 24, 5. 

7 St Charles Borromeo was born at Arona near Milan, Italy, in 1538. He 
was son of the Count of Arona, nephew of Pope Pius IV., archbishop of 
Milan, and cardinal. Dying in 1584, he was canonized in 1010. A word is 
necessary to remove certain. difficulties into which modern writers and modern 
usage have fallen respecting the name of this mission. This name was 
always San Carlos; San Carlos de Monterey was simply San Carlos at Mon- 
terey, that port having been named long before. When the mission was 
moved to Carmelo bay and river it was naturally spoken of as San Carlos del 
Carmelo, or San Carlos at Carmelo, a port also named long before. But Mon- 
terey being a prominent place the mission continued to be often called San 
Carlos at Monterey, or San Carlos at Carmelo near Monterey, as the Spanish 
preposition de may best be translated. But again the full name of the bay 
and river Carmelo was Nucstra Senora del Monte Carmelo, or Nra. Sra. del 
Carmen, and hence a new source of confusion arose, all of which, however, 


the college of San Fernando; Saint Joseph was named 
as patron ; and Crespi was appointed as associate min- 
ister with Serra. A few humble huts were at once 
erected on a site surveyed by Costanso, a gunshot 
from the beach and three times as far from the port, 
on an inlet which communicated with the bay at high 
water. These buildings constituted both presidio and 
mission, as at San Diego, being enclosed by a palisade. 
One of the huts was completed arid blessed as a tem- 
porary church on the 14th of June, when a grand pro- 
cession took place; bells were rung, and guns were 
fired; but thus far no natives appeared, being fright- 
ened it is said by the noise of cannon and musketry. 

A soldier and a young sailor volunteered to carry 
despatches with news of success to San Diego and to 
the peninsula. They started June 14th, met Rivera 
just below San Diego, were reenforced by five of his 
men, and finally carried their glad tidings to Gov- 
ernor Armoria, who had just succeeded Portola", and 
to Padre Palou at Todos Santos, on the 2d of August. 
Salutes and thanksgiving masses celebrated the occa- 
sion at Loreto, Todos Santos, and Santa Ana, while 
Armona despatched a vessel to carry the news to the 

In accordance with previous orders from Galvez, 
Portold, as soon as a beginning was fairly made, at 
Monterey, turned the government of the new estab- 
lishments over to Fages as military commandant, and 
sailed away in the San Antonio on the 9th of July.- 
He took with him the engineer Costanso; and Perez 

ay be removed by bearing in mind that the mission was always San Carlos, 
id that other words were used solely to express its locality. Taylor, in Cal. 



Farmer, April 20, 1860, gives the following native names of localities at Mon- 
terey; site of modern town Achiesta or Achasta; beach, Sitkilta; Fort hill, 
Hunnukul; site of post-office, Slilrlsta. About the date of foundation on June 
3d, there is no possible error. Palou, Serra, the mission books of San Carlos, 
and scores of official reports in later years confirm this. Vallejo, Htst. Ca f ., 
MS., i. 66-8, and Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 23-4, are very positive that 
the mission was not founded till later; but these writers confound the found- 
ing with the subsequent transfer. See S. Cdrlos, Lib. Minion, MS., Prdu. 
tit. Pap., MS., i. 109-10. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., v. pt. ii. 33. 


intended to touch at San Diego to divide his crew 
with the 'San Carlos if the San Jose had not yet ap- 
peared, but, as we have seen, was not able to do so, 
and arrived at San Bias the 1st of August. Costanso 
and Perez went to Mexico as bearers of the news, 
arriving on the 10th, at which date the name of the 
former disappears from the annals of California for 
twenty years or more, at the end of which time we 
shall find him giving some sensible advice on Califor- 
nian affairs; while of Portola nothing is known after 
his landing at San Bias, except that he was governor 
of Puebla in 1779. He was first in the list of Cali- 
fornia rulers. His term of office may be regarded as 
having extended from April 1769 to July 9, 1770, 
and he is spoken of in the record both- as governor 
and comandante ; but, though there is some confusion 
respecting his exact title, it appears that that of 
military commandant is used with more propriety 
than the other. 8 

Leaving the four friars under the protection of 
Fages and his nineteen men in the north and of Rivera 
with his twenty-two men in the south, 9 busy in ear- 

8 Portold came to Lower California in 1768 as governor, the first the penin- 
sula had ever had; but when he volunteered to take command in person of 
the northern expedition, it seems that Armona was appointed to succeed him 
in the governorship. I do not know the exact date of Armona's appointment, 
but he arrived at Loreto in June 1769, and went back to the mainland tv/o 
weeks later without having taken possession of his office. In the mean time 
Gonzalez ruled as a kind of lieutenant-governor or military commandant until 
relieved in October 1769 by Toledo, who governed in the same capacity until 
Armona, who had failed to get his resignation accepted, returned in June 
1770 to rule until November, Moreno ruling, in much the same capacity 
apparently as Gonzalez and Toledo, until the arrival of Gov. Barri in March 
1771. Now while Gonzalez, Toledo, and Moreno cannot be properly credited 
with any authority in Upper California, their terms as interinos render it 
difficult to define those of the proprietary governors. Thus, though Portola 
was in a sense governor of the Californias down to June 1770, since no regu- 
lar successor had taken possession of the office, I have named him in my list 
of rulers of Alta California as commandant from the first settlement down 
to July 9, 1770. In Monterey, Estracto de Noticias, he is called comandante 
en gefe. 

9 Rivera and his men were expected to march to Monterey on their return 
from the peninsula, but for some unexplained reason, possibly dissatisfaction 
at Fages' appointment to the chief command. Rivera remained at San Diego. 
According to Monterey, Estracto de Notlcias, Fages had a force of over 30 
men besides Rivera's force, which is an error. 


nest if not very successful efforts to attract and convert 
the gentiles of Monterey and San Diego, let us glance 
briefly at what was being done in Mexico to advance 
Spanish interests in the far north. We have seen 
that the news of success at Monterey had arrived by 
land at Loreto and by sea at San Bias early in August. 
Therefore, the despatches sent by Portola from San 
B]as reached Mexico in advance of the others on the 
10th. The news was received with great manifesta- 
tio'ns of joy; the cathedral bells rang out their glad 
peals, % those of the churches responding. A solemn 
thanksgiving mass was said at which all government 
dignitaries were present; and there followed a grand 
reception at which Galvez and Croix received con- 
gratulations in the royal name for this last extension 
of the Spanish domain. Immediate and liberal pro- 
vision was made for the new establishments. So 
favorable were the reports on both country and inhab- 
itants that it was resolved at once to forward all 
needed aid and to found five new missions above San 
Diego. The guardian of San Fernando was asked to 
furnish ten friars for these missions, besides twenty 
more for old and new missions in the peninsula. For- 
tunately a large number of Franciscans had lately 
arrived from Spain, and after some deliberation and 
discussion resulting in a determination to secularize 
the Sierra Gorda missions, the required missionaries 
were furnished. 10 

These arrangements were all made within six days 
after the news arrived, and under the date of August 
16th the viceroy caused to be printed in the govern- 
ment printing-office for general circulation a re'sume 
in pamphlet form of all that had been accomplished 
by the northern expeditions, the present condition 
of the new presidios and missions, and of what had 

10 The 10 were Antonio Paterna, president en route, Antonio Cruzado, 
Buenaventura Sitjar, Domingo Juncosa, Francisco Dumetz, Jose" Caballer, 
Angel Somera, Luis Jaume, Miguel Pieras, and Pedro Benito Cambon. They 
were to receive each a stipend of $275 a year, and $400 travelling expenses. 
Each new mission received 1.000 and the necessary vestments, including a 
specially fine ornamento, or set of vestments, for Monterey. 


been decided upon respecting aid for further exten- 
sion. 11 The San Antonio was to sail from San Bias 
in October with the ten friars and a full cargo of 
supplies. The priests set out from the college in 
that month, but were obliged to wait at Tepic until 
January 20, 1771, before the vessel could be made 
ready for sea. 12 The viceroy in his letter to Fages 
states that Rivera is ordered to put his men at 
the commandant's disposal, and the captain of the 
company at Guaymas has orders to send twelve men 
to supply the places of those who had died on the 
voyage. 13 In 1771 the only thing to be noticed is 
the memorial presented in December to the viceroy 
by the guardian of San Fernando, at the suggestion 
of Palou. Twelve of the eighteen articles of this 


document were suggestions for the welfare of the new 
establishments, 14 some of them founded on minor dis- 
agreements which already began to manifest them- 
selves between the military and missionary authorities. 

At Monterey after Portola's departure little was 
accomplished during the year 1770. For want of 

11 Monterey, Estracto de Notldas del Puerto de Monterey, de la Mision, y 
Presido que se han establecldo en el con la denomination de San Cdrfos, y del 
sucesso de las dos Expedldones de Mar, y Tlerra que a, este Jin se despachar^n 
en el ano proximo anterior de 1769. Mexico 16 de Agosto de 1770. Con 
licencia y orden. del Ex m Senor Virrey. En la Iinprenta del Superior Govi- 
erno. Fol., 3 unnumbered leaves. This rare tract is in my collection, and it 
is reprinted also in Palou's Noticias. When this notice was printed the 
despatches from Loreto had not yet arrived. 

12 Palou, Vida, 113-10, says she sailed Jan. 2d. 

13 Letter dated Nov. 12th, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 69-71. 

14 1st. That the commandants at San Diego and Monterey be made to obey 
more closely the instructions of Galvez. (There had been some disagreement 
with the friars in connection with the desertion of an arriero. ) 2d. That some 
families of Christian natives be sent up from Baja California to serve as 
laborers. 3d. That a guard or presidio be established at San Buenaventura. 
4th. That these natives be kindly treated. 5th. That the train of mules be 
increased for service from Sonora and the peninsula. 6th. That presidios and 
missions be supplied for 18 months by the service of two snows. 7th. That 
San Francisco be explored, Monterey being as some say no harbor. 9th. That 
mission temporalities should be wholly under control of the friars, with the 
power of removing servants and officials. 14th. Vessels for Monterey should 
sail in February or April. 15th. A proper llmosna, or allowance, should be 
granted to friars going or coming. 16th. San Diego, Monterey, and San 
Buenaventura should have the $1,000 allowed to new missions. 18th. Sol- 
diers should be supplied with rations so as to be able to do escort duty. Palou, 
Not., L 120-3. 


priests and of soldiers 15 nothing was done towards 
the founding of San Buenaventura, although the 
necessary supplies were lying in readiness at San 
Carlos. Meanwhile Serra and Crespi worked among 
the Eslenes, who under the influence of gifts and 
kindness were fast losing their timidity. A Baja 
Californian neophyte who had learned the native 
dialect rendered great assistance; preaching soon 
began; and on December 26th the first baptism was 
administered. 16 

The San Antonio anchored at Monterey May 21, 
1771, having on board the ten priests already named, 
except that Gomez from San Diego was in place of 
Dumetz, with all the necessary appurtenances for the 
establishing of five new missions. The father presi- 
dent's heart was filled with joy, and he was enabled 
to celebrate the festival of corpus Christi on the 30th 
with a community of twelve friars. The five new 
missions proposed, in addition, to San Buenaventura, 
were San Gabriel, San Luis Obispo, San Antonio, 

15 Palou, Vida, 104-6, says it was for want of soldiers, because Rivera did 
not come up as expected; but he says nothing of the fact that there were no 
padres available. 

1G Alvarado, Hist. CaL, MS., i. 22, mentions some writings of the soldier 
J. B. Valde"s to the effect that the Baja California-US conversed readily with 
the Eslenes, and he is disposed to believe after much inquiry that the language 
was to some extent understood. Vallejo, Ilirt. Cat., MS., i. 55-6, names the 
interpreter Maximiano, and states that the Eslen chief lived near the spring 
called Agua Zarca on what was later the rancho of Guadalupe Avila. Un- 
fortunately the first book of baptisms for San Carlos has been lost, and the 
exact number of converts for the early years is not known. The first burial 
was on the day of founding June 3d, when AlejoNino one of the San Antonio's 
crew was buried at the foot of the cross. According to Palou, Not., i. 451, 
he was a calker; the mission record makes himacadete. The first interment 
in the cemetery was that of Ignacio Ramirez, a mulatto slave from the San 
Antonio, who had money ready to purchase his freedom. There were four 
more deaths during the year, three of sailors and one of a Baja Californian. 
The first marriage did not take place till Nov. 16, 1772. San Cdrlos, Lib. de 
Mision, MS., 84; Taylor's Odds and Ends, 4. A writer in the Revista Cientifica, 
i. 328, tells us that the mission of Carmen or Monte Carmelo was founded 
June 3d on the gulf of Carmelo, but never progressed much. A newspaper 
item extensively circulated speaks of an Indian woman still living in 1869 
who was the mother of two children when the mission church was built. 
Shea, Cath. Mis*., 94, calls the mission Monte Carmel. Tuthill, Hist. CaL, 
80-1 , says that Portold retired by water and Rivera by land, leaving Junipero 
with 5 friars and Pages with 30 soldiers. 


Santa Clara, and San Francisco. There were sent 
only missionaries sufficient for five of the six, and as 
Parron and Gomez, unfitted for duty by the scurvy, 
had to be granted leave of absence, still another mis- 
sion must wait, San Francisco and Santa Clara being 
selected for that purpose. The president immediately 
announced the distribution of priests to their respec- 
tive missions, 17 and on the 7th of June the six intended 
for the south sailed in the San Antonio for San Diego, 
Fages accompanying them. 

Only one of the northern missions could be founded 
until Fages should bring or send north some of Rive- 
ra's soldiers, but Serra set out early in July with ar 
escort of eight soldiers, three sailors, and a few Indian 
workmen for the Hoya de la Sierra de Santa Lucia, 
named by the first land expedition, where he proposed 
to establish the first mission under Pieras and Sitjar 
who accompanied him. His route was probably up 
the Salinas River and the Arroyo Seco, and the site 
selected was an oak-studded glen named Canada de los 
Robles 18 on a fine stream. Here the bells were hung 
on a tree and loudly tolled, while Fray Junipt;ro 
shoutejUike a madman: "Come gentiles, come to the 
holy church, come and receive the faith of Jesus 
Christ!" until Father Pieras reminded the enthusiast, 
that there was not a gentile within hearing and that 
it would be well to stop the noise and go to work ^ 
Then a cross was erected, the president said mass" 
under a shelter of branches, and thus was founded on 
July 14, 1771, the mission"^ San Antonio de Pddua.' 


"The distribution was as follows: San Diego, Luis Jaume and Francisco 
Dumetz; San Buenaventura, Antonio Paterna and Antonio Cruzado; San Luis 
Obispo, Domingo Juncosa and Jos< Cavalier; San Gabriel, Angel Somcrti and 
Pedro Benito Cambon; San Antonio, Miguel Pieras and Buenaventura Sitjar; 
San Carlos, Junipero Serra and Juan Crespi. 

18 The native name of the site was Texhaya according to Dept. St. Pap. , 
Ben. Mil., MS., Ixxxi. 49, or Sextapay according to Taylor, note on the fly- 
leaf of Cuesta, Vocabulario, MS. 

}9 Palou, Villa, 122. 

20 A*?. Antonio, Lib. de Mision. MS., 1; Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 112-15; Palou, 
Not. , ii. 24-5, tells us of an old woman who applied for baptism, and who when 
a girl had heard her father speak of a padre dressed like these, who came tl 


Only one native witnessed the ceremonies, but lie soon 
brought in his companions in large numbers, who 
brought pine-nuts and seeds, all they had to give, and 
aided in the work of building a church, barracks, and 
house for the missionaries, all of which were on a 
' humble scale and protected as usual by a palisade. 
The natives seemed more tractable than at either San 
Diego or Monterey, and the ministers had hopes of a 
great spiritual conquest, the first baptism taking place 
the 14th of August. 21 Leaving the harvest to the 
reapers and their guard of six soldiers, I return with 
Serra to Monterey at the end of July. 

Soon after the establishing of San Cdrlos Padre 
Junipero had determined to transfer the mission to 
Carmelo Valley. His avowed reason was lack of 
water and fertile soil at Monterey; but it is' likely 
that he also desired to remove his little band of neo- 
phytes, and the larger flock he hoped to gather, from 
immediate contact with the presidio soldiers, always 
regarded by missionaries with more or less dread as 
necessary evils tending to corrupt native innocence. 
The necessary permission for the transfer came up by 
the San Antonio on her third trip, 22 and two days after 
her departure, before going to found San Antonio, 
the president crossed over to select the new site. 
There he left 'three sailors and four Indians from the 
peninsula at work cutting timber, and making prepa- 
rations under the watchful eyes of five soldiers who 
were charitably supposed to lend occasional assist- 

the country flying through the air and preaching Christian doctrines. Gomez, 
Lo que . mbe, MS., 53-4, records the tradition that the ringing of the bells 
frightened away the natives; and that subsequently they refused to eat cheese 
believing it to be the brains of dead men. San Antonio de Padua was born 
in Lisbon in 1195, died at Padua in 1231, and was canonized in 1232. He was. 
a famous preacher, his sermons affecting even the fishes, and a zealous propa- 
gator of the Franciscan order. His day, as celebrated by the church, is June 

21 P. Serra in his Representation, MS., of May 21, 1773, says the work of 
building was hurried to get ready for farming, and that it was hindered by 
Fages taking away the best soldiers. Eight mules were left at the mission. 

22 Nov. 12, 1770, Viceroy Croix writes to Fages that San Carlos mission is 
to be established on the Rio Carmelo with a sufficient guard of soldiers. Prov. 
St. Pop., MS., i. 70. 

HIST. GAL. VOL. I. 12 


ance. Back from San Antonio in August he again 
went over to Carmelo to hasten the movements of 
the workmen, who were proceeding very leisurely; 
but it was several months before the palisade square 
enclosing wooden chapel, dwelling, storehouse, guard- 
house, and corrals could be completed; and it was the 
end of December when the formal transfer took place, 
the exact date being unknown. The two ministers 
took up their permanent residence in their new home, 
Juncosa and Cavalier assisting temporarily both at 
mission and presidio/ 


Events at San Diego during the year 1771 were by 
no means exciting or important. Beyond the baptism 
of a very few natives, the exact number being un- 
known, no progress in mission work is recorded ; but 
Rivera with his force of fourteen men, in addition to 
Ortega's regular mission guard of eight, w r ould seem 
to have passed the time comfortably so far as work is 
concerned. In April, when the San Antonio touched 
at this port with her load of friars, the two ministers 
were both disabled by scurvy, and Gomez went up to 
Monterey, while Dumetz took his place. On July 
14th the vessel returned with six? padres besides 
Gomez, w r ho had leave of absence and was on his way 
to Mexico. Parron retired at about the same time^ 
overland, to the missions of the peninsula. Captain, 
Perez sailed the 21st. 24 Fages came down with the 
priests, and the intention was to establish San Gabriel 
at once; but local troubles caused delay. The day 
after the vessel's departure nine soldiers and a mule- 
teer deserted. Padre Paterna was induced by Fages 
to go with a few soldiers and a pardon signed in blank 
to bring them back. His mission was successful, and 

23 Vallejo and Alvarado, as I have already noted, insist. on regarding this 
as the veritable founding of the mission. Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, Apr. 20, 
1860, says the transfer was in 1772 and that the mission became known as 
San Carlos Borromeo del Carmelo do Monterey. 

21 Serra, San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 7, says however that Parron 
went, apparently by land, to Baja California; and Palou, Vida, 129, says he 
went with a party by land, of which party nothing further is known. 


after having availed themselves of the ' church asylum' 
the deserters returned to duty. Again, the Gth of 
August, a corporal and five soldiers deserted, return- 
ing on the 24th to steal cattle from the mission. This 
time Fages went out to bring them in by force, but 
found them strongly fortified and resolved to die 
rather than yield, and again, to save life, persuasion 
was employed, and Dumetz brought back the fugi- 
tives. 25 Respecting the real or pretended grievances 
of the soldiers we know nothing, but it is evident 
that some misunderstanding already existed between 
Fages and the friars, and that Palou's record is intended 
to show the agency of the latter in its best light. 
Early in the autumn there arrived from Guaymas 
twelve Catalan volunteers. 

Meanwhile on August Gth Somera and Cambori 
with a guard of ten soldiers and a supply-train of 
mules under four muleteers and four soldiers, who 
were to return, left San Diego to establish their new 
mission, following the old route northward. It had 
been the intention to place the mission on the Kiver 
Santa Ana, or Jesus de los Temblores, but as no suit- 
able site was found there the party went farther and 
chose a fertile, well wooded and watered spot near the 
Hiver San Miguel, so named on the return trip of the 
first expedition three years before, 26 and since known 
as the River San Gabriel. At first a large force of 
natives presented themselves under two chieftains and 
attempted by hostile demonstrations to prevent the 
purpose of the Spaniards; but when one of the padres 
held up a painting of the virgin, the savages instantly 
threw down their arms and their two captains ran up 
to lay their necklaces at the feet of the beautiful 
queen, thus signifying their desire for peace. 27 

25 In a letter of Gov. Barri to Fages, dated Oct. 2, 1771, he advises the 
commandant not to grieve over the desertion of two soldiers. Prov. St. Pap. , 
MS., i. 72. 

Palou, Not., i. 477. The same author in his Vida, 129-30, implies that 
the site selected was on the Rio de los Temblores. 

27 It is only in his Vida, 129-30, that Palou tells this story. 


The raising of the cross and regular ceremonial 
routine which constituted the formal founding of San 
Gabriel Arcangel 28 took place on September 8th, 
and the natives cheerfully assisted in the work; of 
bringing timber and constructing the stockade enclos- 
ure with its tule-roofed buildings of wood, continuing 
in the mean time their offerings of pine-nuts and acorns 
to the image of Our Lady. 29 Though friendly as 
yet, the natives crowded into the camp in such num- 
bers that ten soldiers were not deemed a sufficient 
guard; and Padre Somera went down to San Diego 
the 1st of October, returning on the 9th with a reen- 
forcement of two men. Next day a crowd of natives 
attacked two soldiers who were guarding the horses. 
The chief discharged an arrow at one of the soldiers, 
who stopped it with his shield, and killed the chief- 
tain with a musket-ball. Terrified by the destructive 
effects of the gun the savages fled, and the soldiers, 
cutting off the fallen warrior's head, set it on a pole 

28 The Archangel Gabriel has a place in several religions. To the Israel- 
ites he was the angel of death; according to the Talmud he was the prince of 
lire and ruled the thunder. He set fire to the temple of Jerusalem; appeared 
to Daniel and Zacharias; announced to Mary the birth of Christ; and dictated 
the Koran to Mahomet. The last-named prophet describes him very fully, 
mentioning among other things 500 pairs of wings, the distance from one wing 
to another being 500 years' journey. His day in the church calendar is 
March 18th. The mission was often called San Gabriel de los Temblores, the 
latter word like Carmelo with San Cdrlos indicating simply locality. It had 
been intended to mean San Gabriel on the River Temblores, but when another 
site was selected the name was retained meaning 'San Gabriel iu the region of 
Earthquakes, ' as ' San Gabi-iel de San Miguel ' would have been awkward. See 
Serra, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 118; S. Gabriel Lib. de Mision, MS. The 
author of Los Anf/eles JJixt., 5, is in error when he says that the San Gabriel 
River was called Temblores. The mission was not moved to its present site 
until several years later. Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., i. 131; Reid, Lou Angeles 
Co., Ind., No. 17. San Gabriel was the only mission at the founding of which 
Serra had not assisted, and this was because Fages failed to notify him, as he 
had promised. Serra, Rupres., 21 deMayo, MS., 118. 

29 According to Hugo Reid, Los Angeles Co. Ind., No. 16, who derived his 
information from traditions, the natives were greatly terrified at the first sight 
of the Spaniards; women hid; men put out the fires. They thought the stran- 
gers gods when they saw them strike fire from a flint, but seeing them kill a 
bird, they put them down as human beings 'of a nasty white color with ugly 
blue eyes;' and later, as no violence was done, they called them chichinabros, 
or 'reasonable beings.' Women used by the soldiers were obliged to undergo 
a long purification, and for a long time every child with white blood in its 
veins was strangled. Food given by the white men was buried in the woods. 
Drown sugar was long regarded as the excrement of the new-comers. 


before the presidio gates. The fugitive assailants 
came back after a few clays to beg for their leader's 
head; but it was only very gradually that they were 
induced to resume friendly relations with the friars, 
and frequent the mission as before. There is little 
doubt that their sudden hostility arose from outrages 
by the soldiers on the native women. 30 

A few days after this affair Fages arrived from San 
Diego with two friars, sixteen soldiers, 81 and four 
muleteers in charge of a mule train, the force intended 
for the establishing of San Buenaventura. In conse- 
quence of the recent hostilities Fages decided to add 
six men to the guard of San Gabriel, and to postpone 
for the present the founding of a new mission. Pa- 
terria and Cruzado also remained at San Gabriel where 
they became the following year the regular ministers 
on the retirement of Somera and Cambon by reason 
of ill-health. Mission progress was extremely slow, 
the first baptism having been that of a child on 
November 27th, and the whole number during the 
first two years only seventy-three. This want of 
prosperity is attributed by Serra largely to the con- 
duct of the soldiers, who refused to work, paid no 
attention to the orders of their worthless corporal, 
drove away the natives by their insolence, and even 
pursued them to their rancherias, where they lassoed 

30 Palou, Not. , i. 478-9, says a soldier had outraged a woman in one of the 
rancherias. The same author in Vida, 130-2, tells us that the woman was the 
wife of the slain chieftain and the guilty soldier the one attacked. Serra in 
his Representation, MS., of May 21, 1773, says that the first grievance of the 
natives was an order from Pages that only 5 or 6 of them should be admitted 
within the stockade at a time, followed by a secret order not to allow any 
gentiles at all to enter. Serra says decidedly that if he had been there he 
would have ordered the padres to abandon the mission; for if they could have 
no intercourse with gentiles for what were they in the country at all ? One 
day the soldiers went out to look for cattle, or more likely for women, and the 
chief captain was killed, his head being brought to the mission. In Serra's 
eyes all misfortunes were chargeable to Fages. 

51 Palou, Not., i. 479, says distinctly that he had 26 soldiers, 12 volunteers 
who had lately arrived from Baja California and 14 soldiers de cuera; but I 
think the last item should be 4 instead of 14, which agrees exactly with the 
available force at San Diego. Otherwise 10 cuera soldiers must have arrive.:! 
from the south of which there is no record, or Fages must have brought 10 
with him from Monterey, which seems unlikely. A total of 16 also allows 
San Buenaventura 10 men, the same guard as that sent originally to S. Gabriel. 


women for their lust and killed such males as dared to 
interfere. 32 Fages, probably with ten Catalan volun- 
teers, continued his march to Monterey at the end of 
1771. Rivera y Moncada does not appear at all in 
the annals of this period. He probably remained but 
a short time at San Diego before retiring to the penin- 
sula. It is not unlikely that he was already preparing 
the way by correspondence for the removal of Fages 
in his own favor. 33 

82 Representation de 21 de Mayo 1773, MS. Reform seems to have dated 
from a change of corporals, which probably took place late in 1772. 

33 In May 1771 he was at Santa Gertrudis. St. Pap. Mis. and Col., MS., i. 
52. On the period covered by this chapter see Palou, Not., i. 98-107, 120-3, 
424-80; Id., Vida, 88-134. 




THE year 1772 was marked by an important explo- 
ration of new territory in the north. It added a mis- 
sion to the four already founded, brought three friars 
to reenforce Serra's band of workers, and saw .arrange- 
ments completed for a larger reinforcement through 
the yielding-up of the peninsular missions to the exclu- 
sive control of the Dominican order. Yet it was a 
year of little progress and of much hardship ; it was a 
year of tardy supply-vessels, of unfortunate disagree- 
ments between the Franciscans and the military chief 
disagreements which carried the president in person to 
Mexico to plead for reforms before Viceroy Bucareli, 
who had succeeded Croix in the preceding autumn. 

The San Antonio on her last trip had brought 
orders from the viceroy to Fages, requiring him to 
explore by sea or land the port of San Francisco, and, 
acting in accord with Serra, to establish a mission 
there, with a view to secure the harbor from foreign 
aggression. 1 

1 Dated Nov. 12, 1770, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 70. It was received by 
Fages at Monterey in May 1771. 



After the spring rains had ceased, the commandant 
for the first time was able to obey the order as to 
exploration, but there were neither friars nor soldiers 
for a mission, though the supplies were lying at San 
Carlos. 2 Accordingly with Crespi, twelve soldiers, a 
muleteer, and an Indian, Fages started from Monterey 
on the 20th of March and crossed over to the river 
Santa Delfina, now the Salinas. As the first explo- 
ration by Europeans of a since important portion of 
California, the counties of Santa Clara, Alameda, and 
Contra Costa, this trip, fully described by Crespi, 3 
deserves to be followed somewhat closely. 

The second day's march brings the party to the 
San Benito stream, still so called, near what is now 
Hollister; and on the 22d they cross San Pascual 
plain into San Bernardino Valley and encamp a little 
north of the present Gilroy. Thence they proceed 
north-westward and enter the great plain of the 
" Robles del Puerto de San Francisco," in which 
they have been before, in November 1769, that is, 
the Santa Clara Valley. Their camp the 24th is 
near the south-eastern point of the great " brazo de 
mar," near the mouth of what they call Enearnacion 
Arroyo, now Penitencia Creek, on the boundary line 
between Santa Clara and Alameda counties. The 
peninsula to their left having been previously ex- 
plored, and the object being to pass round the great 
inlet and reach San Francisco under Point Reyes, 
Fages continues to the right along the foot-hills be- 
tween the shore and Coast Range. 

His camp on Wednesday the 25th is beside a large 
stream, called by him San Salvador de Horta, now 

2 Palou, Vida, 134-5, says that Serra proposed the exploration and Fages 
consented. This is probably accurate enough in a certain sense; but the friars 
had a noticeable habit of claiming for themselves all the credit for each move- 
ment, and omitting any mention of secular orders ajjcl agencies an omission 
that evidently did not always result from forgetfulness. 

3 Crespi, Diario que se form6 en el registro que se hizo del puerlo de Ntro. 
P. San Francisco, in Palou, Not., i. 481-501. A brief resume 1 of the same 
exploration is given in Id., ii. 46. Among modern writers, Ilittell, Jlixt. 
San Francisco, has given a brief and inaccurate account from Crespi's diary. 


Alameda Creek, at a point near Vallejo's Mill. Next 
day deer and bears are plentiful, and traces are seen 
of animals which the friar imagines to be buffaloes, 
but which the soldiers pronounce burros, or " jackass 
deer," such as they had seen in New Mexico. Cross- 
ing five streams, two large ones, now San Lorenzo 
and San Leandro creeks, and two small ones, they 
reach the Arroyo del Bosque, on a branch of the bay 
which with another similar branch forms a peninsula, 
bearing a grove of oaks the site of the modern town 
of Alameda. They are near the shore of San Lean- 
dro Bay, and probably on Brickyard Slough. On 
Friday's march they have to climb a series of low 
hills, Brooklyn, or East Oakland, in order to get 
round " an estuary which, skirting the grove, extends 
some four or five leagues inland until it heads in the 
sierra"- - San Antonio Creek and Merritt Lake. 
Thence coming out into a great plain, they halt 
about three leagues from the starting-point, opposite 
the "mouth by which the two great estuaries com- 
municate with the Ensenada de los Farallones" 
that is, they stop at Berkeley and look out through 
the Golden Gate, noting three islands in the bay. 4 
Continuing a league the Spaniards encamp on what is 
now Cerrito Creek, the boundary between Alameda 
and Contra Costa counties. 

For the next two days they follow the general 
course of the bay coast, note "a round bay like a 
great lake" San Pablo Bay large enough for "all 
the armadas of Spain," where they see whales spout- 
ing. They are kindly received in what is now Pinole 
Valley, by a ranch eria of gentiles, " bearded and of 
very light complexion." They attempt to pass round 
the bahia redonda, but are prevented by a narrow 
estuary, the Strait of Carquines. Journeying along 
the treeless hills 'that form its' shores, they are hos- 
pitably treated at five large native villages, some even 

* * One of them, Angel, was probably not known to be an island until the 
party saw it from a point farther north. 


coming across from the other shore in rafts, and 
finally they encamp on a stream near the shore, prob- 
ably the Arroyo del Hambre near Martinez. 5 March 
30th they advance two leagues to a large stream 
Arroyo de las Nueces, near Pacheco; cross the fine 
valley of Santa Angela de Fulgino Mt Diablo 
Creek; pass two rancherias of friendly natives; and 
enter a range of low hills in the vicinity of Willow 
Pass. From the summit they look down on the two 
broad rivers and valleys, since so well known, with 
the various channels, sloughs, and islands about 
their junction all very accurately described in the 
diary. Leaving the hills they pass on four or five 
leagues across the plain to a small stream on which 
they pitch their camp half a mile from the bank of 
the great river, "the largest that has been discovered 
in New Spain," which is named Rio de San Fran- 
cisco. They are on the San Joaquin, at or near An- 
tioch. 6 

To carry out the original purpose of "passing on to 
Point Reyes to examine the port of San Francisco" it is 
now necessary to cross the great rivers, for which they 
have no boats, or to "go round them" for which they 
lack men and supplies. 7 It is, accordingly, determined 
to return to Monterey, but by a shorter route than 
that along the bay shore. Recrossing on the last day 
of the month the range of hills and the Santa Angela 
plain, they turn south-eastward by a pleasant Canada 
San Ramon Creek. During the first and second of 
'April they pass through what are now known as San 
Ramon and Amador valleys into Sunol Valley, which 
they call Santa Coleta; thence through a pass to the 

5 Crespi makes the journey of the two days 15 leagues, and leaves his 
courses vague, implying that he was travelling always north-west. 

6 Hittell, in his History of San Francisco and incidentally of California, 
p. 45, tells us that the Spaniards on this trip crossed the strait and tra- 
versed the broad Mils and valleys intervening until they reached Russian 

7 Palou, Vida, 1345, says the exploration was not concluded on account of 
bad news from San Diego; but he means that this news prevented subsequent 


vicinity of Mission San Jose, and to their former 
route, encamping one league beyond the Encarnacion 
Arroyo where they had been March 24th, on a stream 
called San Francisco de Paula, in the vicinity of Mil- 
pitas. From the third to the fourth they return by 
the former route to Monterey, whence Crespi goes 
over to San Cdrlos and delivers his diary to the presi- 

Then Padre Junipero, "seeing that it was impossi- 
ble to found at once the mission of our seraphic 
father San Francisco in his own port, since, as that 
port according to Cabrera Bueno was near Point 
Reyes, it was necessary to go to it by water, passing 
from Point Almejas to Point Reyes across the Ense- 
nada de los Farallones; or if by land, it was necessary 
to make a new exploration by ascending the great 
rivers in search of a ford ; and since as it is not known 
if they extend far inland, or where they rise, a new 
expedition was necessary; therefore, his reverence 
determined in view of what had been discovered in 
this exploration to report to the viceroy" and await 
his instructions. 

During the commander's absence Serraliad received 
letters from San Diego and San Gabriel announcing 
great want of supplies, the departure of Cambon and 
Dumetz, and the illness of Sornera. He therefore 
despatched Crespi south, and with him Fages sent an 
escort and some flour; but food was soon exhausted 
at Monterey and San Antonio, and, except for a very 
small quantity of vegetables and milk, the Spaniards 
were almost wholly dependent for sustenance on the 
natives. 8 Late in May, when the last extremity was 
reached, and there was yet no news of the vessels, 
Fages with thirteen men spent some three months 
hunting bears in the Canada de los Osos, thus supply- 
ing presidio and mission with meat until succor came. 

8 Oct. 14, 1772, the viceroy acknowledges receipt of Fages' letter of June 
26th, complaining of scarcity of food. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 75. 


At last the two transports arrived on the coast; but 
by reason of adverse winds they could not reach Mon- 
terey and therefore returned to San Diego. 9 Fages 
and Serra now started for the south late in August to 
make arrangements for the transportation of supplies 
to San Carlos and San Antonio. Padre Cavalier 
went also, Juncosa and Pieras being left on duty at 
Monterey, until October or November, when Crespi 
and Dumetz returned overland. The San Antonio 
also came up wjth supplies, but there is no record of 
subsequent events in the north for nearly a year. 

Vessels arriving promising relief from pressing 
needs, the president resolves on his way south to 
establish one of the new missions in the Canada cle 
los Osos. He therefore takes with him Padre Ca- 
valier, the mission guard, and the required vestments 
and utensils. A site, called by the natives Tixlini, 
being selected, half a league from the famous Canada 
but within sight of it, on the 1st of September Juni- 
pero raises the Christian symbol, says mass, and thus 
ushers in the mission of San Luis Obispo de Tolosa. 10 
Cavalier is left to labor alone at first, with five sol- 
diers, and two Indians to work on the buildings. The 
natives are, however, well disposed, retaining as they 
do a grateful remembrance of Fages' recent services 
in ridding their country of troublesome bears. They 
are willing to work, offer their children for baptism, 
and even help with their seeds to eke out the friar's 

9 Letter of Serra toPalou from Monterey, Aug. 18th, in Palou, Vida, 13G-9. 

10 Saint Louis, bishop of Toulouse, son of Cbarles II. of Naples, was .born in 
1275, became a Franciscan in 1294, died in 1298, and was canonized in 1317. 
His day is August 19th. San Luis Obispo, Lib. de Mision, MS. Fages calls 
the mission San Luis Obispo de los Tichos. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 86. Ac- 
cording to Arch. Obispado, MS., 83, the mission had at first only 50 Ibs. of 
flour and 3 almudes of wheat, so that life had to be sustained by seeds ob- 
tained from the natives. Dec. 2, 1772, the viceroy writes to Fages approving 
the founding of the mission in a spot where there is much good land and 
plenty of game. Prov. St. Pap., MS. i. 76. Serra, in San Diego, Lib. de 
Mi*ion, MS., strangely calls the mission which he founded at this time San 
Luis Rey. The traditional old Indian woman who aided in building the mis- 
sion church is not wanting at San Luis. According to newspaper items she 
was named Lilila and died Aug. 1, 1874. 


scanty supply of food. Additional soldiers and pro- 
visions are to be left on the return of the train from 
San Diego, and the associate minister Juncosa is to 
come down at the end of the year. The day after 
founding the mission Serra and Fages continue their 
journey. 11 It is the president's first trip overland and 
he is delighted with all he beholds, with the pros- 
pects at San Luis, with the natives of the channel 
coast, 12 and with progress at San Gabriel, where he 
spends September llth and 12th, and whence Father 
Paterna goes down to .San Diego to return with the 
supply- train. 

Of events at San Diego and San Gabriel, prior to 
the arrival of Fages and Serra the 16th of Septem- 
ber, we know nothing save the illness of Somera, 
Cambon, and Dumetz, the departure of the last two 
for the peninsula, the coming of Crespi from the north 
in May, the return of Dumetz accompanied by Tomds 
de la Pena sent up by Palou to take Cambon's place, 
and the arrival of the San Carlos and San Antonio in 

As soon as the San Carlos can be unloaded the 
mule train is made ready and despatched for the north 
September 27th, in charge of Crespi and Dumetz, who 
go to relieve Pieras and Juncosa at San Carlos. The 
San Antonio is to take her cargo to Monterey, and 
probably does so, though we have no further notice 
of her movements during this trip. 13 

Serra now wishes to proceed with the founding of 

11 Serra had great hopes, but says he, ' let us leave time to tell the story in 
the progress which I hope Christianity will make among them in spite of the 
Enemy who already began to lash his tail (meter la cola) by means of a bad 
soldier, who soon after arrival they caiight in actual sin with an Indian 
woman, a thing which greatly grieved the poor padre.' /Serra, Repres. ~1 de 
Mayo, MS., 117. 

12 Yet in his report to the viceroy of April 22, 1773, he refers to a disturb- 
ance here between the soldiers and Indians, in which one of the latter was 
killed and another severely wounded. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 101. 

13 Dec. 2, 177'2, the viceroy writes to Fages reprimanding him for allowing 
the vessel to continue her voyage up to Monterey at this season. He should 
have unloaded her and forwarded her cargo by land. Prov. tit. Pap., MS., i. 


San Buenaventura on the Santa Barbara Channel, as 
originally planned by Jose de Galvez five years before. 
He had visited its proposed site at Asuncion on his 
late trip, and has formed some sanguine expectations 
as to its future. His enthusiasm on this occasion, as 
on several others, seems to impair his judgment and 
causes him to forget that, with the present military 
force, it is impossible to furnish a suitable guard for a 
new mission, especially for one so far from the others 
and in so populous a region. I suppose that Fages 
very properly refused to furnish a guard until more 
soldiers should be sent to California. 14 At any rate a 
bitter quarrel ensued between the two, respecting the 
merits of which few details are known, but in the 
course of which the hot-headed Fages, in the right at 
first, may very likely have exceeded the bounds of 
moderation and good taste; while the president, 
though manifestly unjust in his prejudice against the 
commandant, was perhaps more politic and self-con- 
tained in his words and acts at the time, and has, 
moreover, the advantage of having left his side of the 
question more fully recorded than that of his antago- 
nist. 15 

n Palon, Vida, 146, says that Serra ' consulted with comandante Fages 
about an escort and other assistance necessary for the founding, but he found 
the door closed, and that he (Fages) went oil giving such directions that if 
they should be carried into effect, far from being able to found (the mission) 
they threatened the risk of losing what it had cost so much work to accom- 
plish. To prevent such a result, from which serious misfortunes might issue, 
the venerable padre used all the means suggested by his great prudence and 
well known skill; but in no way was he able to accomplish his purpose. ' The 
same author in Noticias, i. 509-10, says: 'They spoke of the number of soldiers 
who were to remain, and of the manner in which the mission was to be man- 
aged, because he (Fages) had already meddled in the government of the mis- 
sions, already pretending that all belonged to him and not to the padres; so 
that the missions, instead of progressing, retrograded, and if the thing went 
on the reduction might be rendered impossible.' 

15 Palou had alluded, in his Memorial of December 1772, to misunderstand- 
ings between the military and missionary authorities. March 18, 1772, the 
viceroy in a letter to Fages, Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 74-5, urges him to main- 
tain harmony, to listen to all complaints, to aid the padres with guards and 
supplies, to treat converts well, and to promote the mission work in every 
possible way. October 2d, Serra says to Fages that the padres arc unwilling 
to take charge of the troops' provisions, fearing quarrels, but will do it tem- 
porarily if military supplies be delivered in separate packages. Arch. Arzo- 
bispado, MS., i. 3. October 8th, Fages transcribes to Serra a communication 
from the viceroy, dated November 3, 1771, on the duty of president and 


The charges of the president against Fages were 
embodied in his Representation of the following year. 
According to this document his offences were as fol- 
lows : Bad treatment of and haughty manners toward 
his men, causing them to hate him, as Serra had 
learned by long experience; incompetence to com- 
mand the cuera soldiers, since he belonged himself to 
another branch of the service; refusal to transfer sol- 
diers for bad conduct at the padres' request; meddling 
with mission management and the punishment of neo- 
phytes as he had no right to do except for delitos de 
sangre, or grave offences; refusal to allow the padre 
a soldier to serve as majordomo, the soldier being 
transferred as soon as he became attached to a padre, 
on the plea that such attachment was subversive of 
the military authority; irregular and delayed delivery 
of letters and property directed to the padres, accord- 
ing to his whim, thus preventing the distribution of 
small gifts to the Indians; insolence and constant 
efforts to annoy the friars, who were at his mercy; 
delaying mission work by retaining at the presidio 
the only blacksmith; opening the friars' letters, and 
neglect to inform them in time when mails were to 
start; taking away the mission mules for the use of 
the soldiers; and the retention under charge of the 
presidio of cattle intended for new missions. 16 Some 
of these charges were doubtless unfounded, or at least 

It was partly on account of this difficulty with 
Fages that Serra determined to go in person to Mex- 
ico, but there were other motives that made such a 
trip desirable. The mission work in California had 
now been fairly begun, and from the actual working 
of the system the need of some changes had become 

padres to set a good example by obedience to the orders of the commandant. 
Id. October 12th, Serra assures Fages that neither he nor his subordinates 
ever have failed or ever will fail in respect to the commandant's orders. Id. , 4. 
Serra, Representation de 13 de Marzo 1773, in Palou, Not., i. 518-34, 
passim. He hints that he could say much worse things about his foe if it 
were necessary. There is also much against Fages in Serra, liepres., de 21 
de Mayo 1773, MS. 


apparent, changes which the president could advocate 
more effectually in person than by correspondence; 
and what made a visit to Mexico the more imperative 
in the padre's opinion was the news that a new vice- 
roy, presumably ignorant of northern affairs, had come 
to New Spain the preceding autumn to succeed Croix, 
and that Galvez, California's best friend, had also 
gone to Spain. Only the most active efforts could 
keep up the old enthusiasm; and at least it w^as well 
to learn of what stuff Bucareli was made. 

Serra accordingly sailed on the San Carlos the 19th 
or 20th of October, taking with him a neophyte from 
Monterey who afterward received the rite of confir- 
mation at the hand of Archbishop Lorenzana. Of the 
president's doings in Mexico I shall have something 
to say in the next chapter. 17 Shortly before the ves- 
sel sailed, Padre Somera had started for the penin- 
sula; 18 a. little later Fages set out overland for Mon- 
terey; and in November the friars Juan Figuer and 
Kamon Usson arrived from the south, sent up by 
Palou at Serra's request for the proposed mission of 
San Buenaventura. 

At a consultation between the Dominican vicar 
general and Rafael Yerger the guardian of San Fer- 
nando College, an agreement was formed April 7, 
1772, by which all the missions of the peninsula were 
given up by the Franciscan to the Dominican order. 
The long series of negotiations and intrigues which 
led to this result has been presented elsewhere in con- 
nection with the annals of the peninsula, 19 and need 
not be repeated here. The Dominicans had worked 
hard for a division of the missions, which the Fran- 

17 He arrived at San Bias Nov. 4th, was at Tepic Nov. 10th, had very 
severe and dangerous attacks of illness at Guadalajara and Quere^aro, and 
fmally arrived in Mexico in February 1773. Serra, in Dandinl, Doc. Hist. Gal. , 
MS.. 1, says he went to Mexico to plead for the extension of missions, etc. 
Fages in letter of Dec. 22, 1772, affirms that the padre left for Mexico k on 
mission business.' Pron. St. Pap., MS., i. 80-7. 

18 Possibly several months before, since he sailed from Loreto for San Bias 
on Oct. 19th. 

19 See Hist. North Mexican States, this series. 


ciscans had strenuously resisted. At first the new 
establishments of the north were hardly taken into 
the account by either party; but as the struggle con- 
tinued, additional knowledge of the new country was 
constantly accumulating; and finally, when it was no 
longer possible to prevent a division, so flattering were 
the reports from Alta California that the peninsula 
was regarded as hardly worth the keeping, and was 
gladly relinquished by the guardian of the mother col- 
lege. The followers of Saint Dominic were pleased, 
for they obtained more than they had ever asked for. 
So far as is shown by the records Palou and Serra 
knew nothing of the cession until it was consummated, 
the latter first learning of it from retiring Franciscans 
whom he met at Tepic ; yet it is difficult of belief that 
the guardian did not act on the direct advice of the 
two presidents, or that Padre Junipero did not know 
what was brewing when he left San Diego. However 
that may have been, all three were satisfied with their 
bargain, as they had every reason to be. Later the 
division would have been on a very different basis. 

In August Palou received information of the agree- 
ment at Loreto. His acts in the final delivery of the 
missions have been noticed elsewhere. The guardian's 
instructions required four friars to be assigned to duty 
in the north, while the rest were to return to their 
college. But in the mean time two, Carnbon and 
Somera, had returned ill, two others had asked leave 
of absence, one was needed for the Monterey presidio, 
and one or two extra helpers would be convenient for 
emergencies. Besides, it seemed much better to send 
the friars up to San Diego, whence, if not needed, they 
could return by sea to San Bias, than to send them 
back to the college to undertake, if needed in the 
north, a long and dangerous voyage. He wrote forth- 
with to Guardian Verger on the subject, and also to 
Serra, sending two of the padres, Usson and Figuer, 
up to San Diego with the letter, in September. 

Paterna, acting president in Serra' s absence, wrote 

HIST. CAL., VOL. I. 13 


back that ten friars would not be too many; Serra 
wrote from Tepic, November 10th, that at least eight 
or ten should be sent to California if it could be done 
without disobeying very positive orders of the guar- 
dian, and that he hoped to see Palou himself among 
the number; and finally Verger wrote approving the 
idea of sending eight or ten friars, but expressing 
doubts as to his ability to obtain a stipend for the 
one destined to presidio service, and hoping that Palou 
would decide to come back to the college. The latter 
of course fixed upon the outside number, and imme- 
diately selected eight in addition to the two already 
sent north; neither could he resist the temptation to 
include his own name in the list. 20 It was his plan 
to leave behind temporarily Father Campa, who was 
to act in his own absence as president, and to come 
north later with a drove of cattle, which by authority 
of the viceroy were to be taken from the missions of 
the peninsula. 

Palou was also authorized to take twenty-five na- 
tive families from the frontier missions for the northern 
establishments, arid during the autumn of 1772 and 
the spring of 1773, while occupied with the final de- 
tails of the transfer, he made a beginning of the work, 
meeting many obstacles through the lukewarmness 
of the Dominicans and the open hostility of Governor 
Barri. 21 In July while at Yelicatd, with six of his 
friars, he . received information from Campa that the 
San Carlos had arrived at Loreto laden with supplies 
for San Diego, which it was proposed to unload at 
Loreto while the vessel returned to 'San Bias for re- 
pairs. Foreseeing that this delay was likely to cause 
great want in the new missions, the president resolved 
to suspend his recruiting and press on to San Diego 
immediately with all the maize his mules could carry. 

20 The eight were: Francisco Palou, Pedro Benito Cambon, Gregorio Anrar- 
rio, Fermin Francisco Lasuen, Juan Prestamero, Vicente Fuster, Jos6 Antq- 
moMnrgiiia, Miguel de la Campa y Cos. 

21 Yet Barri writes to Fages Jan. 7, 1773, that he has sent up 30 horses and 
40 mules, all he could collect in the peninsula. Prov. Stab. Pap., MS., i. 138. 


Canibon was left in charge of Indian families, cattle, 
and a considerable amount of church property, re- 
specting which there was much subsequent difficulty, 
as we shall see. He wrote to Governor Barri urging 
him to forward to San Luis Bay as much maize as 
possible, for which he would send back mules from 
San Diego, and with tlje six padres and a guard of 
fourteen men he set otft for the north the 21st of July. 

As the Californian annals of 1772, beginning in the 
extreme north, were made to follow, so to speak, the 
progress of President Serra southward, so may the 
little that .is recorded of 1773 be most conveniently 
attached to the march of President Palou northward 
from Yelicata to Monterey. On the 26th three sol- 
diers were sent out in advance to announce their 
coming, and Paterna and Pena came down far on the 
way to meet the travellers, with all the mules that 
could be spared. The only event in the journey re- 
quiring notice was the raising of a cross, with appro- 
priate ceremonies, to mark the boundary between 
Franciscan and Dominican territory, on the 19th of 
August. The cross was placed on a high rock five 
leagues above the Arroyo of San Juan Bautista and 
about fifteen leagues below San Diego. 22 Arriving at 
the latter port on the morning of the 30th, the new- 
comers were welcomed with a discharge of fire-arms 
and with every demonstration of joy. 

Palou's advance messengers had gone on to Monte- 
rey to obtain from Fages mules to bring up the sup- 
plies from Velicata. While awaiting a reply the presi- 
dent busied himself in studying the condition of af- 
fairs and in making a temporary distribution of the 
new friars, since nothing could be done in the new 
establishments until the vessels came with supplies 
and soldiers. 23 The native families expected from the 

22 The cross bore the inscription, Division de las misiones de Nuestro Padre 
Santo Domingo y de Niiestro Padre San Francisco; ano de 1773. 

23 The missionary force after this distribution was as follows: San Diego 
Luis Jaume, Vicente Fuster, and Gregorio Anmrrio as supernumerary'. San.. 


south were also apportioned in advance among the 
missions according to their apparent need. 24 Paterna, 
Lasuen, and Prestamero started for their stations on 
the 5th of September. On the 19th came a letter 
from Fages with all the mules that could be obtained, 
eighty-two in number, which were sent forward three 
days later under Ortega and a guard for Velicatd. 23 
On the 26th Palou, Murguia, and Pena started for 
the north, after having baptized fifteen new converts 
from El Bincon, a league and a half north of the 

The journey northward presents nothing of inter- 
est, Palou simply stationing his companions at their 
respective missions according to the plan already 
given, and making close observations to be utilized in 
his forthcoming report. At San Luis the party was 
met by Fages^nd a league from Monterey Crespi 
came out to greet his old friend and school-mate. At 
the presidio on November 14th they were welcomed 
with the customary salute and ringing of bells, to 
which Palou replied with a pldtica, expressing to the 
soldiers his joy at seeing that they had come to serve 
God in so distant a land, where he hoped they would 
set a good example to the natives. Then they went 
over to San Carlos and were greeted by the ministers 
and Indians. Palou was very enthusiastic over his 
arrival at Monterey, a place which he had desired to 
visit ever since he read Torquemada's description of 
Vizcaino's voyage over twenty years ago, and a place 
where he was willing to devote his life to the saving 
of precious souls, his own included. 

Gabriel Antonio Paterna, Antonio Cruzado (both of whom had asked leave 
to retire), Juan Figuer, and Fermin Francisco Lasuen. San Luis.Obispo 
Jose" Cavalier, Domingo Juncosa (anxious to retire), later Jose" Antonio Mur- 
guia, with Juan Prestamero and Tomas de la Pena as supernumeraries. San 
Antonio Miguel Pieras, Buenaventura Sitjar, and Ramon Usson as super- 
numerary. San Carlos Juan Crespi, Francisco Dumetz, and Francisco Palou. 

24 San Diego was to have one family ; San Gabriel 6 families, and most of 
the unmarried; and San Luis Obispo 3 families and some solteros. It is pos- 
sible that these Indians came up with Palou. 

25 1 suppose that the 14 soldiers who had come up with Palou also returned, 
though there is no record of it. It is a point, moreover, of some importance 
in tracing the names of the earliest settlers in California. 


It is recorded that some time during 1773 Co- 
mandante Fages, while out in search of deserters, 
crossed the sierra eastward and saw an immense plain 
covered with tulares and a great lake, whence came as 
he supposed the great river that had prevented him 
from going to Point Reyes. This may be regarded 
as the discovery of the Tulare Valley. Thus close 
the somewhat meagre annals of an uneventful year, 
so far as internal affairs in California are concerned, 
but there were measures of much moment being 
fomented without, to which and to a general report 
on the condition of the country the following chapter 
will be devoted. 26 

' 6 0n the events of this chapter see Palou. Not., i. 180-245, 481-513; Id. 
Vida, 134-51. 





THE resolution of the junta de guerra y real hacienda, 
dated April 30, 1772, giving the missions of the 
peninsula to the Dominicans, required the Francis- 
cans to render an annual report on the condition of 
their new establishments; and on May 12th the 
viceroy had ordered such report from the president. 1 
Therefore Palou, president in Serra's absence, gave 
his attention to the matter during his stay at San 
Diego and his trip northward, devoting himself, on 
arrival at Monterey in November, to the task of 
forming from the results of his observations a com- 
plete statement for the viceroy. The document was 
completed the 10th of December 1773, and was for- 
warded to Mexico overland with a letter to the 

J The first document is given in full in Palou, Not., i. 190-5; and the 
second is referred to in Id., ii. 9. 



guardian of San Fernando^^Under date of May 
21st of the same year Seijj^r Mexico had included 
in his report to the viceroy a detailed statement 
of the actual condition of the missions at the time of 
his departure the preceding September, supplemented 
by information derived from later correspondence. 
This report 3 covers substantially the same ground as 
that of Palou and the two combined may be regarded 
as one document. Later annual and biennial reports 
of the missions, preserved in my Library, will be 
utilized for the most part in local chapters and statis- 
tical appendices, being noticed in my text only in a 
general manner or for special reasons. But this first 
report being a very complete statement of California's 
condition at the end of what may be regarded as the 
first period of her mission history, deserves fuller 
notice here. Historical items proper respecting the 
founding of each mission gathered from this source 
as from others having been given in the preceding 
chapters, I now invite the reader's attention to the 
new establishments as they were at the end of 1773, 
the fifth year of Spanish occupation. 

The 'New Establishments/ ' Establishments of San 
Diego and Monterey/ the ' Missions of Monterey/ 
'New California/ 'Northern California/ 'California 
Superior,' 'Alta, California/ and the ' Peninsula '- 
for all these names had been or were a little later ap- 
plied, and continued in use for many years include at 
this time five missions and a presidio. 4 These are San 

2 Palou, In forme queporel mes de diciemlre de 1773 se hizo al Exo Senor 
Virey del estado de las cinco misiones de Monterey, in Palou, Not., ii. 11-42. 

Fages, in his Voyage en Cal. , a report addressed to the Viceroy on Nov. 30, 
1775, used this first report of Palou, to which he, however, gives the date of 
Nov. 24th, instead of Dec. 10th. 

3 Scrra, Representation del P. Fr. Junipero Serra sobrc las Misiones de la 
Nueva California, 21 de Mayo de 1773, MS. This report is in two parts, one 
respecting the needs of the country from a military point of view, and the 
other on the actual condition of the missions. 

4 It is to be noted that Palou in his report does not name San Diego as a 
presidio, and there is no evidence that it was in these earliest years considered 
as such except in the sense that every post guarded by soldiers, like any of 
the missions, is spoken of as a presidio. San Diego had no larger regular force 
than some other missions. It became, however, a regular presidio in 1774 when 
the new reglamento went into effect. 


Diego de Alcald, at Cosoy on the port of San Diego 
in 32 43', built on a hill two gunshots from the shore, 
and facing the entrance to the port at Point Guijarros; 
San Gabriel Arcangel, forty-four leagues north-west 
of San Diego, in the country of Los Temblores in 34 
10', on the slope of a hill half a league from the source 
of the Rio de San Miguel, six leagues west of the 
River Jesus de los Temblores, and a league and a half 
east of the River Nuestra Sefiora de Los Angeles 5 de 


Porciuncula; San Luis Obispo de Tolosa, about seventy 
leagues from San Gabriel in 35 38', on an eminence 
half a league from the Canada de los Osos and three 
leagues from the Ensenada de Buchon, in the country 
of the Tichos; San Antonio de Padua, twenty-three 
leagues above San Luis, in 36 30', in the Canada de 
los Robles of the Sierra de Santa Lucia, at first on 
the River San Antonio, but moved a league and a 
half up the canada to the Arroyo de San Miguel; 
San Carlos Borromeo, on the River Carmelo, one 
league from Monterey and twenty-five leagues from 
San Antonio; and, finally, the presidio of San Carlos 
de Monterey on the bay and port of the same name. 
The five missions are under the care of nineteen 
Franciscan friars of the college de propaganda fide of 
San Fernando in the city of Mexico, whose names 
and distribution, have been given, 6 and who are sub- 
ject locally to the authority of a president residing 
at San Carlos, the cabecera, or head mission of the 
five. 7 The military force to which is intrusted the 
protection of the missions is sixty men, thirty-five 
soldados de cuera and twenty-five Catalan volunteers, 
under a commandant residing at the presidio of Mon- 
terey, each mission having a guard of from six to six- 
teen under a corporal or sergeant, while about twenty 

5 This is the first application of the name Los Angeles to this region, and ia 
doubtless the origin of the name as afterward applied to the pueblo and city. 

c See note 23, chap. viii. of this volume. 

7 A full description of the mission system in all its parts and workings will 
be given elsewhere; also of the presidio or military system, and of civil gov- 


men garrison the presidio under the commandant's 
direct orders. The civil and political authority is 
blended theoretically, for there is no record of the 
practical exercise of any such power in these earliest 
days, with the military, and vested in the commandant, 
who is in civil matters responsible and subordinate to 
the governor of the Californias, residing at Loreto. 
The population consists of military officials and soldiers, 
friars and their neophytes, a few mechanics under gov- 
ernment pay, servants and slaves- all these of Spanish, 
negro, Indian, and mixed blood some natives of Baja 
California serving as laborers without other wages 
than their sustenance, and, finally, thousands of gen- 
tile natives. There are as yet no colonists or settlers 
proper. 8 

Glancing first at the mission work par excellence, 
the conversion of the heathen to Christianity, we find 
a total of 491 baptisms for the first five years, 29 of 
them having died, and 62 couples, representing doubt- 
less nearly all the adult converts, have been united in 
marriage by Christian rites. 9 The two northern mis- 
sions with 165 and 158 baptisms are far above the 
southern establishments, which are 83 and 73 respect- 
ively, while the newly founded San Luis has only 
twelve converts. 10 It is to be noted, however, that 
the friars have not in several of the missions baptized 
so many as they might have done, preferring that the 
candidates should be well instructed, and often re- 
strained by an actual or prospective lack of supplies, 
since they are unwilling to receive formal neophytes 
whom they may not be able to supply with food. 
Again, more than half the whole number have been 
baptized during the year and a half since Serra's 
departure. The gentiles are now everywhere friendly 

8 The matter of the preceding paragraph has not been drawn from the 
reports of Palou and Serra. 

"Complete statistics of baptisms, marriages, deaths, and population for 
every mission and every decade from the beginning will be given in uieir proper 

10 So say the general reports; yet the mission baptismal register shows a 
total of 34 baptisms in 1772 and 4 in 1773. 


as a rule, and have for the most part overcome their 
original timidity, and to some extent also the distrust 
caused by outrages of the soldiers. 11 Only at San 
Diego have there been unprovoked hostilities. Near 
each mission, except San Luis, is a rancheria of gen- 
tiles living in rude little huts of boughs, tules, grass, 
or of whatever material is at hand. Many of these sav- 
ages come regularly as catechumens to doctrina, and 
often those of more distant rancherias are induced to 
come in and listen to the music and receive trifling 
gifts of food and beads. The neophytes are generally 
willing to work when the friars can feed them, which 
is not always the case; but it does not appear that at 
this early period they live regularly in the mission 
buildings as in later times. At San Diego there are 
eleven rancherias within a radius of ten leagues, living 
on grass, seeds, fish, and rabbits. A canoe and net 
are needed that the christianized natives may be taught 
improved methods of fishing. 12 At San Gabriel the 
native population is larger than elsewhere, so large in 
fact that more than one mission will be needed in that 
region. The different rancherias are unfortunately at 
war with each other, and that near the mission being 
prevented from going to the sea for fish is often in 
great distress for food. Here the conduct of the sol- 
diers causes most trouble, but the natives are rapidly 
being conciliated. At San Luis the population is also 
very large and the natives are from the first firm 
friends of the Spaniards; but as they have plenty of 
deer, rabbits, fish, and seeds, being indeed far better 
supplied with food than the Spaniards, it is difficult to 

11 That the irregular conduct of the soldiers was one of the chief obstacles 
to missionary success there can be little doubt; yet it is not likely that the 
comandante was so much to blame as Serra says. His dislike for Fages colors 
his report. Have misfortunes of any kind occurred at a mission, they were 
entirely due to the mismanagement of ' a certain official;' has another mission 
been prosperous, it was in spite of that mismanagement. 

12 According to Serra nearly all in the rancheria that had formerly attacked 
the mission had been converted. The ' oficial ' was displeased that so many 
had been baptized, and he had wished to remove the natives to a distance on 
pretence of danger to the presidio, but Serra had objected strenuously and 
every one else ridiculed the proposal ! 


render mission life fascinating to them, articles of cloth- 
ing being the chief attraction. They come often to 
the mission but do not stay, having no rancheria in 
the vicinity. At San Antonio the natives are ready 
to live at the mission when the priests are ready for 
them, and far from depending on the missionaries for 
food they bring in large stores of pine-nuts, acorns, 
rabbits, and squirrels. 13 At San Carlos converts are 
most numerous, but for want of food they cannot be 
kept at the mission. Here and also at San Antonio 
three soldiers have already married native women. 

It is a rude architecture, that of pre-pastoral Cali- 
fornia, being stockade or palisade structures, which 
were abandoned later in favor of adobe walls. At 
every mission a line of high strong posts, set in the 
ground close together, encloses the rectangular space 
which contains the simple wooden buildings serving 
as church and dwellings, the walls of which also in 
most instances take the stockade form. The buildings 
at San Carlos are somewhat fully described by Serra. 
The rectangle here is seventy yards long and forty- 
three wide, with ravelins at the corners. For want of 
nails the upright palisades are not secured at the top, 
and the ease with which they can be moved renders 
the strong gate locked at night an object of ridicule. 
Within, the chief building, also of palisade walls plas- 
tered inside and out with mud or clay, is seven by fifty 
yards and divided into six rooms. One room serves 
as a church, another as the minister's dwelling, and 
another as a storehouse, the best rooms being white- 
washed with lime. This building is roofed with mud 
supported by horizontal timbers. A slighter structure 
used as a kitchen is roofed with grass. The quarters 

13 They had revealed, as Serra says, the locality of the cave where their 
idols were kept, so that those idols could be destroyed at any time. The 
assessor of Monterey County in his report to the surveyor-general, according 
to an item going the rounds of local newspapers, mentions a large cave in this 
region covered on the inside with hieroglyphics and having a cross cut in its 
walls traditionally by the hands of Serra himself. Near the cave is a hot sul- 
phur spring. It would be difficult to prove the non-identity of the two caves. 


of the soldiers are distinct from the mission and are 
enclosed by a separate palisade, while outside of both 
enclosures are the simple huts of the rancheria. 
Between the dates of the two reports it is found that 
the mud roofs do not prove effective against the winter 
rains ; and a new church partly of rough and partly of 
worked timber is built and roofed with tules. The 
timber used is the pine and cypress still so abundant 
in that region. At San Luis and San Gabriel the 
buildings are of the same nature, if somewhat less 
extensive and complete, there being also a small house 
within the stockade for each of the Baja Californian 
families. At San Diego, where the stockade is in a 
certain sense a presidio, two bronze cannons are 
mounted, one pointing toward the harbor, and the 
other toward the rancheria. Here, in addition to wood 
and tules, or rushes, adobes have also been used in con- 
structing the friars' house. 14 Four thousand adobes 
have been made, some stone have been collected, and 
the foundation laid of a church ninety feet long ; but 
work has been suspended on account of the non-arrival 
of the supply-vessels in 1773. At San Antonio the 
church and padres' dwelling are built of adobes, and 
the three soldiers married to native women have each 
a separate house. The presidio at Monterey is also a 
stockade enclosure with a cannon mounted in each of 
its four ravelins at the corners. The soldiers' quarters 
and other rooms within are of wood with mud roofs, 
except a chapel and room for the visiting friar, which 
are of adobe, as in the commandant's house and the jail. 

But slight progress has been made in agriculture; 
though by repeated failures the padres are gaining 
experience for future success, and a small vegetable 
garden at each mission, carefully tended and irrigated 
by hand, has been more or less productive. At San 
Diego, at first, grain was sown in the river-bottom and 
the crop entirely destroyed by a rising of the stream. 

14 Serra says that a large part of the buildings were of adobes. 


Next year, it was sown so far away from the water 
that it died from drought all but five or eight fanegas 
saved for seed. The river now dried up, affording no 
running water as we are assured even in the rainy 
season, though plenty of water for the cattle and for 
other uses could always be found in' pools or by slight 
digging in the bed of the stream. Irrigation being 
thus impossible the rain must be depended on, and 
while Palou was here a spot was selected for the next 
experiment in the river- bottom, about two leagues 
from the mission, at a spot called Nuestra Senora del 
Pilar, where rain was thought to be more abundant 
and the risk of flood and drought somewhat less. 15 
San Gabriel is in a large, fertile, well watered plain, 
with every facility for irrigation. Though the first 
year's crop, according to Serra, had been drowned out 
and entirely lost, the second, as Palou tells us, pro- 
duced one hundred and thirty fanegas of maize and 
seven fanegas of beans, the first yielding one hundred 
and ninety-five fold and the latter twenty-one fold. 
Planting the next year was to be on a much larger 
scale with every prospect of success. San Luis has 
also plenty of fertile, \vell watered, and well wooded 
land which has yielded a little maize and beans the 
first year, and promised well for the future. At San 
Antonio two fanegas of wheat are to be sown on irri- 
gated land. San Carlos has some good land, and though 
there are no advantages for irrigation, it is thought 
maize and wheat can be raised. By reason of late sow- 
ing only five fanegas of wheat were harvested in 1772. 
Pasturage is everywhere excellent, and the little 
live-stock distributed among the missions has flourished 
from the beginning. Each mission has received 18 
head of horned cattle and has now from 38 to 47 head, 
or 204 in the aggregate, with 63 horses, 79 mules, 102 
swine, and 161 sheep and goats at San Diego and 

15 Palou, Not., i. 240-1. The place must have been near the site of the 
later mission. Serra says it was the crop of 1772 that was destroyed by flood, 
only 8 fanegas being saved. 


San Gabriel alone. Some memoranda of farmers' and 
mechanics' tools are given in connection with each 
mission; but there are no mechanics save at the pre- 
sidio. Palou has something to say of the missions to 
be founded in the future, but nothing that requires 
attention here, except perhaps that the proposed Santa 
Clara is not identical with the mission that is later 
founded under that name, but is to be on the Santa 
Clara River in the southern part of the province. 16 

Having thus laid before the reader the condition of 
California in 1773, the end of the first period of her 
history, I have now to consider the important meas- 
ures for her welfare, urged and adopted at the capital 
of New Spain during the same year. First, however, 
a royal order of September 10, 1772, must be briefly 
noticed in which the king issued a series of regula- 
tions and instructions for the new line of royal pre- 
sidios, to be formed along the northern frontier of his 
American possessions. 17 These regulations, the mili- 
tary law in California as in all the north-west for 
many years, will require to be studied somewhat in 
detail when I come to describe the presidio system; 
but as an historical document under its own date it did 
not affect California as it did other provinces, where, it 
abolished or transferred old presidios, established new 
ones, and effected radical changes in their manage- 
ment. Its last section is as follows : " I declare that 

16 The receipt of Palou 's report was acknowledged by the viceroy in a letter 
of May 25, 1774, received July 6th, and answered July 28th; but there is 
nothing of importance in this correspondence. A resume" with extracts of 
Palou's report was published in the 8. F. Bulletin, Oct. 12, 1865. In San 
Gabriel, Lib. cle Mision, MS., 6-8, is a circular letter addressed to the padres 
of California by Palou, requiring each of them, or each pair of them, at the 
end of every December to send in full reports of their respective missions to 
the president, from which he might form his general report to the viceroy, 
since it would be impossible for him to visit each mission annually. This let- 
ter was dated San Gabriel, Oct. 9, 1773, while the writer was at work on his 
first report. 

i; Presidios, Recjlamento e Instruction para los Presidios que se lian deformar 
en la linea defrontera.de la Nueva Espana. Resuelto por el Rey N. S. en cedula 
de 10 de Septiembre de 1772, Madrid, 1772. Sm. 4to, 122 pages. My copy was 
presented by Viceroy Bucareli to Melchor de Peramas. I have also the edition 
of Mexico, 1773. Svo, 132 pages. 


the presidios of California are to continue for the pres- 
ent on their actual footing according to the provisions 
made by my viceroy after the conquest and reduction 
had been extended to the port of Monterey; and on 
the supposition that he has provisionally assigned the 
annual sum of thirty-three thousand dollars for the 
needs and protection of that peninsula, I order and 
command that this sum be still paid , at the end of 
each year from the royal treasury of Guadalajara, as 
has been done of late; and that my viceroy sustain 
and aid by all possible means the old and new estab- 
lishments of said province, and inform me of all that 
he may deem conducive and useful to tlleir progress, 
and to the extension of the new reductions of gentile 
Indians." 18 

President Serra, having left California in the pre- 
ceding September, arrived at the city of Mexico in 
February 1773. The objects of his visit were to see 
to it that California was not neglected through igno- 
rance or indifference on the part of the new viceroy, 
to urge certain general measures for the good of his 
province suggested by his experience of the past five 
years, to get rid of the commandant, Fages, his bitter 
foe and the cause, from the friar's point of view, of all 
that was not pure prosperity in the missions, and to 
procure such regulations as would prevent similar 
troubles with future commandants by putting all the 
power into the friars' hands and reducing the military 
element to a minimum. 19 He found Bucareli not 
less favorably disposed than had been his predecessor 
Croix, and was by him instructed to prepare a memo- 
rial, in which were to be embodied his views on the 
questions at issue. Being authorized to do so by his 
superior, the guardian of San Fernando, and having 

18 Presidios, Reglamento, 120-1. 

19 Serra had received from California a certificate from Fages dated Mon- 
terey, Dec. 22, 1772, to the effect that the missions were all supplied with 
padres and that Serra had left on business connected with his work. Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., i. 86. It seems strange that Serra did not get this certificate 
at his departure if necessary, and that Fages should have sent it voluntarily, 
for there was no time to send back for it. 


hastened the sailing of the San Carlos with supplies, 
Padre Junipero set himself diligently to work, com- 
pleted the required document on March 13th, and 
presented it two days later to the viceroy. 20 

His suggestions or claims were thirty-two in num- 
ber, formed without any attempt at classification into 
as many articles of the memorial. I shall avoid much 
confusion and repetition by referring to the several 
points in the order in which they were acted upon 
rather than as they were presented. His first and 
second claims were for a master and mate to aid 
Perez on the transports, since Pino had leave of ab- 
sence, and Canizares was too young to have full charge 
of a vessel ; and that the new vessel be made ready as 
soon as possible. He soon found, however, that in 
order to cut down expenses to agree with the royal 
order of September 10, 1772, already alluded to, it had 
been > determined in Mexico to give up the San Bias 
establishment and to depend on mule trains for the 
forwarding of supplies to San Diego and Monterey. 

Against this policy the California champion sent in 
a: new memorial dated the 22d of April. 21 In this 
document he argued that the conveyance of supplies 
By land would be very difficult if not impossible, that 
it would cost the royal treasury much more than the 
present system, and that it would seriously interfere 
with the spiritual conquest. Besides at least a hun- 
dred men and horses, there would be required eleven 
hundred, and probably fifteen hundred, mules for the 
service, which it would be impossible to obtain in 
time to prevent much suffering in California if not its 
total abandonment, to say nothing of the excessive 
cost. The great expense of the San Bias establish- 
ment had been largely due to the building of new 
vessels and warehouses, not necessary in the future. 
There had possibly been some mismanagement that 

20 S 'err u, Representation de 13 de. Marzo 1773, MS.; also in Palou, Not., i. 
514-38; and elsewhere in fragments and abridgments. 

21 Serra, Memorial de 22 de Abril, solre suministradones a los Establecimien- 
tos de California y conduction 


might be avoided; in any case some kind of a marine 
establishment must be kept up for the transport of 
supplies to Loreto, and the muleteers would be quite 
as numerous and expensive as the sailors. Moreover, 
.the oft-repeated passage of large caravans of careless, 
rough, and immoral men across the long stretch of 
country between Velicatd, and Monterey could not 
fail to have a bad effect on the natives along the 
route. These arguments proved unanswerable, and 
the viceroy ordered that for the present, until the 
king's pleasure could be known, the San Bias trans- 
ports should continue their service, with the slight 
changes suggested by Father Junipero, who thus 
gained the first two points of his original demand. 

The thirty remaining points of the representation 
were by the viceroy submitted to the junta de guerra 
y real hacienda board of war and royal exchequer 
which august body on May 6th granted eighteen 
of them and part of another, denying only a part of 
article 32, in which Serra asked to have paid the ex- 
penses of his journey to Mexico. Thus twenty-one 
of the original points were disposed of almost entirely 
in Serra's favor. 23 Four of these bore upon the past 
troubles between the Franciscan and military author- 
ities, and were designed to curtail the powers which, 
as the former claimed, had been assumed by the latter. 
By the decision the commandant was required to 
transfer from the mission guard to the presidio, at the 
minister's request, any soldier of irregular conduct and 
bad example, and this without the padre being obliged 
to name or prove the soldier's offence; the missiona- 
ries were to have the right to manage the mission 
Indians as a father would manage his family, and the 

22 The document had, however, previously, March 16th to April 5th, been 
in the hands of the fiscal Areche, whose report was favorable; and had then been 
passed to the proper bureau to be prepared for presentation to the junta. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 88-9. 

23 Those were 1-4, 8, 9, 12, 15-25, 27, 28, and 32, leaving 11 points yet 
undecided. The junta was composed of Viceroy Bucareli, Valcarcel, Toro, 
Areche, Barroeta, Abad, Toral, Valdes, Gutierrez, Mangino, Arce, and Jose" 

HIST. CAL., VOL. I. 11 


military commandant should be instructed to pre- 
serve perfect harmony with the padres; 24 property 
arid letters for the friars or missions were to be for- 
warded separately instead of being enclosed to the 
presidio commander; and the friars' correspondence 
was not to be meddled with, passing free of mail 
charges like that of the soldiers. By the terms of 
the decision on the other points Serra was to receive 
his regular pay as a missionary, during his whole 
absence from California. Contributions of food from 
the Tepic region were to be forwarded expressly for 
the missions, and Governor Barri was not to hinder 
the removal of the church property at Velicata*. Sail- 
ors might be enlisted at San Bias and employed as 
laborers at the missions, receiving rations for one 
year as if on board vessels, but they could not be 
forced to remain after the year had passed, and the 
regular crews of the transports must not be inter- 
fered with. Two blacksmiths, two carpenters, with 
some tools and material were to be sent from Guada- 
lajara for the exclusive use of the missions. Seven 
additional bells were to be furnished, four of them 
having already been sent to Monterey. Additional 
vestments were to be sent to take the place of soiled, 
worn, and 'indecent' articles contained in some of the 
cases from Baja California. San Bias measures were\ 
to be adjusted on a proper basis and a full set of 
standards sent to each mission. Greater care was to 
be taken in packing food for California, where it often 
arrived in bad condition. Cattle for the proposed 
missions were to be under the temporary care of the 
missionaries, who might use their milk. A new sur- 
geon was to be sent in the place of Prat, deceased, 
and finally a copy of the junta's decision was to be 

24 This was hardly what had been asked for by Serra, who wished officers 
and soldiers notified that the entire management of the Indians belonged 
exclusively to the padres, and that the military had no right to interfere in 
matters of discipline or punishment except in the case of delltos de sangre. 
The junta was very careful not to commit itself very decidedly in the quarrel 
between Serra and Pages. The viceroy, however, in subsequent instructions 
came nearer to Serra's views. 


given to Sefra, that the missionaries might hereafter 
act understandingly. 

The president was charged to return as soon as 
possible to his post, after having made a complete 
report on the condition of each mission. 25 

Several points of Serra's petition connected with 
the military and financial aspects of the subject under 
consideration had been left by the junta to be pro- 
vided for in a new regulation for the Californias. 
This document was drawn up on May 19th by Juan 
Jose Echeveste, deemed an expert in the matter, since 
he had superintended for some years the forwarding 
of supplies. 26 This plan provided for California a cap- 
tain, a lieutenant, eighty soldiers, eight mechanics, 
two store-keepers, and four muleteers, with salaries 
amounting to $38,985 per year; for Baja California a 
commissary, a lieutenant, and thirty-four soldiers, 
with a governor of both Californias, all at an annual 
cost of $16,450; a commissary and dock-yard depart- 
ment at San Bias to cost, including rations for soldiers 
and employes in both Californias, $29,869; and a 
transport fleet of &fragata and two paquebotes serving 
both Californias at an annual cost for wages and 
rations of $34,038, forming a grand total of $119,342. 
Payment was to be made, however, to officers and 
men in the Californias, save to the governor and com- 
missary, in goods at an advance on the original cost 
of one hundred per cent for the peninsula, and of one 
hundred and fifty per cent for New California; a 
regulation which reduced the total cost to $90,476. 
To meet this expense 27 there were the $33,000 prom- 

25 May 12th, the viceroy decreed the execution of the junta's resolutions, 
the issuance of the necessary orders, and the preparation of records in 
duplicate. May 13th, the secretary Gorraez certifies the delivery of a copy 
to Serra. May 14th, a certified copy was made for the king. Copin de lo 
dtterminado por la Heal Junta de Guerra y Real Hacienda, in Palou, S~ot. i., 
540-53; also in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 89. 

20 Reglamento e instruction provisional para el auxilio y conservation de Io8 
nuevos y antiguas establecimientos de las Californias con el departamento de San 

s, etc., MS. ; also in Palou, Not^i., 556-71. The printed copy is, however, 

full of errors in figures. Also in Arch. Col., St. Pap. Ben., MS., 1-24. 
21 This part of the reglamento is omitted in Palou's printed copy. 


ised by the king in his order of September 10, 1772; 
25,000, estimated yield of the salt-works near San 
Bias, which had, it seems, been assigned to the Cali- 
fornias; and a probable net revenue of $10,000 from 
the pious fund, still leaving a balance of $22,476 to 
be paid from the royal treasury. 

Echeveste added to his plan seventeen puntos in- 
structivos, suggestive and explanatory, from which it 
appears that in the author's judgment, the state of 
the treasury and pious fund did not warrant the grant- 
ing of other aid than that provided, which must there- 
fore suffice for new missions if any were to be founded ; 
that the sailors enlisted a's mission laborers, according 
to the recommendation of the junta, should be paid 
sailor's wages for two years and receive rations for five 
years; that instead of the previous system by which 
each mission received a stipend of 700 and certain 
supplies it would be better to give a stipend of $800, 
being $400 for each minister, and double rations for 
five years to all the friars, including those waiting for 
the foundation of new missions, the double rations 
amounting to $1,779 being charged to the pious fund 
as an addition to the stipend ; that the commissary at 
San Bias should buy maize and meat instead of raising 
it, selling the rancho and sending the mule train to 
Loreto or San Diego; and finally, in addition to some 
suggestions about minor details of business manage- 
ment, that Echeveste's successor 28 should be allowed a 
salary of $2,000, thus raising the amount to come out 
of the treasruy to $24,476. 

On the 21st of May Serra presented, as required, 
a full report on the California missions, giving the 
history of each from its foundation and its condition 
in September 1772, the date of the writer's depart- 
ure. The substance of this statement has been 
already presented to the reader. The writer included, 
however, an argument respecting the number of 
soldiers needed in California. In article 10 of his 

28 Exactly what Echeveste's office was does not appear. 


original petition he had demanded one hundred men; 
but that number had seemed too great to the junta, 
which had reserved its decision and called for more 
information. Echeveste, as we have seen, reduced the 
number to eighty, and now Serra, by giving up the 
proposed mission of Santa Clara 29 and reducing the 
guard of San Buenaventura, assented to the reduction 
in the aggregate; but objected to the distribution. 
Echeveste had assigned twenty -five men to each of 
the two presidios and a guard of six men to each of 
the five missions, or of five to each of six missions ; 30 
but Serra would assign to Monterey fifteen men, to 
San Buenaventura fifteen, to San Diego thirteen, to 
San Ca>los seven, and to each of the other missions 
ten. He argued that in a country of so many inhabi- 
tants with missions so far apart, a guard of five men 
was not sufficient for adequate protection. The wily 
friar's policy or rather, perhaps, the enthusiastic 
missionary's hope was by securing a double guard 
to be enabled to double the number of his missions 
without being obliged to ask the presidio commanders 
for soldiers allowed them by the regulation. 31 

On May 2Gth the viceroy addressed to Fages a 
series of instructions, provisional in their nature, pend- 
ing the final approval of the regulations. These 
instructions covered the same ground as the decision 
of the junta on May 6th, but also granted two addi- 
tional requests of Serra by authorizing Fages to issue 
a pardon to all deserters in California; and to replace 
with new men such soldiers as had families far away, 
from whom they had been long separated/' 


29 It is to be noticed that no mention is made of San Francisco in any of 
these calculations. 

30 The idea of moving San Diego mission was doubtless already entertained, 
though nothing is said of it here. 

Zl Serra, Itepres. de 21 de Mayo, MS. Also translated by Taylor, and 
printed in Cal. Farmer, Sept., Oct. 1865, and pasted in Taylor's Disc-on, and 
Found. , ii. 49. This Representation with that of April 22d was referred to the 
fiscal on June 10th. 

Bucareli, Providendas de 26 de Mayo 1773, MS. Serra had asked for 
leave of absence in behalf of eight soldiers either on account of long separa- 
tion from their wives, or unfitness for duty. From several of these he brought 


Bucareli referred Echeveste's regulation on May 
24th to his legal adviser, Areche, who in his opinion 
of June 14th repeats all the articles of the document 
with a general approval. He calls attention, however, 
to the fact that no provision is made for the expense 
of ammunition, nor for the surgeon promised by the 
junta. He also suggests a doubt as to the ability of 
the pious fund to pay the $11,779 required of it in 
addition to the large sum expended in the mission- 
aries' stipends; and he recommends a reference of the 
matter to the director of the fund before its final con- 
sideration by the junta. 83 

In accordance with Areche's suggestion, Fernando 
J. Mangino, director of the pious fund, was called 
upon for a report, which he made on June 19th, show- 
ing that the available product of the fund was $20,687, 
though a large part of that amount being the yield of 
sheep ranches, was subject to some variation; that the 
present liability for missionary stipends was $14,879; 
and that there would remain but $5,808 with which 
to pay the $11,779 called for; though the amount 
might be increased by $2,662 if the colleges were 
obliged to pay five per cent on loans. 34 

On the 8th of July the board met to finally decide 
on the whole matter. The decision was to put Eche- 
veste's plan in force from January 1, 1774, the only 
changes being an order that the San Bias mule train 
be sold and not transferred to California; a recom- 
mendation that the four extra vessels at San Bias be 
sold and not used in the gulf; and some suggestions 

petitions which are given in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 87. These instructions 
probably went up on the San Carlos to Loreto and were carried to San Diego 
by Palou, reaching Fages in September 1773. 

83 Areche, Parecer sobre Reylam. de Cal. 14 de Junio 1773, MS.; also in 
Palou, Not., i. 572-80. Areche made a supplementary report June 30th on 
Serra's representaciones of April 22d and May 21st; but adds nothing to the 
subjects treated, beyond expressing regret that the mission work in America 
does not prosper as in days of old, and suggesting that it would be better if 
the California missions were not so far apart. Areche, Respuesta Fiscal de 30 
de Junio 1773, MS. 

84 Mangino, Respuesta sobre Fondo Piadoso, 19 de Junio 1773, MS.; and also 
less accurately in Palou, Not., i. 580-6. The report contains much additional 
information about the pious fund which will be utilized elsewhere. 


respecting minor details of business management. As 
to the ways and means, however, in view of Man- 
gino's report, the pious fund was to furnish from 
moneys on hand $10,000 for the first year only, and 
the remaining expense, $59,476, would be borne by 
the treasury, aided by the San Bias salt-works. 35 The 
surgeon's salary was also to be paid; but nothing was 
said about the expense of ammunition. On July 23d 
the viceroy decreed the execution of the decision, 
ordered nine certified copies made, thanked Echeveste 
for his services, and directed him to hunt up a sur- 

Three points of Serra's original memorial, on which 
a decision had been reserved, were settled by the 
board's last action. These were a petition that routes 
be explored to California from Sonora and New Mex- 
ico, not acted on by the junta but granted by the 
viceroy; a demand for one hundred soldiers, eighty of 
whom were granted by the regulation; and a request 
for Spanish or Indian families from California denied 
by non-action. Four other points had been left to 
be settled by the reglamento; the establishment of a 
storehouse at Monterey, the right of each mission to 
a soldier acting as a kind of inajordomo, a demand 
for mules, and a reward in live-stock to persons mar- 
rying native women. The first was practically granted 
by the appointment of store-keepers at Monterey and 
San Diego, while the third was practically denied by 
the order to sell the mule train at San Bias. 36 The 
others do not seem to have been acted upon. 

One important matter was still in abeyance, and 
this was now settled by Bucareli in accordance with 
Serra's wishes, by the removal of Fages and the 
appointment of another officer to succeed him. In 
selecting a new commander, however, the president's 

35 Reglamento, Determination de8 de Julio 1773, in Palou, Not., i. 589-94. 

36 Yet the viceroy soon ordered 100 mules to be distributed among the 
missions, and ordered Captain Anza to open communication by land between 
Tubac and Monterey. 


choice was not followed, since Ortega, his favorite for 
the place, was not deemed of sufficiently high military 
rank, and Captain Rivera y Moncada was named as 
California's new ruler. 37 Ortega was bre vetted lieuten- 
ant and put in command of San Diego, which was now 
to be a regular presidio. 

The exact date of Rivera's appointment I do not 
know, but it probably preceded by only a few days 
that of his instructions, which were issued on the 17th 
of August. These instructions in forty-two articles 
are long and complete, 38 and some portions will be 
given more fully elsewhere when I come to treat of 
the institutions to which they refer. The purport of 
the document is as follows : 

Copies of the regulations and action of the board 
are enclosed. Great confidence is felt in Rivera's 
ability, and knowledge gained by long experience, 
which experience must have taught him how impor- 
tant it is to preserve perfect harmony, so that both 
commander and friars may devote themselves exclu- 
sively to their respective duties. The first object is 
of course the conversion of the natives; but next in 
importance is their gathering in mission towns for 
purposes of civilization. These little towns may be- 
come great cities; hence the necessity of avoiding 
defects in the beginning, of care in the selection of 
sites, in the assignment of lands, laying out of streets, 

The commander is authorized to assign lands to 
communities, and also to such individuals as are dis- 
posed to work; but all must dwell in the pueblo or 
mission, and all grants must be made with due regard 
to the formalities of law. Missions may be converted 

37 In a letter to Serra dated Nov. 8, 1774, the guardian warns him not to 
quarrel with the new governor, who doubtless had secret instructions and 
would cause any contrarieties to react upon the padres. Serra 's weakness was 
not unknown to his superiors. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 191-2. 

38 Bucardi, Instruction que debe observar el Comandante nombrado para lo& 
JUxfablecimientos de San Diego y Monterey, 1773, MS., also copy from the 
original in Mayer, MS., No. 18. Translated extracts chiefly on pueblos and 
colonization in llalleck's Report, 133; Dwindles Colon. Hist. Add., 2. 


into pueblos when sufficiently advanced, retaining the 
name of the patron saint. New missions may be 
founded by the commander, acting in accord with the 
president, whenever it can be done without risk to 
the old ones. Rivera is to report to the viceroy on 
needs of the royal service in his province. 

The captain is charged with recruiting soldiers to 
complete the full number. Married recruits must 
take their families, and unmarried ones the papers to 
prove that they are single. The Catalan volunteers 
are to return with their lieutenant by the first vessel. 
Strict discipline and good conduct must be enforced 
among soldiers, employes, and civilians, vicious and 
incorrigible persons being sent back to San Bias. The 
commandant must be subordinate to the governor at 


Loreto only to the extent of reporting to him and 
maintaining harmonious relations. Communication 
with the peninsula by land should be frequent. Good 
faith must be kept with the Indians, and the control, 
education, and correction of neophytes are to be left 
exclusively to the friars, acting in the capacity of 
fathers toward children. 

No vessels are to be admitted to Californian ports 
except the San Bias transports and the Philippine 
vessels, and no trade with either foreign or Spanish 
vessels is to be permitted. The captains of the trans- 
ports are not to be interfered with in the management 
of their vessels, but they cannot admit on board or 
take away any person without a written request from 
the commandant, who is to grant such requests only 
for urgent reasons. San Francisco should be explored 
as soon as practicable, and the mission of San Diego 
may be moved if it be deemed best. A complete 
diary of all events and measures must be kept in a 
book, and literal copies forwarded to the superior 
government as often as opportunity occurs. Three 
complete inventories are to be made on taking pos- 
session of government property, one for the viceroy, 
one for Fages, and one to be kept by Rivera. All 


records and archives to be carefully cared for, and 
finally these instructions to be kept profoundly secret. 
These instructions, with the regulations that precede 
and similar instructions of the next year to the gov- 
ernor, constituted the law of California for many years. 
Rivera was in Guadalajara when appointed, though it 
does not appear from the record when he had come down 
from San Diego. He went to Mexico to receive his 
instructions in person and then hastened to Sinaloa to 
recruit soldiers and families for his command, finishing 
his task and arriving with fifty- one persons, great 
and small, in March 1774 at Loreto, whence he soon 
started northward overland. 39 At about the same 
time that Rivera received his orders/ that is in 
August, Bucareli also authorized Captain Juan Bau- 
tista de Anza to attempt the overland route from 
Sonora to Monterey, and that officer after some delays 
began his march from Tubac in the following January. 
Early in September, after Rivera and Anza had re- 
ceived their instructions, the viceroy wrote to Fages, 
announcing the appointment of Rivera, and ordering 
him to give up the command, and to return by the 
first vessel with his company of Catalan volunteers to 
join his regiment at the Real de Pachuca. 40 

And now Father Serra, having successfully com- 
pleted his task in Mexico, is ready to return home- 
ward to utilize the aid and put in practice the reforms 
for which he has toiled. Kissing the feet of every 
friar at the college, begging their pardon for any bad 
example he has set, and bidding them farewell for- 
ever, the good friar, with Padre Pablo Mugartegui, 
sets out in September for the west coast. At Tepic 
he waits until the new vessel, the Santiago or Nueva, 
Galicia, is ready for sea, which is not until January 24, 
1774. In addition to the articles granted by the gov- 

39 Letter of Rivera to viceroy, dated Loreto, March 25th, in Arch. Sta Ear- 
bara, MS., xi. 378-9; Palou, Not., i. G09-10. 

40 Bucareli to Pages, Sept. 7, 1773, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 140. 


ernment Padre Junipero has obtained from the vice- 
roy a liberal limosna, or alms, of supplies for the 
exclusive use of the missions, 41 invoiced separately to 

f^atify the friar's pride and avoid complications with 
ages who is still in command. The regular supplies 
for the northern missions, with a part of the pittance, 
are taken by the Santiago, Captain Perez, who has 
orders to undertake explorations to the north of Mon- 
terey. Supplies for San Diego and the southern 
missions are left for the San Antonio, to sail later. 42 

41 The articles officially granted were: 3 cases of vestments for San Gabriel, 
San Antonio, and San Luis, 5 nests, or sets, of measures, 6 in each, one forge 
with appurtenances, and 5 quintals, 3 arrobas of iron. The limosna to suffice 
for 5 years was 5 packages of cloths for Indians as follows: 107 blankets, 29 
pieces mania poblana, 488 yds striped sackcloth, 389 yds blue baize, 10 Ibs 
blue maguey cloth for little girls; also 4 reams fine paper, 5 bales red pepper, 
100 arrobas tasajo, 16 boxes panocha, 4 boxes beads, 10 boxes hams, 6 boxes 
chocolate, 3 bbls lard, 9 bales lentils, 1 bale and 9 jugs olive-oil, 4 bbls Caa- 
tilian wine, 3 bbls brandy, 9 bales chickpeas, 6 bales rice, 160 bales flour, 
900 fanegas maize, 250 fanegas beans. Palou, Not., i. 603-5. 

42 Respecting Serra's work in Mexico in addition to the authorities cited, 
see Palou, Vida, 150-9. It is related that when Serra arrived in San Bias 
from California and saw the Santiago in the dock-yard, he remarked that ho 
would return in her, a remark that excited some ridicule, because everybody 
thought the San Bias establishment on the point of being abandoned. 




WE have seen that Anza from Sonora, Serra from 
Mexico via. Jalisco, and Rivera from Sinaloa via the 
peninsula were all en route for Monterey under vice- 
regal orders in the spring of 1774. California annals 
for that year may be most clearly presented by fol- 
lowing those expeditions, in the order named, as a 
thread to which may be attached all recorded events. 
Previous to their arrival there is nothing known of 
matters in the north, save that great want was ex- 
perienced through the non-appearance of the vessels 
due the year before. 1 

When Galvez was preparing the first expeditions 
to the north in 1769, Captain Juan Bautista de Anza, 
commander of the Tubac presidio in Sonora, a brave 
officer like his father, as we have seen in the annals 

1 A ' cruelisima hambre,' Palou calls it, Vida, 153, 159-60, the greatest ever 
experienced. No bread, no chocolate, only miHoand herbs ' salted by tears.' 
Milk had to be eaten by all from the commandant down. They had some 
very strange ideas of what constituted a famine. Soup of peas or beans took 
the place of tortillas, and coffee had to do instead of chocolate. The natives 
all left the mission to seek for food. Id., JNot. t i. COS. 



of Pimeria, became interested in the scheme, and 
offered to make the trip by land at his own expense 
to meet the sea expedition. The route up to the 
Colorado and Gila junction had often been traversed, 
and it had long been a favorite plan, especially among 
the old Jesuit pioneers, to reach the northern coasts 
from this direction ; but for some reason not explained 
the visitador declined the offer. Anza, however, re- 
newed his proposition later, when San Diego and 
Monterey had been occupied, and finally Bucareli, 
authorized by the king to pay the expense from the 
royal coffers, 2 and urged by Father Junipero in his 
memorial of March 1773 in which he also urged the 
exploration of a route from New Mexico gave the 
required license, probably in September 1773. 

Anza obtained twenty soldiers and had nearly 
completed his preparations for departure, when the 
Apaches made one of their characteristic raids, steal- 
ing his horses and killing some of his men. This 
caused delay and obliged the captain to start with 
less force than he had intended; but as a compensa- 
tion he unexpectedly obtained a guide. This was a 
Baja California neophyte, Sebastian by name, who 
had deserted from San Gabriel in August, and, keep- 
ing far to the east to avoid meeting soldiers, had 
reached the Colorado River rancherias and had been 
brought by the natives to Altar, thus entitling him- 
self to the honor of having been the first Christian to 
make the overland trip. 3 Under his guidance Anza 
set out from Tubac January 8, 1774, with Francisco 
Garces and Juan Diaz, Franciscan friars from the 
Queretaro college. There were in all 34 men with 
140 horses and 65 cattle. 

In a month they had reached the Gila, by way of 
Sonoita through Papagueria. Palma, a famous Yuma 

2 Ortega in a letter to Rivera, dated San Diego, May 5, 1775, says that 
Anza's expedition cost from 25,000 to 30,000 pesos. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 

3 According to one of the two chief authorities Sebastian had started from 
San Gabriel with his parents and wife, all of whom had perished. 


chief, entertained the Spaniards at his rancheria at 
San Dionisio, Isla de Trinidad, a kind of island formed 
by a double channel of the Gila at its junction with 
the Colorado, 4 and received from Anza a badge of 
office under Spain. He accompanied the explorers 
across the Colorado and some eight or nine leagues 
south-westward to the lagoon of Santa Olaya. To 
this lagoon the whole party was obliged to return on 
the 19th of February, after having wandered for six 
days through a country destitute of grass and water. 5 
But they started again on the 2d of March, leaving 
with Palma a large part of the animals in charge of 
three soldiers, three muleteers, and three Indian ser- 
vants. The route through the country of the Cojat, 
Cajuenches, and Danzarines, cannot be traced exactly ; 
but as this was the first exploration of this region and 
of the great route into California, I append the de- 
tails, confusing as they are, in a note. 6 Anza would 

4 One of the channels no longer carries water, and perhaps did so then only 
at high water. In Kino's map of 1701 San Dionisio is not represented as an> 
island. Emory, Notes, 95-6, in 1846 noted that the Gila once flowed to the 
south of its present channel, and says: 'During freshets it is probable the 
rivers now discharge their surplus waters through these old channels.' An- 
other discovery of Anza is less intelligible. In a letter of Feb. 9th from San 
Dionisio to the viceroy, Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 190-1, he says he had crossed 
the Colorado and Gila, and had found a branch of the former extending north 
and west, and entering probably the South Sea perhaps at San Francisco 

5 Padre Garce~s claimed to have been in this region, the north-east section 
of Baja California, in 1771; but the narrative of his trip in that year, in 
Arridmta, Cron. Serdf., 420 et seq., does not show clearly that he crossed the 
Colorado at all. 

G The most complete, and indeed the only, authority in print is Arricivita, 
Crdnica Serdfica, 450 et seq. ; but it is very unsatisfactory. The best account 
of the expedition seems to be Anza, Descubrimiento de Sonora a Californias 
aiio de 1774, MS. This appears to be an abridged copy of the original diary 
made soon after the date of the expedition by some one who did not accom- 
pany it. The route was as follows, items from the return march being in 
brackets: Feb. 9th. At junction of the Gila and Colorado, near the site ofthe 
later Concepcion. Feb. 10th to 12th. 5 1. W. N. (s.) w. and 4.5 1. s. w. and 
s. to Laguna de Sta Olaya, formed by the Colorado in time of flood. Lat. 
32 34'. [According to the return trip Sta Olaya was 4 1. w. of the river and 
8 1. w. s. w. of S. Dionisio, or Isla de Trinidad.] Feb. 13th to 19th. Off into 
the desert and back to Sta Olaya. March 2d. 41. w. S. w. to Laguna del 
Predicador. Mar. 3d to 5th. 3 1. w. s. w.; 6.5 1. w. N. w.; 61. w. N.W. with 
low sierra on left; 3 1. N. w. across the hills; 2 1. w. ; 1.5 1. N. and N. w. , in sight 
of an estero, to Pozos de San Eusebio. Mar. 6th. 4 1. w. to Sto Tomas, in 
middle of sierra. Mar. 7th and 8th. 41. N. w. and 1 1. N. E. to Pozos de Sta 
Kosa de las Lajas (18 1. in a direct line from Sta OlayaV Mar. 9tk and 10th. 


seem at first to have kept far to the south of the 
modern railroad route, but to have returned to it be- 
fore reaching the San Gorgonio Pass, which he named 
San Carlos. He crossed the Santa Ana River on a 
bridge of boughs the 20th of March, and on the 22d 
arrived at San Gabriel. 

The travellers had exhausted their supply of food; 
and they found equal destitution at San Gabriel; but 
the friars Pater na and Cruzado entertained them as 
best they could after a mass, te deum, and sermon of 
welcome. A cow was killed, and in ten days four of 
Anza's men returned from San Diego with supplies 
that had come on the Santiago. 1 In a few days all 
but six of the men were sent with Father Garces 
back to the Colorado, having some slight trouble with 
the savages on the way, and, according to Arricivita, 
finding that the men left with the animals had become 
frightened and retired to Caborca. Anza with his 
six men made a trip up to Monterey and back from 
the 10th of April to the 1st of May; and two days 
later he started with Diaz for the Colorado, which he 
reached in eight days. Palou tells us that some of 
Pages' men went with him to become acquainted 
with the route, arid returning reported that they had 
been attacked by the natives as had been the men 
left at the Colorado. The explorers reached Tubac 
on the 26th of May, and in July Anza went to Mexico 
to report. 

His expedition had accomplished all that it had 

11 1. N. to S. Sebastian Peregrine, a large cUnefla in the Cajuenche nation 
[22 1. w. and w. N. w. from StaOlaya]. Mar. llth. 1.5 1. w. on same cie"nega. 
Mar. 12th. 6 1. w. N. w. to S. Gregorio. Mar. 14th. 6 1. N. [N. w.] to Sta Cata- 
rina [10 1. from S. Sebastian]. 6 1. N. N. w. to Puerto cle S. Carlos, following 
the Canada [33 42']. Mar. IGth and 17th. 3 1. N. w. and N. N. w. to Laguna 
and Valley of Principe [or S. Patricio, 81. w. s. w. from Sta Catarina]. Mar. 
18th. [4] 1. N. and N. N. w. to Valle de S. Jose" [33 46'] on a fine stream. Mar. 
19th. 6 [5] 1. N. w. to Laguna de S. Antonio de Bucareli. Mar. 20th. 5 1. N, w. 
and 2. 5 1. w. N. w. to Rio Sta Ana. Mar. 21st. 7 1. w. N. w. to Arroyo de 
Osos [or Alisos]. Mar. 22d. To S. Gabriel [10 1. w. and 5 1. w. N. w. from 
S. Antonio]. See also, in chap. xii. of this volume, the account of Anza's 
second trip. 

7 On March 24th Anza was godfather to a child baptized by P. Diaz. S. 
Gabriel Lib. Mis., MS., 7. 


been intended to do, in showing the practicability of 
the new route. 8 

President Serra sailed from San Bias January 24th 
in the new transport 9 Santiago or Nueva Galicia, built 
expressly for the California service, commanded by 
Juan Perez, and laden with supplies for San Carlos, 
San Antonio, and San Luis. Serra was accompanied 
by Pablo Mugartegui, a new missionary; and the San- 
tiago also brought to California Juan Soler, the store- 
keeper for Monterey, a surgeon Jose Davila with his 
family, three blacksmiths and families, and three car- 
penters. After a comparatively prosperous voyage 
the vessel anchored in San Diego Bay the 13th of 
March. 10 It had been the intention to go direct to 
Monterey, but an accident caused a change of plan, 
and fortunately, for Serra by landing a small portion 
of the cargo was enabled to relieve the pressing need 
of the southern missions. He had quite enough of 
the sea, and besides was anxious to visit the friars; 
therefore he went up by land, starting on April 6th, 
having an interview with Captain Anza on the way, 
and reaching Monterey on the llth of May after an 
absence of nearly two years. On account of ill-health 
Mugartegui also landed and remained at San Diego, 
Amurrio taking his place on the Santiago, which 
sailed on the same day that Serra started, and 
anchored at Monterey two days before the president's 
arrival the 9th of May. 11 

8 Mofras, Explor. , i. 282, mentions this expedition, giving the date of 
starting incorrectly as Sept. 1773. See also brief account in Velasco, Sonora, 
150; M, inSoc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, x. 704. 

u She is called both fragata and corveta. 

10 According to Perez, lldacion, they reached the Santa Bdrbara Islands on 
March Gth. The northern group are named from west to east Santa Rosa 
(San Miguel), Santa Margarita (Santa Rosa), Santa Cruz (still so called), and 
San.to Tomas ( Anacapa). Thence they sailed southward between the coast and 
San Clemente, reaching San Diego March 10th (another copy makes -it March 
llth), sailing April 5th, and arriving at Monterey May 8th. Palou, Vida, 153- 
G'2, gives the latter date as May 9th. 

11 Palou, Not., i. G06-S; Id., Vida, 156-61; Serra, in Bandini Doc. Hist. 
CaL, MS., 1. 


We left Rivera y Moncada at Loreto in March 
with fifty-one persons, soldiers and their families, re- 
cruited in Sinaloa for his new command. 12 Lieutenant 
Ortega was in the south at Santa Ana, with other 
families, whom he was ordered to bring up to Velicatd, 
to join the rest, and was to remain in command of 
the camp until supplies and animals for the northern 
journey could be sent back. Rivera then started 
northward by land and reached Monterey on the 23d 
of May. Respecting the details of his march and the 
number of men he took with him nothing is known; 


but he left all the families and some of the new sol- 
diers at Velicata. On the 25th he assumed the duties 
of his new office in place of Pedro Fages, 13 who pre- 
pared, as ordered by the viceroy, to go south with his 
company of Catalan volunteers. 14 The first oppor- 
tunity to sail was by the San Antonio, which, leaving 
San Bias in March under Canizares as master, had 
arrived on June 8th, this being the first trip ever 
made direct to Monterey without touching at San 

The feeling between Rivera and Fages was by no 
means friendly, the former having considered himself 
aggrieved by Galvez' act in preferring the latter at 
the beginning notwithstanding the disparity of rank, 
and a second time by Portold's choice of a commander 
in 1770. Triumphant at last, he was not disposed 
to adopt a conciliatory policy toward his vanquished 
rival, whom, without any unnecessary expenditure of 
courteous phrases, he ordered to prepare his accounts 

12 March 20th, Rivera writes to the viceroy from Loreto that he has arrived 
from Sinaloa and will proceed by land to San Diego and join Anza. Arch. 
Santa Barbara, MS., xi. 378-9; but as we have seen he was too late to meet 

13 The viceroy, on Jan. 2, 1775, acknowledges receipt of Rivera's letter of 
June 14th, stating that he had taken possession of the command on May 25th. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS,, i. 1G8. Palou, Not., i. 609-13, makes the date May 
24th. May 4, 1771, Fages was made a captain. Id., i. 74. 

u In addition to the general instructions to Rivera and Fages already 
noticed, there was a special order of the viceroy dated Sept. 30, 1774, for 
Fages with his volunteers and all of the cuera company not expressly ordered 
to remain to be sent to San Bias by the first vessel. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., 
MS., i. 313. 

HIST. CAL., VOL. I. 15 


and get ready" to sail on the San Antonio, taking with 
him all his men except ten who were to be retained 
until the new force arrived from the peninsula. Fages, 
though of course obliged to obey the viceroy's orders, 
was not the man to quit the country without making 
a show of independence and an effort for the last 
word. A caustic correspondence followed, little of 
which is extant, but in which Rivera with the vantage- 
ground of his superior authority by no means carried 
off all the honors. Fages claimed the right to embark 
from San Diego, wishing to obtain certain receipts 
from padres and corporals at the several missions. 
Rivera replies, "The viceroy does not order me to 
allow the volunteers and you to embark at San Diego, 
but simply by the first vessel. His excellency knows 
very well that this presidio is the capital where you 
reside; therefore, this is the place he speaks of, and 
from this place you must sail." Whereupon Don 
Pedro, as he might have done before, showed a per- 
mit from the viceroy to sail from San Diego, of later 
date than the commander's instructions; and Rivera 
was forced to yield. 

Again Fages announced that he had some animals 
set apart for his own use which he proposed to take 
away with him to San Diego, and, after Rivera's 
prompt refusal to allow any such outrageous use of 
the king's property, proceeded to prove that the mules 
were his own. Then he pleaded for more time to 
arrange his accounts, which could not be completed 
before the sailing of the San Antonio; but after getting 
an insolent permission to wait for the Santiago, he 
decided to start at once and leave the accounts to a 
clerk. Having gathered thus much from Rivera's 
own letters, it is hard to resist the conclusion that if 
Fages' letters were extant they would show the writer, 
with perfect sang froid, if not always with dignity, 
engaged in a deliberate epistolary effort to annoy his 
exultant and pompous rival. If this was not the case, 
all the more discreditable to himself was the tone 


adopted in Rivera's communications. 15 The San 
Antonio sailed from Monterey on July 7th, with 
thirteen of the volunteers, and with Rafael Pedro y 
Gil the new store-keeper for San Diego. Fages 
started by land with two soldiers on the 19th and 
sailed on the 4th of August from San Diego. We 
shall hear again from this gallant officer. Fathers 
Prestarnero and Usson also sailed for San Bias on 
the San Antonio, being forced to retire by ill-health. 

Perez in the Santiago was meanwhile engaged in 
another important service, that of exploring in the 
far north. There still existed among Spanish author- 
ities a fear of Russian encroachments on the Pacific 
coast, or at least a spirit of curiosity to know what 
the Russians were doing. Bucareli had orders from 
the king to give this matter his attention as soon as 
it might be convenient. 16 It is said to have been 
Serra who first suggested that the California trans- 


port might be advantageously used for purposes of 
geographical discovery, and opening up a new field 
for spiritual conquest. He also urged that no man 
was better fitted to take charge of the enterprise than 
his friend and compatriot Juan Perez, who had been 
the first in these later times to reach both San Diego 
and Monterey. Perez was accordingly instructed, 
after landing the supplies at Monterey, to explore the 
northern coast up to 60, with a view to discover 
harbors and to make such observations respecting the 
country and its inhabitants as might be practicable. 
The expense was borne by the king. 

It was the intention that Mugdrtegui should go as 
chaplain, but in case of. his illness Serra had been 
requested 17 to name a substitute, and appointed? Crespi 
and Pena to act as chaplains and to keep diaries of 

15 Rivera y Moncada, Testimonio de diligencias en la toma de posesion del 
mando, 1774, MS., consisting of two letters dated June 21st and 22d. 

16 Rcvilla-Gi'iedo, Informe de 12 de Abril 1703, 117-19. 

17 Bucareli's' letter of Dec. 24, 1773, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 137-8. 


the voyage, as they did, both journals being still 
extant. The surgeon Ddvila went along, the vessel's 
surgeon, Costan, remaining temporarily at Monterey. 
June 6th everything being ready at Monterey the 
padres went on board, and next day the Santiago 
attempted to sail, but was prevented by contrary 
winds. On the 8th the arrival of the San Antonio 
from San Bias, already noted, caused a new delay. 
Two days later solemn mass for the success of the 
expedition was said under the old oak that had wit- 
nessed the rite in 1602 and 1770, and on the llth, 
just before noon, the vessel sailed from the bay. 
Adverse winds still baffled the navigators, driving 

O ' O 

them southward, so that for seventeen days they did 
not get above the latitude of Monterey, being driven 
back and forward along the coast between that lati- 
tude and that of the Santa Barbara Islands. On the 
9th July, when they were again able to make obser- 
vations, they were in latitude 45, beyond the limits 
of the modern California of which I now write. The 
details of the voyage in northern waters, during which 
the Spaniards reached a latitude of 55, making some 
observations and naming some points along the coast, 
dealing with the natives, who came off in canoes, but 
not landing, belong to another volume of this series, 
in which I shall narrate the annals of more northern 
lands. 18 

Reentering California waters on the return trip 
the 17th of August, they sighted on the 22d what 
was supposed to be Cape Mendocino in latitude 40, 
on the 26th they saw the Farallones, and next day at 
4 p. M. anchored at Monterey. The prevalence of 
fogs had prevented exploration of the Californian 
coast, beyond a mere glimpse of Mendocino and the 
Farallones. It is to be noticed that in speaking of 
the latter islands as a landmark for San Francisco 
the diarists clearly locate that port under Point 

18 For a full account of this voyage, with references to the original diaries, 
see Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 150-8. 


Reyes, and speak of the other bay discovered five 
years before as the grande ester o, not yet named. 19 

Two important events in California must be added 
to the record of 1774 before I call attention to certain 
other events on the peninsula and in Mexico nearly 
affecting the interests of the New Establishments. 
One was the moving of San Diego Mission in the 
extreme south in August; the other an exploration 
of San Francisco Bay in the extreme north at the 
close of the year. The site on which the mission at 
San Diego had been originally founded, and the pre- 
sidio a little later, had not proved a desirable one for 
agricultural purposes since the drying-up of the river ; 
and in fact for several years seed had been sown for 
the most part at an inconvenient distance. The first 
proposition toward a change of site came early in 1773 
from Fages, who favored a removal of the rancheria 
containing all the neophytes as well as many gentiles 
from the vicinity of the stockade, for the reason that 
the huts would give the natives an advantage in hos- 
tile operations. This was not exactly a removal of the 
mission, since it does not appear that the friars were 
to accompany their neophytes ; the fear of danger was 
deemed unfounded and even absurd; and, moreover, 
the measure was recommended by a man whose 
approval was enough to condemn any measure in 
Serra's eyes. Consequently he opposed the change 
most strenuously in his report to the viceroy. 20 

Jaume, the minister, however, addressed a letter in 
April 1773 to the president, in which he favored a 
removal of the mission. Experience had clearly 
shown, he thought, that want of water would always 
prove a drawback to prosperity at the original site; it 

19 Crespi in his Diario makes a long and confusing argument to prove that 
ihefitraliones seen at this time were not those seen in 1769, the former being 
50 leagues from Pt Reyes, and the latter much nearer. The reason of the 
friar's confusion is not clear. The authorities on this voyage are: Crrxpi,. 
Diurio; Pefta, Diario, MS.; Perez, Relation, MS.; and Perez, Tabla Diario, 

Serra, fiepres. 21 de Mayo, 1773, MS. 


was always better for a mission to be a little re- 
moved from presidio influences; and he had a report 
from the natives confirmed by a soldier, of a very 
favorable site some six or seven leagues distant across 
the sierra. 21 The matter having been referred to the 
viceroy he authorized Rivera to make a change if it 
should seem expedient to himself and to Serra. 22 Of 
the subsequent consultations and explorations which 
doubtless took place we have no record; but the 
change was decided upon and effected in August 
1774. The new site was not the one which Jaunie 
had in mind, but a nearer one called by the natives 
'Nipaguay, 23 about two leagues up the valley north- 
eastward from Cosoy, and probably identical or nearly 
so with that of the later buildings whose ruins are 
still visible some six miles from the city and port. 
We have no account of the ceremonies by which the 
transfer was celebrated, nor do we know its exact 
date; but both friars and neophytes were pleased with 
the change, and worked with a will, so that by the 
end of the year the mission buildings were better than 
at Cosoy, including a dwelling, storehouse, and smithy 
of adobes, and a wooden church with roof of tules, 
measuring eighteen by fifty-seven feet. At the old 
site all the buildings were given up to the presidio, 
except two rooms, one for the use of visiting friars 
and the other for the reception and temporary storage 
of mission supplies coming by sea. 24 Nothing further 
is known of San Diego events during the year, except 
that Ortega came up from below with the remaining 

21 Jaume's letter of April 3d (or 30th), in Mayer MSS., No. 18, pp. 4, 5. 

22 Bucareli, Instruction de 17 de Agoxto 1773, MS. 

23 San Diego de Nipaguay that is, San Diego at Nipaguay was a com- 
mon name for the mission afterwards. Serra called it so in his second annual 

2t Serra, Informe de 5 Feb. 1775, MS., 124-7. An unfinished church built 
four or five feet above the foundations, with adobes all made ready to finish 
it, was also delivered. In a letter of October 3d the commandant of the pre- 
sidio says he was uncertain whether to accept the building, for how was it to 
be finished? Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 15G-7. Lasuen in his report of 1783 
says the new site was but little better than the old so far as fertility was con- 
cerned. Lasuen, Informe de 1783, MS.; see also Serra, in San Dieyo, Lib. de 
Mision, MS., 3, 4. 


force and families recruited by Rivera in Sinaloa, 
arriving at San Diego on September 26th, and de- 
spatching a part of the company to Monterey on the 
3d of October. The new troops gave Ortega some 
trouble by their tumultuous conduct, complaining of 
the quantity and quality of the food. 25 

The occupation of the port of San Francisco and 
the founding of a mission there, though a matter still 

O ' O 

kept in abeyance, was one by no means forgotten, 
'and one often mentioned in communications passing 
between Mexico and Monterey. Portola and Crespi 
when they had almost reached the port in 1 769 , had, 
as we have seen, discovered a large bay before entirely 
unknown, and had explored to some extent its western 
shore. Galvez and the viceroy on hearing of Portola's 
near approach to San Francisco had ordered the cap- 
tain of the San Antonio, when she brought ten new 
friars to California in 1771, in case she should reach 
San Francisco first, to leave there two of the padres 
and all that was required for an immediate foundation, 
under a temporary guard of sailors; 26 but the vessel 
touched first at Monterey and Saint Francis was 
obliged to wait. In 1772 Fages and Crespi had again 
attempted to reach San Francisco by passing round 
the newly discovered bay, thus exploring the eastern 
shore, although prevented from accomplishing their 
main object by a great river which they could not 
cross. 27 

In his instructions of August 17, 1773, Bucareli 
had ordered Rivera to make additional explorations 
of San Francisco, and with the approval of Serra to 
found a mission there. 28 Before either Rivera or his 
instructions reached California, however, Palou in 
his first annual report spoke of the proposed mission 
of San Francisco "in his own port supposed to be in 

. a3 Ortega to Rivera, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 154-G. 
20 Palou, Vida, 88-9. 
*^ r ' See Chap. viii. of this volume. 

28 St. Pap., M'iss. and Colon., MS., i. 333. 


the Ensenada of the Farallones toward Point Reyes," 
of the attempt recently made to arrive there, of the 
obstacles in the way, and of the determination that 
had been formed. This determination was to explore 
the country northward from Monterey, and to estab- 
lish the proposed mission wherever a suitable place 
could be found, since it could not be exactly known 
where the port was until explorations were made by 
sea; and later, if the port were found on the other 
side of the new bay, another mission might be estab- 
lished there. 29 It must be borne in mind that the name 
of San Francisco had not yet been applied to the 
newly found body of water, although the latter was 
by some vaguely supposed to be connected with the 
port so long known; neither had the bay been explored 
as yet with boats so that it might be known whether 
it contained a 'port' at all; or if so, in what part of 
the broad expanse the harbor was to be fo^ind. 

In obedience to the viceroy's orders, 30 and with a 
view, perhaps, \o test the necessity or expediency of 
Palou's plan, a new exploration was undertaken by 
Rivera as soon as his new recruits arrived at Monte- 
rey, which was early in November. He took with 
him sixteen soldiers, two servants, and a mule train 
laden with supplies for a journey of forty days. Palou 
accompanied him, by order of the president, to perform 
a chaplain's duty and keep a diary. 31 Setting out on 
November 23d the party followed Fages' route of 
1772, via what are now Hollister and Gilroy, until, 
on entering the grand valley about the bay, they bore 
to the left instead of to the right as Fages had done, 
and on the 28th encamped at the very spot where 
Rivera had spent four days in 1769, that is, on what 
is now San Francisquito Creek below Sears ville. 32 The 

29 Palou, Not., ii. 32. 

30 These orders had, it seems, been repeated in a letter dated May 25, 1774, 
and directed to Palou. 

31 Palou, Espediciony Regifstroquese hizodelas cercanias del puerto de Nues- 
tro Scrctfico Padre San Francisco, in Id., Not., ii. 43-92. 

32 As distances are not given in this diary it is of little or no help in fixing 
exact locations. The party was now about one league from the shore, about a 


natives were hospitable and not so shy as they had 
been along the way. This seemed a fitting place for 
a mission, and a cross was erected as a sign of the 
Spaniards' purpose to locate San Francisco here. I 
suppose that from this circumstance originated the 
name San Francisquito later applied to the stream. 

Next day the explorers started on north-westward, 
soon crossing the low hills into the Canada that had 
been followed in 1769, to which, or to a locality in 
which, they now gave the name Canada de San Andres 
which it still bears. Rancherias were numerous, and 
the natives uniformly well disposed. On the 30th 
they left the glen, climbed some high land, and en- 
camped on a lagoon in the hills, not improbably that 
now known as Laguna de San Bruno. From a lofty 
hill Rivera and Palou obtained a view of the bay and 
valley to the south-eastward, but could not see the 
outlet, on account of another hill intervening. Decem- 
ber 1st Rivera with four soldiers climbed that hill and 
on his return said he had been very near the outlet, 
which could be conveniently reached from the camp 
by following the ocean beach. Delayed for a few 
days by cold, rainy weather, they started again on 
the fourth, proceeded north over low hills and across 
canadas, in three of which was running water, and 
encamped before noon on a stream which flowed into 
a large lake stretching toward the beach, known later 
as Laguna de la Merced. 

Taking with him four soldiers and accompanied 
also by Palou, Rivera continued north-westward over 
hill arid vale into the sand dunes and down to the 
beach, at a point near where the Ocean Side House 
later stood. Thence he followed the beach, as so 
many thousands have done since in conveyances 
somewhat more modern and elegant than those of 
the gallant captain and friar, until stopped by the 


day's journey from the end of the peninsula, and in 37 4G' by their own reck- 
oning. That they were below Searsville is shown by the fact that on starting 
north-west they at first crossed a plain. 


steep slope of a lofty hill, in sight of some pointed 
rocks near the shore, this being the first visit to the 
Seal Rocks since famous, and to the site of the mod- 
ern 'Cliff.' They climbed the hill and gazed around 
on what was and is still to be seen, and described by 
Palou as it might be described now, except in the 
matter of artificial changes. A cross wa,s set up on 
the summit, and the explorers returned by the way 
they had come to their camp-on Lake Merced after 
an absence of only four hours. 

It was now resolved to postpone the exploration of 
the Rio de San Francisco, the San Joaquin, until 
after the rainy season, and to return to Monterey by 
the shore route of 1769. Three hours' journey south- 
ward, over grassy hills, brought them on the 5th into 
the old trail, by which, having crossed the San Lo- 
renzo and Pajaro rivers on the llth, they arrived at 
the presidio the 13th of December. 33 On the trip 
Palou had found six sites which he deemed suitable 
for missions. These were, in the valley of San Pas- 
cual near the modern Hollister, in the ' plain of the 
great estuary' where the cross was left on San Fran- 
cisquito Creek, in the vale of San Pedro Regalado 
and that of San Pedro Alcantara between Spanish 
Town and Pescadero, on the River San Lorenzo at 
Santa Cruz, and on the River Pajaro at Watsonville. 
" God grant that in my day I may see them occupied 
by missions, and in them assembled all the gentiles 
who inhabit their vicinities, and that none of the lat- 
ter die without holy baptism, to the end that the 
number of the children of God and of his holy 
church be increased, and also of the vassals of our 

33 The lack of distances in this diary renders it of little use in fixing exact 
localities, although the route is somewhat more fully described in several 
respects than in the diary of the former expedition. The fact that three 
hours' journey southward from the head of Lake Merced brought Rivera into 
the old trail confirms my former conclusion see chap. vi. that the first ex- 
pedition crossed from Pt San Pedro rather than from Half Moon Bay. Now 
the travellers visited a lagoon in the hills near the shore, about a league above 
Pt Angel probably Laguna Alta. 


catholic monarch," adds the good padre in closing his 
journal. 34 

When Palou left the peninsula in the summer of 
1773, he left Campa and Sanchez at Loreto to attend 
to the forwarding of certain cattle from the old mis- 
sions, which had been assigned to the new ones, but 
which he had been unable to obtain on account of the 
never ending excuses of Governor Barri and President 
Mora, who, however, had agreed to settle the matter 
definitely in October of the same year. Nothing being 
done, excuses following excuses, and there being some 
evidence that the recalcitrant governor was causing 
delay in the hope of breaking up the whole arrange- 
ment by communications with the viceroy, Campa 
wrote Palou how he was situated, and sailed on April 5, 
17 74, for Mexico to consult the guardian, Sanches start- 
ing about the same time to join Cambon at Velicata". 
In Mexico Campa made but little progress. Some 
cattle and horses purchased for the missions the 
viceroy had already ordered to be sent up, as they 
were early in 1775 ; but the Dominicans had convinced 
him, as was probably true, that their missions had no 
cattle to spare, and, therefore, stock for California 
must be sought elsewhere. 35 

At Velicata" Cambon had been left by Palou in 
charge of vestments and other church property col- 
lected from the southern missions by the order of 
Galvez. The quarrel between the Franciscans and 
Barri, for which the removal of this property served 
largely as a motive, or at least a pretence, was now at 
its height. The governor had taken advantage of the 
fact that the agreement by which the Franciscans 
had voluntarily ceded the Lower California missions 
was not popularly known, to circulate a report that 
his own influence had forced the friars to quit the 

3l Hivera sent a diary of the trip to the viceroy on Jan. 5, 1775, as ap- 
pears from Bucareli's acknowledgment on May 24th, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
i. 172. 

45 Palou, Not., ii. 156-7, 207-8. 


country. He labored hard to win over the Domini- 
cans to his side, and was practically successful so far 
at least as the president was concerned, and he insisted 
that the property in question had been stolen. The 
details and merits of the general controversy need not 
be repeated here. It is evident enough that Barri 
allowed his bitterness toward the Franciscans to get 
the better of his judgment, and that he neglected no 
opportunity to annoy his foes. 

From San Diego Palou sent back mules to bring up 
supplies and part of the church property, but Barri 
sent an order to the officer in command at Velicatl to 
load the animals with corn, but by no means to allow 
the vestments to be taken, pretending that a new 
examination of the boxes was necessary. Governor 
and president were now acting in full accord and caus- 
ing delay by throwing the responsibility of every new 
hinderance each upon the other. Mora claimed to have 
full faith in Franciscan honor, but had consented to 
the proposed search merely to convince Barri of his 
error ! Cambon was instructed to submit to the search 
if required, but to insist on exact inventories and cer- 
tificates. Thus things remained until Serra returned 


from Mexico with a positive order from the viceroy 
for the removal of the goods, an order which was sent 
south and reached Yelicata July 16, 1774. 

A correspondence ensued between Cambon and the 
military officer in charge, in which the latter professed 
to be utterly ignorant of any embargo on the removal 
of the property, and to have received no orders what- 
ever from Barri on the subject, although the contrary 
was well enough known to be true. Preparations 
were made for Padre Sanchez to take the property 
with Ortega's force, but a new difficulty arose; for 
Hidalgo, the Dominican in charge of Velicatd, had 
positive orders from President Mora to stop the goods. 
He was in much perplexity, and begged for delay. 
Finally, however, after obtaining a certificate from the 
commandant that he would furnish no troops to pre- 


vent the removal, Hidalgo gave his permission, and it 
was found that after all there were only three mules 
to carry the vestments, most of which had therefore to 
be left behind. They were carried up, however, early 
in the next year by Father Dumetz, who came down 
from Monterey with a mule train for the purpose. 36 

There was now but small opportunity left for quar- 
rels between Barri and the Franciscans, but it seems 
there were also dissensions with the Dominicans. It 
was evident to the viceroy, that only harmonious 
relations between the political and missionary author- 
ities could ensure the prosperity of the peninsula, and 
that under Barri's rule such relations could not be 
maintained. Bucareli, therefore, decided, as he had 
done before in the case of Fages, without committing 
himself decidedly respecting the points at issue, to 
appoint a new governor, as in fact Barri had several 
times asked him to do. His choice of "a person 
endowed with wisdom and love for the service to 
establish, maintain, arid firmly implant good order," 
fell upon Felipe de Neve, major of the Queretaro 
regiment of provincial cavalry. 3 ' He was summoned 
to Mexico and received his instructions September 

56 Palou, Net., ii. 158-205. With the first collection of vestments there 
went up to Rivera a letter from Gov. Barri, simply stating that application 
for the property, in order to prevent delays, should have been made to Presi- 
dent Mora rather than himself, and the same mail carried a letter from Mora 
with the assurance that all the blame for delays belonged exclusively to Barri ! 
Palou adds a short 'reflexion' making excuses, as was his duty, for all con- 
cerned. Mora probably was accused of complicity in robbing the missions, 
and favored a search in order to vindicate his own honor and that of the 
Franciscans. The viceroy consented from the same motives and to avoid 
litigation, and Gov. Barri's charges and actions were, perhaps, from ' excess 
of zeal' to protect the missions of Baja California. It would seem that there 
was also a quarrel between Barri and Rivera arising in some way from the 
opening by the commandant of a despatch addressed to the governor. Ortega 
in letters of July 18th and Oct. 3dProv. St. Pap., MS. i. 148-9, 155 advises 
Rivei-a that the governor is hostile and disposed to wrangle about superiority; 
that he had been taking testimony; and that it was only President Mora's 
efforts which had prevented Rivera's arrest on arrival at Loreto. 

37 The only item of information that I have found respecting Neve before 
he came to California, is the fact that when his regiment was formed in 17G6 
he was sent to raise a squadron in Michoacan; but both at Valladolid and 
Patzcuaro the people resisted the draft, liberated several recruits by force, 
wounded a sergeant, and forced Neve to return. Rivera, Gob. de Alex , i 


30th from the viceroy. These instructions were similar 
in their general purport to those before issued to Rivera 
and already noticed. The only points relating to Upper 
California were those defining the official relations 
between Neve and Rivera, requiring special attention 
to the forwarding of despatches from the north and 
keeping open the routes of communication, and the 
forwarding of the church property at Yelicatd. The 
commander of Monterey was only nominally subordi- 
nate to the governor, being required to maintain har- 
monious relations with that official, and to report in 
full to him as he did to the viceroy, but not in any 
sense to obey his orders. Bucareli was careful to avoid 
future dissensions by causing Neve to understand 
Rivera's practical independence. 28 Neve's appointment 
may be said to have begun with the date of his 
instructions on September 30th; but his final orders 
were received October 28th 89 and he started from Mex- 
ico the next day, although he did not reach Loreto 
and assume command until March 4th of the follow- 
ing year. 40 Of Barri after he left Loreto March 26, 
1 775, nothing is recorded. His term of office had been 
from March 1771 to March 1775, but he had exerted, 
as we have seen, no practical authority over Alta 

Serra's second annual report for the year 1774, 
completed in February of the following year, is almost 
entirely statistical in its nature, containing in addition 
to figures of agriculture, stock-raising, mission build- 
ings, baptisms, marriages, and deaths, long lists of 
church ornaments, agricultural implements, and other 
property. The year would seem to have been fairly 
prosperous, with no disasters. At San Diego the mis- 
sion had been moved to a new site and new buildings 
had been erected at least equal to the old ones. It was 
proposed to move San. Gabriel also for a short distance, 

* s lJucareli, Instrucciones al Gobernador de Calif ornias, 30 de Septiembre 
1774, MS. 

39 Pro?;. St. Pap., MS., i. 191; Id. xxii. 2. 
*Prov. lice., MS., i. 1. 


and for that reason but very slight additions had 
been made to the buildings. At the other missions 
many small structures had been put up for various 
uses. At San Luis Obispo a new church of adobes, 
eight by twenty varas, but as yet without a roof, was 
the most prominent improvement. At San Antonio 
an adobe storehouse had been built, a bookcase made 
for a library, and an irrigating ditch dug for about a 
league. San Carlos had seven or ei^ht new houses 

o c? 

of adobe and palisades, besides an oven. 

Agricultural operations had been successful, and 
the grain product had exceeded a thousand fanegas, 
the seed having yielded forty fold. San Gabriel took 
the lead, close followed by San Cdrlos. Sari Luis 
raised the most wheat, while sterile San Diego showed 
a total return of only thirty fanegas of wheat. No- 
where was there a total failure of any crop. In the 
matter of live-stock, horned cattle had increased from 
205 to 304; horses from G7 to 100; mules from 77 
to 85; sheep from 94 to 170; goats from 67 to 95; 
swine from 102 to 131; while asses remained only 4. 
The mission records showed a total of 833 baptisms, 
124 marriages, 74 deaths, and an existing neophyte 
population of 79; or for the year a gain of 342 bap- 
tisms, G2 marriages, 45 deaths, and 297 in population. 
San Carlos was yet at the head with 244 neophytes, 
and San Diego came in last with 97. 41 


41 Serra, Informs de los Auymcntos qua han tenido con tcdo el ano de 1774 fas 
cine?) mixtoiics del Coler/lo A/;ostdlico de Propaganda Fide de San Fernando de 
Mexico de dfdcn de N. P. S. Francisco y del estado actual en que se liaUan 
a ultimo* de Diciembre del ano de 1774, MS. The report was dated San 
Carlos, Feb. 5, 1775. 





A FLEET of four vessels was despatched from San 
Bias in the spring of 1775, all bound for Californian 
or yet more northern waters. The king had sent out 
recently from Spain six regular naval officers, one of 
whom was to remain at San Bias as commandant, 
while the rest were to assume charge of the vessels. 
The viceroy was to supply chaplains, and, no clergy- 
men being immediately accessible, he called upon the 
college of San Fernando to furnish friars for the duty, 
on the plea that all was intended to advance the work 
of converting heathen, a plea which the guardian 
could not disregard, and he detailed four Franciscans 
for the new service temporarily, though it was foreign 
to the work of the order. 1 

1 The friar chaplains were Campa, Usson, Santa Maria, and Sierra. Life 
on the ocean wave had no charms for them, and on return from the first 
voyage they asked permission to quit the service and to resume their legiti- 
mate work as missionaries. The first two were successful, but the others had 
to ' sacrifice themselves ' again, and Jose" Nocedal was sent also as a companion. 
The only consolation of each was the hope of being able to take the place of 
some retiring friar in California. Palou, Not., ii. 21G-17, 257-8. 



All sailed from San Bias on the same day, the 1 6th 
of March. 2 The San Antonio was under Lieutenant 
Fernando Quiros, and her chaplain was Ramon Usson. 
She was laden with supplies for San Diego and San 
Gabriel. Quiros' voyage was a prosperous one, and 
having landed the cargo at San Diego he was back at 
San Bias by the middle of June. The other trans- 
port, the San Carlos, bearing the supplies for Monte- 
rey and the northern missions, set sail under the 
command of Miguel Manrique, but was hardly out of 
sight of land when he went mad and Lieutenant Juan 
Bautista de Ayala took his place, Vicente Santa Maria 
serving as chaplain. Her trip, though longer from 
adverse winds, was not less uneventful and prosperous 
than that of the San Antonio. Anchoring at Monte- 
rey June 27th, she discharged her cargo, and after 
having made an exploration of San Francisco Bay, 
for which Ayala had orders, and of which I shall 
have more to say presently, the Golden Fleece set out 
on her return the llih of October. 3 

The other vessels were the ship Santiago, under 
Captain Bruno Heceta, with Juan Perez and Chris- 
tobal Revilla as master and mate, and with Miguel 
de la Campa and Benito Sierra as chaplains; and the 
schooner Sonora alias Felicidad, commanded after 
Ayala's removal by Lieutenant Juan Francisco de 
Bodega y Cuadra, with Antonio Maurelle as sailing- 
master. 4 The full crew was one hundred and six 
men, and the supply of provisions was deemed suffi- 

2 Some authorities say the 15th, and Palou, probably by a misprint, has it 
the 2Gth. 

3 I\Iay 5th, Ortega writes from San "Diego to Rivera that the San Cdrlos 
was stranded in leaving San Bias, and that the cargo will probably be trans- 
ferred to the tiantiayo. This idea probably came from some rumor brought 
by the San Antonio} respecting the delay occasioned by Manrique's madness. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 162. 

4 Heceta, Quir6s, and Manrique were tenientes de navio, or lieutenants in 
the royal navy, the former being acting captain and comandante of the 
expedition. Ayala and Bodega were tenientes defrayata, a rank lower than 
the preceding and obsolete in modern times save as an honorary title in the 
merchant marine. Perez and Maurelle held the rank of alfcrcz de fragata, 
still lower than the preceding, besides being, as was Revilla, pilotoa, or sail- 



cient for a year's cruise. Sailing from San Bias 
March 16th, the schooner being towed by the ship, 
they lost sight of the San Carlos in a week, and were 
kept back by contrary winds at first, only beginning 
to make progress northward early in April. May 
21st they were in nearly the latitude of Monterey, 
but it was decided in council not to enter that port, 
since the chief aim of the expedition was exploration, 
and it was hoped to get water at the river supposed 
to have been discovered by Aguilar, in latitude 42 or 

On the 7th of June, in latitude 42 as their ob- 
servations made it, the vessels drew near the shore, 
which they followed southward to 41 6', 5 and found 
on the 9th a good anchorage protected by a lofty 
headland from the prevalent north-west winds. Two 
days later they landed and took formal possession of 
the country with all the prescribed ceremonial, includ- 
ing the unfurling of the Spanish flag, a military salute, 
raising the cross, and a mass by Father Campa. 
From the day the name of Trinidad was given to the 
port, which still retains it, and the stream since known 
as Little River was named Principio. The natives 
were numerc us and friendly, and by no means timid. 
They were ruite ready to embrace the padres; they 
did not hesitate to put their hands in the dishes; and 
they were e\ irious to know if the strangers were men 
like themselves, having noted an apparent indifference 
to the charms of the native women. More than a 
week was spent here, during which some explorations 
were made, water and wood were obtained, and the 
disposition and habits of the natives studied. One 
' sailor was lost by desertion, and a new top-mast was 
made for the Santiago. Finally, on the 19th, the 
navigators embarked and left the port of Trinidad 
with its pine-clad hills, and, much to the sorrow of 
the savages, bore away northward, in which direction 

6 41 8', 41 18', 41 7', and 41 9' are given by different authorities. The 
true latitude is about 41 4'. 


no more landings or observations were made on Cali- 
fornian territory. 

The explorations of Heceta and Bodega in northern 
waters receive due attention in another volume of this 
series. The ship and schooner, the latter no longer 
in tow, kept together till the end of July, when they 
parted in rough weather. Heceta in the Santiago 
kept on to latitude 49, whence on August llth he 
decided to return, many of his crew being down with 
the scurvy. He kept near the shore and made close 
observations down to 42 30'; but on reentering Cali- 
fornia waters on the 21st, the weather being cloudy, 
little was learned of the coast. Passing Cape Mendo- 
cino during the night of the 25th, the commander 
wished to enter San Francisco, but a dense fog rendered 
it unsafe to make the attempt, though he sighted the 
Farallones, and the 29th anchor was cast in the 
port of Monterey. Now were landed some mission 
and presidio supplies which had come to California by 
a roundabout way. 

The schooner Sonora, after parting from her capi- 
tana, kept on up to about 58, and then turning fol- 
lowed the coast down to Bodega Bay, so named at this 
time in honor of Bodega y Cuadra, 6 though there was 
much doubt among the officials at first whether it 
were not really San Francisco. They anchored Octo- 
ber 3d, and without landing held friendly intercourse 
with the natives, who came out to them on rafts. 
The harbor seemed at first glance a good one, and 
as in the part since called Tomales Bay it extended 
far inland, apparently receiving a large river at its 
head, it seemed likely to have some connection with 
the great bahia redonda, San Pablo Bay, which had 
been discovered to the south. Next day, however, a 
sudden gale proved the harbor unsafe, breaking a boat, 
which prevented proposed soundings. Narrowly escap- 

6 Many suppose the name to have come from the fact that the Russians in 
later times had their cellars in Spanish, bodegas here. Strangely enough 
ex-governor Alvarado, Hist. CaL, MS., ii. 8, 10, takes this view of it, and also 
derives the name Farallones from Cabrillo's pilot Ferrelo ! 


ing wreck in leaving the bay, the Sonora headed 
southward; the Farallones were sighted on the 5th, 
and on the 7th Cuadra anchored at Monterey, to the 
great joy of his former companions who had given 
the schooner up for lost. Nearly all were down with 
the scurvy, but they rapidly recovered under the 
kindly care of the missionaries and the good-will of 
Our Lady of Bethlehem, to whose image in the mis- 
sion church of San Cdrlos the whole crew tendered a 
solemn mass of intercession a week after their arrival. 
The return voyage from Monterey to San Bias lasted 
from the 1st to the 20th of November. 7 Juan Perez, 
who had been the first in these later expeditions to 
entei; both Monterey and San Diego from the sea, 
died the second day out from port, and funeral honors 
were paid to his memory a year later when the news 
came back to San Cdrlos. 

At the $nd of 1774 the viceroy writes both Rivera 
and Serra, of his intention to establish a new presidio 
of twenty- eight men at San Francisco, under a lieu- 
tenant and a sergeant. This establishment will serve 
as a base of operations for a further extension of 
Spanish and Christian power, and under its protection 
two new missions are to be founded at once, for which 
Serra is requested to name ministers. It is announced 
that Anza will recruit the soldiers in Sonora and Sin- 
aloa and bring them with their families, to the number 
of one hundred persons or so, by the overland route 
explored by himself the same year, coming in person 
to superintend the ceremonies. The comisario at San 

7 The authorities for these voyages, for particulars of which in the north 
see Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 158 et seq., are Heceta, Viaje de 1775 ; Diario de la 
Santiago, MS. ; Bodega y Cuadra, Viage de 1775; Diario de la Sonora, MS. ; 
Maurelle, Diario del Viage de la Sonora 1775, MS. (with Keftexiones, tablas, 
etc.); Bodega y Cuadra, Comentodela Navegnciony Descubrimientol775, MS.; 
Heceta, Seyunda Exploration de la costa Septentrional de California 1775, 
MS. ; Heccta, Expedition maritima ha*ta el grado cincuenta y ochode las costas 
del Mar Padfico, in Palou, Not., ii. 219-57 ; Maurelle, Journal of a Voyage in 
1775 ; Palou, Vida, 162-5; Navarrete, in Sutil y Mex., Viage, xciii.-ix.; 
Mofras, Explor., i. 107-9; Greenhow'a Or. and Gal., 117-20; Forster's Hist. 
Voy., 455-8. 


Bias has orders to send by the next year's transports 
supplies sufficient for the new colony, and the com- 
mander of the vessel which brought these letters is 
instructed to make a preliminary survey of San Fran- 
cisco Bay. 8 Details are left to the well known dis- 
cretion and zeal of the commandant and president, 
who are directed to report minutely and promptly on 
all that is done. The substance of these communica- 
tions is duplicated in others written at the beginning 
of 1775 ; 9 one set and perhaps both reaching Monterey 
the 27th of June by the San Carlos. 

Jjieutenant Ayala, as I have said, has orders to ex- 
plore San Francisco by water. His instructions refer 
more directly to the new bay than to the original San 
Francisco. As is natural in the case of two bodies of 
water so near together and probably connected, there 
is no further effort in Mexico to distinguish one from 
the other, the lately discovered grandeur of the new 
absorbing the traditional glories of the old. For a 
time the friars and others in California show a feeble 
tendency to keep up the old distinction, but it is prac- 
tically at an end. From 1775 the newly found and 
grand bay bears the name San Francisco which has 
before belonged to the little harbor under Point 
Reyes. Ayala's mission is to ascertain if the mouth 
seen by Fages three years before from the opposite 
shore is indeed a navigable entrance, and also to learn 
by examination if the bay is a 'port,' or if it contains 
a port. He is also to search for a strait connecting 
the bay with the San Francisco of old. Rivera is to 
cooperate by means of a land expedition, and the two 
are to make all possible preparations for the recep- 
tion of Anza's force soon to be on its way. Rivera 
cannot send his party till his men return from the 

8 Letters dated December 15, 1774. Of that to Serra I have the original, 
partly in the handwriting of Bucareli himself. Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 49-56; 
Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., i. 119-22; Prov. St. Pap. Ben. Miscd., MS., ii. 

9 Letters dated January 2, 1775. Original addressed to P. Serra, in Doc. 
Hist. Cal, MS., iv. 25-7. See also Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 166-7; Id., xxii. 3. 


south, whither they have gone to escort Dumetz to 
Velicata" and back in quest of church property. 
Father Junipero names Cambon and Palou for the 
proposed mission, and Ayala busies himself in con- 
structing a cayuco, or 'dugout/ from the trunk of a 
redwood on the River Carmelo, a beginning in a small 
way of ship-building on the Californian coast. 

Ayala, with his two pilotos, Jose Canizares and 
Juan Bautista Aguirre, and his chaplain Santa Maria, 
sail from Monterey, probably on the 2h of July, 10 be- 
ginning with the voyage a novena to Saint Francis, at 
the termination of which on the 1st of Augusy just at 
night the San Carlos is off the entrance to San Fran- 
cisco Bay. The boat is sent in first, and as she does 
not immediately return, the paquebot follows in the 
darkness, and anchors without difficulty in the vicinity 
of what is now North Beach. Next morning she 
joins the boat and both cross over to the Isla de 
Nuestra Senora de los Angeles, so named as I sup- 
pose from the day, August 2d, and still known as 
Angel Island. 11 There they find good anchorage, 
with plenty of wood and water. Ayala remains at 
anchor in the bay for over forty days, making careful 
surveys and waiting for the land expedition, which 
does not make its appearance. It is unfortunate that 
neither the map nor diary of this earliest survey is 
extant. Canizares is sent in the boat to explore the 
northern branch, the ' round bay,' now called San 
Pablo, going up to fresh-water rivers, 12 and bartering 
beads for fish with many friendly natives. Aguirre 
makes a similar reconnoissance in the southern branch 

10 Palou, Not., ii. 218, 248-9; Vida, 201-3, the only authority extant, says 
July 27th, but this I think is a misprint, since it would not allow the anchor- 
age at Angel Island August 2d. 

11 The fact that it is called 'la isla que estd, en frente de la boca' would, 
agree better with Alcatraz, but Font, Journal, MS., a little later mentions 
another island agreeing with Alcatraz, removing all doubt. 

12 As nothing is said of the bodies of water corresponding to Suisun Bay and 
Carq nines S trait, it would seem likely that the rivers were Petaluma, Sonoma, 
or Napa creeks, and not the San Joaquin and Sacramento; but in his Vida, 
203, Palou says they noted the mouth of the great river San Francisco formed 
by five other big rivers. 


of the bay, noting several indentations with good 
anchorage ; but he encounters only three natives, who 
are weeping on the shore of what is now Mission 
Bay, called from that circumstance Ensenada de los 
Llorones. Santa Maria and the officers land several 
times on the northern shore toward Point Reyes, 
visiting there a hospitable rancheria. The conclusion 
reached is that San Francisco is indeed a port, and 
one of the best possessed by Spain, " not merely one 
port, but many with a single entrance." There is an 
aboriginal tradition that the bay was once an oak 
grove with a river flowing through it, and the Span- 
iards think they find some support for the theory in 
the shape of oak roots there found. 13 On the 22d of 
September the San Carlos is back at Monterey. 

In the mean time the Santiago has arrived from the 
north, and Heceta, who had been unable by reason of 
fogs to enter San Francisco by water, resolves to make 
the attempt by land. He obtains nine soldiers, three 
sailors, and a carpenter, places on a mule a canoe pur- 
chased from the northern Indians, and with Palou and 
Cam pa sets out the 14th of September. Following 
Rivera's route of the preceding year the party arrive 
on the 22d at the sea-shore, and find on the beach 
below the cliff Ayala's canoe wrecked. This first prod- 
uct of home ship-building, after fulfilling its destiny 
in the first survey of California's chief harbor, had 
broken loose from its moorings and floated out with 
the tide to meet its fate where more pretentious craft 
have since stranded. 

On the hill-top, at the foot of the old cross, are found 
letters from Santa Maria directing the land party to 
go about a league inland, and light a fire on the beach 
to attract the notice of the San Carlos anchored at 
Angel Island. Heceta does so, but finds no vessel, 
and returns to encamp on Lake Merced, so named 
from the day, September 24th, on which he left it. 
Next day he returns to North Beach, but finds no 

Arch. Santa Bdrbara, MS., iv. 153. 


ship; and, supposing correctly that she has left the 
bay, departs on the 24th for Monterey, where he 
arrives the 1st of October. 14 Thus no buildings are 
yet erected for Anza's expected force. 

Before receiving the viceroy's instructions regarding 
San Francisco, Serra had desired to found some new 
missions under the regulations of 1773; that is, by 
diminishing the old guards and taking a few soldiers 
from the presidio. But Rivera declared that no sol- 
diers could be spared, and the president had to content 
himself with writing to the guardian and asking that 
officer to intercede with the viceroy for twenty men. 
Had he known of the force already assigned to the 
new presidio, it is doubtful if even he would have had 
the effrontery to ask so soon for a reenforcemcnt. 
The guardian, unable to get the soldiers, asked per- 
mission to retire the supernumerary padres, which was 
granted at first but immediately countermanded; and 
Bucareli wrote to both Serra and Rivera, authorizing 
the former and instructing the latter, in view of 
Anza's expected arrival, to establish two or three new 
missions on the old plan, depending on future arrange- 
ments for additional guards. 15 

The viceroy's letter just alluded to reached Mon- 
terey on the 10th of August. At a consultation held 
two clays later it was resolved to establish at once a 
mission of San Juan Capistrano between San Diego 
and San Gabriel, under Fermin Francisco de Lasuen 
and Gregorio- Amurrio, with a guard of six men, four 
from the presidial force and two from the missions of 
San Carlos and San Diego. 16 The friars from Mon- 
terey and San Luis, where they had been waiting, 
went down to San Gabriel in August, Lasuen con- 
tinuing his journey to San Diego, whence he accom- 

u Palou, Not., ii. 243-8. 

15 Pa/ow, Not., ii. 259-61; Bucareli to Rivera, May 24, 1775, in Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., i. 174-5. 

16 Rivera announced this to the viceroy in a letter of Aug. 22d. Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., i. 191-2. Gov. Neve notified the viceroy of the padre's appoint- 
ment, on Dec. 10th. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 15G-7. 


panied Ortega to explore a site for the new mission. 
This done, Lasuen returned from San Diego with 
Ortega, a sergeant, and twelve soldiers, sending word 
to Amurrio to come down from San Gabriel with the 
cattle and other church property. Lasuen formally 
began the mission on the 30th of October. 17 The 
natives were well disposed, work on the buildings was 
progressing. Father Amurrio soon arrived, and pros- 
pects were deemed favorable, when on the 7th of 
November the lieutenant was suddenly called away 
by tidings of a disaster at San Diego. By his ad- 
vice the new mission was abandoned, the bells were 
buried, and the whole company set out for the pre- 
sidio. 13 

Of affairs at San Diego, before the event that 
called the company back from San Juan, we have no 
record, save a few letters of Ortega to the command- 
ant, relating for the most part to trivial details of 
official routine. There is some complaint of lack 
of arms and servants in the presidio. Several mule 
trains arrive and depart ; there are hostile savages on 
the frontier; the lieutenant is sorry because Rivera 
wishes to leave, doubts if he can obtain permission to 
resign, which is the first we know of any such inten- 
tion on the part of the commandant. 19 

At the new mission, six miles up the valley, pros- 
pects are bright. New buildings have been erected, a 
well dug, and more land made ready for sowing. On 
the 3d of October sixty new converts are baptized. 
Then comes a change. On the night of November 
4th the mission company, eleven persons of Spanish 

17 So says Palou ; but Ortega, in a letter to Anza dated Nov. 30th, says it 
was Oct. 19th. Arch. Gal Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., i. 2, 3. 

18 Thus Anza on his arrival Jan. 8, 1776, found the site and unfinished 
buildings unoccupied. Anza, Diario, MS., 90. 

19 Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 142-7, 163-G; Prov. Rec., MS., i. 144-5. In one 
of his letters Ortega speaks of the landing-place of goods for the presidio as 
being at least two leagues distant. It would be interesting to know just 
where this landing was and what was the necessity of landing goods so far 
off. In fact without crossing to the peninsula it would seem impossible to 
find a spot so far away. 


blood, retire to rest in fancied security. A little after 
midnight they awake to find the buildings in flames 
and invested by a horde of yelling savages. The two 
ministers, Luis Jaume and Vicente Fuster, with two 
boys, a son and a nephew of Ortega, 20 rush out at the 
first alarm. Jaume turns toward the savages with his 
usual salutation Amad d Dios, hijos, ' Love God, my 
children/ Thereupon he is lost sight of by Fuster, 
who with the young Ortegas succeeds in joining the 
soldiers at their barracks. 

Two blacksmiths, Jose Manuel Arroyo and Felipe 
Romero, the former being on a visit from the presidio, 21 
were sleeping in the smithy. Arroyo is the first to be 
roused, and though ill he seizes a sword and rushes 
forth. Receiving two arrows in his body he staggers 
back into the shop to rouse his companion, and falls 
dead. Romero, awakened by the cry, " Companero, 
they have killed me!" springs from his bed, seizes a 
musket, and from behind his bellows as a barricade 
kills one of the assailants at the first shot. Then, 
taking advantage of the confusion which follows, he 
escapes and joins the soldiers. The carpenter, Jose 
Urselino, was in the barracks and at once joins the 
soldiers; but in doing this, or immediately after, he 
receives two arrow wounds which some days later 
prove fatal. 

The mission guard consisting of three soldiers, 
Alejo Antonio Gonzalez, Juan Alvarez, and Joaquin 
Armenta, 22 under Corporal Juan Estevan Rocha, in the 
absence of a sentinel are aroused from their slumber 
by the flames, and by the yells of the assailants. 

20 These were not the Juan and Jose" Maria of the list given at the end of 
this volume. Their age at this time is not stated. The records are strangely 
silent about these boys during the rest of this eventful night. 

21 Palou, Not., ii. 264-71, and Vida, 176-87, one of the leading authorities 
on this affair, erroneously speaks of the three mechanics as two carpenters 
and one smith, one of the two room-mates being the carpenter Urselino. 

22 Francisco Peua, the fourth man, was ill at the presidio. The names of 
the guard with many other interesting particulars are given in Ortega, Ivfcrme 
da Nov. 30, 1775, MS. , this document being a communication addressed to 

'Lieut. -Col. Anza, and one of the most valuable sources of original information 
respecting the disaster, embodying as it does all the results of Lieut. Ortega's 
investigations down to date. 


Reenforced by the blacksmith, the wounded carpenter, 
and the surviving friar, the Spaniards defend them- 
selves for a time ; but the fire soon forces them to seek 
other shelter. 23 They first repair to a room of the 
friars' dwelling, where Father Fuster makes a haz- 
ardous but ineffectual attempt to find Jaume. 

The fire soon renders the house untenable. In 
their dire extremity they bethink themselves of a 
small enclosure of adobes in which they take refuge, 
'there to fight to the death. In one wall is an open- 
ing through which arrows are shot; but the soldiers 
erect a barricade with two bales or boxes and a copper 
kettle brought from the burning house at great risk. 
But by the time the opening is closed, all are wounded, 
and two soldiers besides the carpenter disabled. A 
fast of nine Saturdays, a mass for each of the soldiers 
and mechanics, and a novena for the priest are prom- 
ised heaven for escape; and thereafter not an arrow 
touches them, though sticks and stones and burning 
brands are still showered on their heads. 24 Urselino 
and the disabled soldiers strain their feeble strength 
to ward off the missiles, Fuster covers with his body, 
his cloak, and his prayers the sack containing fifty 
pounds of gunpowder, while the blacksmith and one 
soldier load and reload the muskets which Corporal 
Rocha discharges with deadly effect into the ranks of 
the foe, at the same time shouting commands in a 

23 It may be noted that according to the last annual report Serra, Informs 
de 1774, MS. the mission buildings on the new site had not been enclosed 
in the usual stockade defences. The barracks are not described in that report, 
but were of wood; the church was not of adobe; and all the adobe buildings 
except the granary had tule roofs. The padres' house, or the smithy, or the 
granary with their adobe walls would seem to have afforded better protection 
than the building chosen; but the progress of the flames or some other unre- 
corded circumstance doubtless determined their action. 

24 For this night's struggle I have followed for the most part Fuster, Recjis- 
tro de Defunciones, MS., in San Diego, Lib. de Mision, 67-74, an original record 
by a survivor of the fiery ordeal left by Fuster in the mission register of deaths. 
This author calls the structure which afforded shelter a ' cercadito de adobes, 
como de tres varas,' and does not imply that it had a roof. Palou says it was 
a kind of kitchen with walls but little over three feet high and roofed with 
branches and leaves, the burning of which added to the peril. This author 
also gives some indications of the padre's bravery which modesty prompted 
the other to conceal. 


stentorian voice as if at the head of a regiment. What 
a subject for a painting I Thus the hours slowly pass 
until at dawn the savages withdraw. The survivors, 
or such of them as can move, crawl from behind the 
adobe battlements, and the Baja Californians and 
neophytes make their appearance. 

The latter come fully armed with bows and arrows, 
and claim to have been largely instrumental in put- 
ting the foe to flight. The first solicitude of the sur- 
vivors is to learn the fate of Father Jaume, of whom 
the neophytes say they know nothing. His body is 
soon discovered in the dry bed of the creek at some 
distance, naked, bruised from head to foot with blows 
of stones and clubs, his face disfigured beyond recog- 
nition, and with eighteen arrow wounds. 25 It is sub- 
sequently ascertained from the natives that the friar 
fell calling on Jesus to receive his spirit. 

Two Indians were now sent to the presidio, though 
not without serious misgivings, since it was under- 
stood that one party of savages had gone to attack 
the garrison. The force at the time, during the 
absence of Ortega and Sergeant Mariano Carrillo at 
San Juan, consisted of Corporal Mariano Verdugo 
and ten soldiers, four of whom w v ere on the sick-list 
and two in the stocks. They were found safe and 
entirely ignorant of what had happened up the river. 
On receipt of the news Verdugo hastened with his 
four men to the mission, where he arrived about eight 
o'clock in the morning; and a few hours later the 
whole company started in sorrowful procession back 
to the presidio, carrying the disabled with the body 
of Jaume and the charred remains of the blacksmith, 
Arroyo, and driving the few animals that were left 
of the mission herds. A small band of neophytes, all 
that had shown themselves since the attack, was left 
behind to battle with the flames and save, if possible, 
something from the general wreck. 

25 Palou says his consecrated hands alone were uninjured, preserved doubt- 
less by God to show his innocence; but Fuster says nothing of this. 


On the sixth, after letters from Verdugo and the 
store-keeper, Pedro y Gil, had been sent by a courier 
to recall the commandant, Fuster performed funeral 
rites to the memory of his martyred associate, and 
buried the body in the presidio chapel. He had died 
without the last sacrament, but he had said mass 
the day before his death, had confessed only a few 
days before, and it could hardly be doubted that all 
was well with him. The same day Arroyo's body 
was buried. 26 In the forenoon of the 8th Ortega 
arrived, soon followed by Carrillo with the remainder 
of the San Juan party. On the 10th the carpenter, 
Urselino, was buried by Fuster, having died from the 
effects of his wounds the day before, after receiving 
the sacrament, and having left all the pay due him to 
be used for the benefit of his murderers. 

From investigations set on foot as soon as the presi- 
dio had been put in a state of defence, some informa- 
tion was brought to light repecting the revolt and its 
attendant circumstances. Just after the baptism of 
October 3d two brothers Francisco arid Carlos, both 
old neophytes, 27 and the latter chieftain of the San 
Diego rancheria, had run away and had not returned 
when Ortega went north to found San Juan. It was 
learned that they had visited all the gentiles for leagues 
around, inciting them to rise and kill the Spaniards. 
No other cause is known than that a complaint of hav- 
ing stolen fish from an old woman was pending against 
them, and so far as could be learned they made no 
charges against the friars except that they were going 
to convert all the rancherias, pointing to the late 
baptism of sixty persons as an indication of that pur- 
pose. Some rancherias refused to participate in the 
plot; but most of them promised their aid, 23 and the 

26 San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS. , 74-5. Arroyo's widowed mother had 
been buried here before. Her name was Petrona Garcia. 

27 So Palou calls them, but I think thero may bo some doubt about this. 

28 Ortega in his In forme,, MS., 5, names the Christian rancherias of San 
Luis, Matamo, Xamacha, Meti, Xana or Xanat, Abascal, Abuscal or Aguscal, 
and Magtate or San Miguel; and the gentile rancherias of La Punta, Melejo, 


assailants were estimated at from eight hundred to a 
thousand. They were divided into two bodies and were 
to attack mission and presidio simultaneously; but the 
mission party began operations prematurely, and the 
others, seeing the light of the burning buildings, 
which they supposed or feared would rouse the garri- 
son, abandoned their part of the scheme. 

At the mission the savages first went to the neo- 
phyte's huts and by threats and force, as the latter 
claimed, or by a previous understanding, as many 
Spaniards believed, insured their silence while they 
proceeded first to plunder and then to burn. About 
the part taken by the neophytes in this revolt there 
is some disagreement among the authorities. All the 
evidence goes to show that some renegade converts 
were concerned in it; but Palou, reflecting doubtless 
the opinions of the other friars, 29 accepts the plea of 
those in the huts that they were kept quiet by force, 
and that the mass of the Christians were faithful. 
Others, however, and notably Anza, an intelligent and 
unprejudiced man well acquainted with the facts, be- 
lieved, as there was much testimony to prove, that it 
was the neophytes who planned the rising, convoked 
the gentiles, and acted treacherously throughout the 
whole affair. 30 

Otai, Pocol, Cojuat, and El Corral, as among those involved in the movement. 
Chilcacop, or Chocalcop, of the Xamacha rancheria, a Christian, is said to 
have aided in the killing of Jaume, in connection with the pagans, Tuerto and 
the chief of the Maramoydos, both of Tapanque rancheria. St. Pap. Sac., 
MS., ix. 72. Those who led the attack were Oroche, chief of Magtate or 
Mactati, Miguel, Bernardino of Matam6, and two others. Zegotay, chief of 
Matamo, testified that 9 rancherias were invited, and that among the leaders 
were Francisco of Cuyamac, himself, and another. The southern rancherias 
assembled at La Punta, the mountaineers at Meti. Chief Francisco plotted 
the revolt, and he, Zegotay, had invited 10 rancherias. Arch. CaL, Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., i. 228-32. Very little satisfactory information can be gathered 
from the reports of these investigations. Rafael of Xanat and the chief of 
Aguscal were also leaders, according to Ortega. 

29 Lasuen, however, in his Informe de 1783, MS., says that most of the 
neophytes took part in the revolt. 

' M Anza, Diario, MS., 90-6. Anza, as we shall see, arrived early in the 
next year. He calls attention to the cool lying of the neophytes with a view 
to exonerate themselves, they even claiming that when liberated from their 
confinement they had turned upon the gentile foes, driving them to the moun- 
tains. There was evidence of some understanding between the natives of 
San Diego and those of the Colorado River. Garces on the Colorado iu 177(5 


To insure safety at the presidio a roof of earth was 
rapidly added to the old friars' dwelling, to which 
families and stores were removed. The tule huts 
were then destroyed and other precautions taken 
against fire. Letters asking for aid were despatched 
to Rivera at Monterey, and to Anza approaching from 
the Colorado region, and both, as we shall see, arrived 
early the next year. Then parties of soldiers were 
sent out in different directions to learn something of 
the enemy's plans, and several leaders were captured 
and made to testify. Thus, in suspense and fear of 
massacre, the little garrison of San Diego passed the 
rest of the year. 31 

Serra at San Carlos received a letter announc- 
ing the disaster the 13th of December. "God be 
thanked," exclaimed the writer, "now the soil is 
watered; now will the reduction of the Dieguinos be 
complete!" Next day. the six friars paid funeral 
honors to the memory of Jaume, whose lot, we are 
told, all envied. They doubted not he had gone to 
wear a crown of martyrdom; but to make the matter 
sure, "si acaso su alma necesitase de nuestros sufra- 
gios," each promised to say twenty masses. Serra 
wrote to the guardian that the missionaries were not 
disheartened, but did not fail to present the late dis- 
aster as an argument in favor of increased mission 
guards. 32 

heard of the disaster, and from his intimate acquaintance with the tribes of 
that region he believes that they would have joined the San Diego rancherias 
in a war against the Spaniards later, had it not been for the favorable impres- 
sion left by Anza. Garces, Diario, 264-285. 

31 See also on the San Diego revolt Serra, Notas, in San Diego, Lib. de 
Mision, MS., 4; Lasuen, Informe de 1783, MS.; Id., in Arch. Santa Barbara, 
MS., ii. 197; St. Pap., Miss* and Colon., MS., i. 16, 127; and investigations 
of Ortega and Rivera in April to June 1776, in Prov. St. Pap. , Ben. Mil. , MS. , i. 
22-3. Ortega credits privates Ignacio Vallejo, Anastasio Camacho, and Juan 
de Ortega with great gallantry in these trying times, Informe, MS., 3; and 
Alvarado, Uit. Cat., MS., i. 83, goes so far as to say that Vallejo was the 
chief cause of the Spanish triumph, thus becoming a great favorite among the 
padres. Gleeson, Hist. Cath. Ch., ii. 68-76, is somewhat confused in his 
account of this affair, making the natives destroy San Carlos and attack the 
presidio in 1779. 

**Palou, Not., ii. 272-5; Id., Vida, 184-7. Dumetz now went to San 
Antonio and Cambon and Pieras returned to San Carlos Dec. 23d. 


Rivera set out for the south on the 16th of Decem- 
ber, with thirteen men, one of whom was to be left at 
San Antonio while two were to remain at San Luis. 

In August there had been an alarm at San Antonio. 
A messenger came to the presidio on the 29th with 
the news that the natives had attacked the mission, 
and shot a catechumen about to be baptized. Rivera 
sent a squad of men who found the wounded native 
out of danger. They captured the culprits and held 
them after a flogging, until the commandant ordered 
them flogged again, when after a few days in the 
stocks they were released/ 

K Palou, Not., ii. 244-5. 





CAPTAIN ANZA, returning from his first exploration 
of an overland route to California, went to Mexico to 
lay before the viceroy the results of his trip. Very 
soon, by royal recommendation, the projects of estab- 
lishing missions in the Colorado region and a new 
presidio at San Francisco were taken into considera- 
tion. In November 1774 the board of war and finance 
determined to carry out or advance both projects by a 
single expedition to California, by way of the Colo- 
rado, under the command of Anza. 1 This determina- 
tion, as we have seen, w^as announced to Rivera and 
Serra at Monterey by Bucareli in December and Jan- 
uary. Anza was advanced to the rank of lieutenant- 
colonel and hastened homeward to raise the required 

1 Anza states that the decree of the viceroy, under which he acted, was 
dated Nov. 24th. Garce"s says the expedition, or his part of it, was determined 
on by the junta on Nov. 28th, was ordered by the viceroy by letter of Jan. 
2d, and by the letters of the guardian of Santa Cruz College Jan. 20th and 
Feb. 17th. 

HIST. CAL., VOL. I. 17 (257) 


force of thirty soldiers with their families for Cali- 

Bucareli was very liberal with the king's money 
on this occasion; giving four mule trains and many 
horses and cattle for the new establishment, and also 
providing that families of settlers, like those of the 
soldiers, were fco be transported at government ex- 
pense, receiving pay for two years and rations for 
five. The expense of each family was about eight 
hundred dollars. Anza took with him from Mexico 
animals, arms, and clothing, and began his work im- 
mediately by recruiting on the way. He clothed his 
recruits, men, women, and children, from head to foot, 
and allowed their pay and rations to begin with the 
date of enlistment. At San Felipe de Sinaloa a regu- 
lar recruiting- office was opened, Anza's popularity, 
with his liberal display of food and clothing, insuring 
success both here and in the north, until in Septem- 
ber 1775 most of the company were assembled at the 
appointed rendezvous, San Miguel de Horcasitas. 
They were ready the 29th of September, all being 
united in time to start from the presidio of Tubac the 
23d of October. 2 

The force that set out from Tubac consisted, first, 
of Anza, commander, Pedro Font of the Queretaro 
Franciscans as chaplain, ten soldiers of the Horcasi- 
tas presidio, eight muleteers, four servants, and Ma- 
riano Vidal, purveyor twenty-five persons in all who 
were to return to Sonora; second, Francisco Garces 
and Tomds Eixarch, 3 destined to remain on the Rio 
Colorado with three servants and three interpreters; 
and third, Alferez Jose Joaquin Moraga, and Ser- 
geant Juan Pablo Grijalva, twenty-eight soldiers, 
eight from, the presidio force and twenty new recruits; 
twenty-nine women who were wives of soldiers; 136 

2 Arricivita, Cr6n. Serdf., 461, says they left Horcasitas on April 20th, and 
Tubac Oct. 21st. The rendezvous of the friars connected with the expedition 
was at the mission of Tumacacori near Tubac. 

3 So Font calls him. Garces writes the name Fjixarth ; Arricivita, Eyzarch ; 
and Anza, Esiare. 


persons of both sexes belonging to the soldiers' families 
and to four extra families of colonists; 4 seven mule- 
teers, two interpreters, and three vaqueros alto- 
gether 207 destined to remain in California, 5 making 
a grand total of 235, to say nothing of eight infants 
born on the way. The live-stock of the expedition 
consisted of 165 mules, 34Q/liorses, and 320 head of 
cattle. 6 

Our Lady of Guadahu/e, Saint Michael, and Saint 
Francis of Assisi were selected as patrons of the ex- 
pedition, and after the celebration of mass on Sun- 

4 Palou says there were 12 of these families and that the whole force for 
California was 200 souls. 

5 There may be some slight inaccuracy respecting the vaqueros, muleteers, 
and interpreters, the numbers given being those not otherwise disposed of 
definitely in the diaries. The names are included in the list at end of this 
volume. There are no means of separating most of them from other parties. 

6 Anza, Diario del Teniente Coronet Don Juan Bautista deAnza, Capitandel 
Presidio de Tubac, Sonora, de su expedition confamilias desde dicho presidio, al 
reconocimiento del puerto de San Francisco de Alta California; y de su vuelia, 
desde este puerto al Presidio de San Miguel de Horcasitas, MS. , 232. Com- 
pleted at Horcasitas on June 1st. This official journal kept by the comandanto 
from day to day throughout the whole expedition is of course the chief 
authority on the subject. There is an occasional ambiguity of expression 
which causes confusion, notably so at the beginning where the company is 
described ; but otherwise the diary leaves nothing to be desired. The author 
was a man of great ability and force of character, besides being very popular 
with his men. Another original authority is Font, Journal made by Padre 
Pedro Font, Apostolic Preacher of the College of Santa Cmiz de Queretaro, 
taken from the minutes written by him on the road, during a journey that he 
performed to Monterey and the Part of San Francisco, in company with Don, 
Juan Bautista de Anza, etc., MS., 52. Completed at Ures, Sonora, June 23d. 
This translation was made from the original in the parochial archives of Guad- 
alajara, or, more probably, from a copy of the same, apparently about 1850, 
under circumstances of which I know nothing, but evidently with considerable 
care. The original, which I have not seen, is cited in Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
xiii. 206, among other documents as Diario que firma el P. Font . . . con dos 
mapas. A copy of the translation was obtained in California by Bartletfc, 
and is cited in that author's Personal Narrative, ii. 78, 278-80. Another 
c Py> probably made from that in my possession, is preserved in the library 
of the Territorial Pioneers in San Francisco, and an abridgment was pub- 
lished by that society. Territorial Pioneers of CaL, First Annual, 81-107. 
The maps are not copied in the translation, though there are a few rude pen 
drawings, and though the numbers on one of the maps, representing days' 
journeys, are given in the diary. Fortunately this map, a very interesting 
and important one, has been found, and a lithographic copy of it though 
with many blunders in lettering published in Hinton's Hand-Book of Arizona, 
of which book, recently printed, it is the sole meritorious feature so far as 
history is concerned. I reproduce the map, or that part of it representing 
California, in this chapter. Font's diary, though less complete and extensive 
than that of Anza, is still of very great value .as an authority on this expedi- 
tion. Still another original authority is Garces, Diario y Derrotero que sigu.'d 
el M. It. P. Fr. Francisco Garces en su viaje hecho desde Octubre de 1775 hastalJ 


day, they began their march on Tuesday, the 23d of 
October. Details of the route and march, through 
Pimeria and the country since known as Arizona, 
belong rather to the annals of those territories than 
to those of California, but there is little to record 
anywhere. The route was by San Javier del Bac 
and Tucson to the river Gila, and down that river 
generally along the southern bank to the Colorado 
junction, a route often travelled in the old Jesuit era. 
The march was not a difficult one. The natives were 
uniformly hospitable, and ready both to receive trifling 
gifts and to have the authority of their chieftains 
confirmed by Spanish appointments. The only mis- 
fortunes were the death of a woman in childbirth, 
the desertion of one or two muleteers brought back 
by natives, and the loss of a few horses from bad 
water and excessive cold. The only delays were 
caused by an examination of the famous Casa Grande, 
by an occasional halt for rest, and by other detentions 
of a day or two by the birth of young immigrants. 
They reached the Gila the last day of October and 
were about a month on the march down to the Colo- 
rado junction. 

Crossing the Gila to the northern bank near its 
mouth November 28th, Anza and his company were 
given a hospitable and even enthusiastic welcome by 
the Yuma chief, Palma, whose domain lay, it seems, 
on both sides of the Colorado, and who had built a 
large house of branches especially for the use of the 
travellers. 7 Four soldiers were met here, who had 
been sent in advance, and had been searching during 
the past six days, on the California side of the Colo- 

dc Septiembre de 1776, alRio Colorado para reconocer las Nctcioncs qve habit an 
ana marye.nes, y d los pueblos del Aloqui del Nuevo- Mexico, in Doc. Hint. J/r <., 
serie ii. torn. i. 225-348. This diary is nearly as complete as Anza's, and more 
so than Font's, down to the time when Anza's expedition left the Colorado 
for the north-west. Other authorities are Paloit, Jfot., ii. 213-15, 277-82; 
Id., Vida, 204-5, 186-7; Arrkh-itn, Cron. *SYm/'., 461-90, the last being a 
very full account but with some errors respecting minor details. 

* P. Font's map is incorrect in representing the ford of the Colorado as 
below the Gila, while all three diaries say that it was a little way above. 


rado, for a more direct route than that followed the 
year previous; but without success, as neither water 
nor grass could be found. The first task, and by no 
means an easy one, was to get the large company 
with cattle and stores safely across the river. The 
Yumas said the Colorado was not fordable, and must 
be crossed by means of rafts, a slow and tedious proc- 
ess, but one which Anza was inclined to think neces- 
sary for the families and supplies at least. At seven 
o'clock in the morning of the 29th he went down 
to the bank to reconnoitre. He ordered the neces- 
sary timber for rafts, and then with a soldier and a 
Yuma determined to make one final search for a ford, 
which he found about half a mile up the river, where 
the water was diverted by islands into three channels. 
The afternoon was spent in opening a road through 
the thickly wooded belt along the bank; and on the 
30th before night all the families and most of the 
supplies were landed on the western side, without 
the use of rafts. 

The travellers remained in camp on the right bank 
for three days, partly on account of the dangerous 
illness of two men, and also to make certain needful 
preparations for the comfort and safety of the two 
friars who were to remain here until Anza's return. 
Father Garces was requested to select the place where 
he would reside, and chose Palma's rancherfa about a 
league below the camp and about opposite the mouth 
of the Gila. So earnest were Palma's assurances of 
friendship and protection that it was deemed safe to 
leave the missionaries with their three servants and 
three interpreters. Before starting Anza built a house, 
and left provisions for over four months, and horses 
for the use of the remaining party, whose purpose was 
to explore the country, become acquainted with the 
natives, and thus open the way for the establishing of 
regular missions at an early date. I shall presently 
have more to say of their travels in California. Set- 
ting out December 4th from Palma's rancheria, Anza 


marched slowly clown the river, the way made difficult 
by the dense growth of trees and shrubs, by cold, and 
by illness in the company. The first halt was at the 
rancherias of San Pablo, or of Captain Pablo as Font 
says; the second was at the lagoon of Coxas, or Cojat, 
the southern limit of Yuma possessions and of Palma's 
jurisdiction; and the third, on the 6th of December, 
was at the lagoon of Santa Olaya, the beginning of 
Cajuenche territory, about twelve leagues below the 
mouth of the Gila. 8 

During the stay at Santa Olaya Garces overtook 
the party, having already set out to explore the coun- 
try toward the mouth of the Colorado. Anza divided 
his force into three parties under the command of 
himself, Grijalva, and Moraga, who started on the 
9th, 10th, and llth, respectively, and were reunited 
December 17th at San Sebastian. I give some de- 
tails of names and distances in a note. 9 I also append 
a copy of Font's map, substituting names for numbers 
in the case of important places and where space per- 
mits. The route followed was nearly the same as 
in Anza's former trip, and substantially that of the 
modern railroad through Coahuila Valley and San. 
Gorgonio Pass. The journey, every petty detail of 

8 Font, Journal, MS., 16, 17, makes the distance 14 leagues with some 
winding, and the latitude 32 33' which by the distances is very nearly accurate. 
Garces, Diario, 244, calls the lagoon Santa Eulalia. By Anza and Font the 
name is written Olalla. See chap. x. for Anza's trip of 1774. 

9 Route from Palma's rancheria on the west bank of the Colorado near 
mouth of the Gila to San Gabriel. The courses are from Font's Journal, 
Anza's agreeing with them generally but being less definitely expressed. The 
distances in parentheses, differing widely from Anza's, are from Font, whose 
leagues were about 2 miles. The numbers refer to Font's map: 42. Laguna 
of San Pablo, or Capt. Pablo, 4i 1. (5) w. s. w. ; 43. Laguna of Coxas, or 
Cojat, 3 1. (4) s. w., Laguna of Santa Olalla, 32 33', 41. (5) s. vs.; 45. Pozo 
del Carrizal, or Alegria, 5 1. (7) w. N. w.; 46. Dry Gulch, 5 1. (7) w. N.W.; 47. 
Pozos de SantaRosa de las Lajas, 10 1. ( 14) w. N. w. , w. , w. s. w. ; 48. Dry Creek, 
41. (3) N.; San Sebastian, 33 8', 5^1. (7) N. N. w.; 51. Pozo de San Gregorio, 
7i 1. (9) w. | N. w. ; 52. Arroyo of Santa Catalina del Vado, Sink, 4 1. N. w. w. ; 
53. Id., source, 1 J 1. (1) N. w. | w. ; 54. Danzantes rancheria in same cafiada, 3 1. 
(4) w. N. w.; San Carlos Pass (San Gorgonio?) 2-| 1. (3) N. N. w.; [123. Porte- 
zuelo on return;] 56. San Patricio Canada, source of stream, 33 37'; 57. San 
Jose" Arroyo, 6 1. (7) N. w. J w. ; 58. Laguna of San Antonio Bucareli, down 
San Jose Valley, 4 1. (5) w. N. w. ; Santa Ana River, 9 1. (8) w. N. w. ; 60. Arroyo 
de los Alisos, 6 1. w. N. w.; 61. River San Gabriel, branch, 5 1. (6) w. N. w., 
San Gabriel, 34 35', 2 1. w. s. w. 




which is fully described in the commandant's diary, 
was a slow, tedious, and difficult one, requiring a 
full month for its accomplishment; and the fact that 
it was accomplished at all under the circumstances 
speaks highly for Anza's energy and ability. Long 
stretches of country without water must be crossed, 
and at first the company must be divided that all 
should not arrive the same day at the same watering- 
place. It was midwinter, the cold was intense, and 
most of the company were not accustomed to a cold 
climate. Storm followed storm of snow and hail and 
rain, and an earthquake came to increase the terrors 
of San Gorgonio pass. They were obliged to dig 
wells, and then obtained only a small supply of water, 
and the cattle were continually breaking away in 
search of the last aguage. There was much sickness; 
and yet, beyond the loss of some hundred head of 
live-stock, there was no serious disaster, owing to the 
skill and patience of Anza and his aids. On the 
first day of 1776 the new pioneers of California and 
San Francisco forded the River Santa Ana, and on 
January 4th the expedition reached the mission of 
San Gabriel. 

Rivera had arrived from the north the day before, 
on his way with ten or twelve men to afford protec- 
tion to the threatened presidio of San Diego, and to 
punish the Indians who had destroyed the mission. 
The disaster and danger at San Diego seemed to 
justify Anza in suspending his own expedition for 
a time, especially as the season was not favorable 
for the immediate exploration of San Francisco. At 
the request of Rivera,, therefore, he determined to 
proceed with a part of his force to punish the south- 
ern foe. 

The company of immigrants was left to rest at San 
Gabriel under the command of Moraga, and, after 
religious ceremonies of gratitude for safe arrival cele- 
brated on the 6th, Anza set out at noon on the 7th, 
accompanied by Font and seventeen of his soldiers in 


addition to Rivera's force, for San Diego, where he 
arrived the llth. 10 

Naturally, the coming of reinforcements caused 
great relief to Ortega and his little garrison, who 
were in constant fear of an attack from the gentiles. 
There seems to have been some foundation for these 
fears besides the exaggerated rumors always preva- 
lent on such occasions ; but, whatever may have been 
the plans of the savages, their hostile purposes did 
not long survive the arrival of new forces. One of 
Rivera's first acts was to send six soldiers to the 
peninsula with communications for the viceroy and a 
demand for reinforcements, in view of the recently 
developed dangers threatening the permanency of the 
Spanish establishments in California. Then followed 
investigations respecting the late outbreak, lasting 
the remainder of the year ; they were imperfectly re- 
corded, and of slight importance. Raids were made 
to different rancherias; gentile chiefs were brought 
in, made to testify, flogged, liberated, or imprisoned, 
but nothing was learned in addition to what has been 
already stated. 11 

It was not long before a difference of opinion arose 
between the two commanders which later developed 
into a quarrel. As we have seen Anza had consented 
to postpone temporarily the special business the vice- 
roy had intrusted to him, in view of the danger threat- 
ening San Diego. He found the danger somewhat 
less than had been represented. He had come to San 
Diego for a brief, vigorous, and decisive campaign 
against the savages, but he found Rivera disposed to 
a policy of delay and inaction. Anza's chief concern 

10 Anza, Diario, MS., 89-90, says he took 17 men ; Font, Journal, MS., 22, 
says 20 men ; Palou, Not., ii. 275-6, makes it 18 men ; and the same author, 
Vida, 186-7, implies that there were 40 men. The route from San Gabriel 
was: 63. River Santa Ana 61. (10 according to Font); Arroyo de Santa Maria 
Magdalena, or La Quema, 11 1. (14) ; River San Juan Capistrano, 111. (14) ; La 
Soled ad rancheria, via San Dieguillo and 68 Agua Hedionda, 9 1. (12) ; San 
Diego, 3 1. (4). 

11 Anza, Diario, MS., 97-100, 104, 106; Prcv. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS*, i. 
22-3; Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 215-32. 


was naturally the founding of San Francisco, while in 
Rivera's mind the protection of San Diego was the 
only subject at present to be thought of. Anza at 
first yielded to the captain's views, realizing that as 
ruler of the province he naturally felt for its safety, 
but at last tidings came from San Gabriel which turned 
Anza's attention again to his own affairs. Five men 
arrived February 3d with a despatch from Moraga and 
the purveyor Vidal, to the effect that the mission 
could no longer furnish food for the immigrants ex- 
cept to the injury of its own neophytes, Father Paterna 
having distributed rations for eight days and given 
notice that these would be the last. 

On receipt of this intelligence Anza resolved to take 
his military colony without delay up to Monterey. 
He agreed, however, with Rivera, to leave ten of his 
soldiers at San Gabriel, thus relieving a portion of 
the old guard at that mission for service at San Diego 
if needed, 12 and with the other seven, having sent in 
advance a mule train laden with maize and beans, he 
set out on the 9th, still accompanied by Font, and 
arrived at San Gabriel on the 12th. Only one event 
occurring at San Diego after Anza's departure re- 
quires notice in this connection. Carlos, an old neo- 
phyte but a ringleader in the late revolt, returned in 
real or assumed penitence, and, prompted doubtless by 
the missionaries, took refuge in the church. Rivera 

' O 

sent a summons to Fuster to deliver the culprit on the 
plea that the right of church asylum did not protect 
such a criminal, and moreover that the edifice was not 
a church but a warehouse used temporarily for wor- 
ship. Fuster by the advice of his comrades of the 
cloth refused, and warned the commandant to use no 
force. Rivera then entered the church sword in hand 
with a squad of soldiers and took the Indian out, pay- 
ing no heed to the expostulations of the three padres, 

12 Anza, Diario, MS., 108. He did leave 12 instead of 10. Palou, Not., ii. 
275-6; Vida, 18&-7, implies that the 12 men were left at San Diego instead 
of San Gabriel. 


Faster, Lasuen, and Amurrio. The priests proceeded 
to excommunicate the commander and the soldiers 
who had aided him, and ordered them to leave the 
church before beginning service on the next day of 
mass. The friars reported to Serra, sending the report 
up to Monterey by Rivera himself. 13 

Arriving at San Gabriel on February 12th Anza 
found that the night before three of his muleteers and 
a servant with a mission soldier had deserted, taking 
twenty-five horses and other property, part of which 
belonged to the mission and part to the expedition. 
The colonists proper, however, seemed content and 
showed no disposition to desert. Moraga was sent 
with ten men to capture the fugitives, and before his 
return Anza resolved to set out for the north. Leav- 
ing twelve men and their families under Grijalva to 
reenforce the mission guard, and ordering Moraga on 
his arrival to follow with eight men, the commandant 
started on the 21st with seventeen men, the same 
number of families, 14 the mule train, and the live-stock. 
Heavy rains had swollen the streams and rendered 
many parts of the route well nigh impassable. Ob- 
servations respecting the natives of Channel rancherias 
are omitted by Anza as having been given in the diary 
of his former trip, a diary which unfortunately is no 
longer in its entirety extant. Font gives merely ari 
outline of distances and directions. 15 With no other 

l3 Palou, Not., ii. 292-5. 

14 The full division of the forces was as follows on Anza 's departure: At 
San Gabriel, 8 California soldiers, 12 families, Sergeant Grijalva, and 4 soldiers 
of Anza's guard waiting for Moraga; with Moraga, 8 California soldiers (2 of the 
10 having returned before Anza started); with Anza, 11 California soldiers, 17 
families, and 6 of Anza's men total 29 out of the 30 soldiers who were to 
remain in California, one not being accounted for. This explanation is neces- 
sary on account of the confused statements of Anza, who had no head, or pen 
at least, for figures. 

15 The route was as follows ; the earlier part to the sea-shore being appar- 
ently further south than that followed by the first Spanish explorers in 1769, 
and Anza's distances being as before considerably less than Font's. The num- 
bers refer to Font's map, q. v. : San Gabriel; 119. Rio Porciuncula, 21.; 72. 
Portezuelo, 61.; 73. Agua Escondida, 71. (10); 74. Rio Santa Clara, 91. (15); 
75. Rincon or Rinconado rancheria, past Carpinteria, 61. (9); [117.] Assumpta 
River]; 76. Mescaltitlan rancheria, 71. (9); Rancheria Nueva, 81. (9); 78. Cojo 
rancheria, 71. (10); 79. River Santa Rosa, past Pt Concepcion, rancherias of 


notable occurrence than an occasional miring of the 
train, in the midst of which it became necessary to 
unload the animals, the women meanwhile being com- 
pelled to walk, 16 the immigrants were welcomed 
March 2d at San Luis Obispo, where next day, as 
shown by the mission records, Anza stood as god- 
father to several native children baptized by Font. 17 
From this place they passed directly north by the 
modern stage route to the Salinas River, or Rio de 
Monterey as they called it, reaching San Antonio on 
the 6th, and feasting on two fat hogs magnanimously 
killed for their use by order of the friars. Moreover, 
they were delighted to receive intelligence from the 
south, having been in great anxiety since they heard 
of the late disaster. Here Moraga came up, having 
captured the deserters near the Colorado River, and 
having left them tied at San Gabriel. On the 10th 
all arrived safely at Monterey. 18 

Next morning Padre Junipero came over from San 
Carlos to congratulate Anza on the safe termination 
of his march, and to assist with his three companions 
at the religious ceremonial of thanksgiving, on which 
occasion Father Font delivered an address of encour- 
agement with advice to the newly arrived company. 
Anza and Font went over to the mission by invita- 
tion of the president, where the commandant was con- 
fined to his bed for more than a week by a painful 
illness. On the 18th eight of the presidio soldiers 
were sent south to reenforce Rivera at San Diego, 
with a request to that officer to take immediate steps 

Pedernales and Espada, 9J1. (12); 81. Buchon rancherfa, 91. (13); San Luis 
Obispo, 35 17^', 31. (4); over mountains and down Rio Santa Margarita to 
(83) Ascencion on Rio de Monterey (Salinas), 7 1. (10); 84. First ford of Rio San 
Antonio, 81. (10); [111. Canada deRobles]; San Antonio, 36 2', 81. (10); 86. 
Los Ositos, on Rio de Monterey, past Roble Caido (in Canada de S. Bernab<5) 
71. (9); 87. Los Correos, on the river, 8 1. (10); [109. S. Bernab6 Canada; 108. 
Buena Vista;] Monterey, 7 1. (10). 

16 Hundreds of travellers over the coast stage route in winter, myself among 
the number, have no difficulty in identifying this place near San Luis. 

17 San Luis Obispo, Lib. de Mision, MS., 31. 

18 On the journey to Monterey see AnzcCs Diario, MS., 112-34; Font's 
Journal, MS., 25-9. 


for the founding of San Francisco. On the 23d, 
against the surgeon's advice, Anza insisted on mount- 
ing his horse and setting out to explore San Francisco 
Bay, returning April 8th from this exploration, which 
may be most conveniently described in connection 
with other San Francisco matters in the next chapter. 

Back at Monterey the commandant was disap- 
pointed in finding neither Rivera in person nor any 
message from him. He accordingly sent Sergeant 
Gongora with four men 19 south with letters requesting 
Rivera to meet him at San Gabriel on the 25th or 
26th for consultation respecting important matters. 
Two days later, on the 14th of April, having turned 
over his company and all connected with the San 
Francisco establishment to Moraga, he began his re- 
turn march with Font, Vidal, seven soldiers of his 
escort, six muleteers, two vaqueros, and four servants. 
The parting with the soldiers and their families, whom 
he had recruited in Sonora and brought to their new 
home, is described by Anza as the saddest event of 
the expedition. All came out as their leader mounted 
to leave the presidio, and with tearful embraces bade 
him god-speed. Font affirms that according to the 
list, which he consulted just before starting, there were 
one hundred and ninety-three souls of the new colony 
left at Monterey. 

Next day between Buena Vista and San Bernabe, 
less than twenty miles from Monterey, they met 
Gongora, who announced that Rivera was close behind 
him, and revealed certain strange actions of this 
officer. He had met Rivera between San Antonio and 
San Luis, and in reply to questions had told his busi- 
ness and presented Anza's and Moraga's letters, which 
the captain refused to take, simply saying "Well, 
well; retire!" Gongora followed his superior officer 
north, keeping at a little distance, and a day or two 
later Rivera suddenly called for the letters, received 

19 Two of the men were of Anza's guard, and the others of the Calif ornian 
troops. Palou, Not., 288-90, says that G6ngora had but two men. 


them without breaking the seals, and gave in return 
two letters for Anza which the sergeant was to deliver 
in all haste. As Gtfngora called Anza aside and 


delivered the letters he stated his belief that Rivera 
was mad. The letters contained a simple refusal to 
effect or permit the establishing of San Francisco. 
Gongora was ordered to go on to Monterey, and after 
proceeding another league Anza met Rivera on the 
road, saluted him, and asked about his health. Rivera 
said his leg troubled him, heard Anza's expressions of 
regret, and started on, as if it were a casual meeting, 
with a simple adios. "Your reply to my letter may 
be sent to Mexico or wherever you like," called out 
Anza, and Rivera answered, "It is well." Calling on 
the friars who accompanied him, 20 to witness what had 
occurred, Anza, considerably offended by actions which 
seemed to him 'attributable to impoliteness and a 
"great reserve" rather than madness, went on his way, 
arriving at San Luis Obispo the 1 9th of April. 

In the mean time Rivera went on to Monterey, 
arriving on the 15th, and sending word to Serra to 
come over from the mission for his letters, which he 
wished to deliver in person and was too unwell to visit 
him. Serra came, and thought Rivera's illness, which 
was a slight pain in the leg, greatly exaggerated. 
He found his letters likewise broken open, though 
Rivera assured him it was accidental and they had 
not been read. He then told the president of his 
excommunication at San Diego, and Serra, after con- 
sultation with the San Carlos friars, approved what 
Fuster had done, refusing to grant the captain's re- 
quest for absolution, until he should give satisfaction 

20 Pieras was returning in his company to San Antonio. Anza, Diario, 
MS., 185, says he took a written certificate from the padres. Font, Journal, 
MS., 43, says: 'We supposed that he had returned to speak with Capt. Anza 
before his departure and treat about the affairs of the expedition, and that 
we should probably have to return to Monterey or at least stay where we 
were; but we soon found that his arrival did not cause us any detention what- 
ever, for when we fell in with Capt. Ilivera, a short time afterward, the two 
captains saluted each other on passing, and without stopping to speak about 
anything Capt. Ilivera immediately went on to Monterey, and we continued 
our journey toward Sonora.' 


to the church by returning the Indian Carlos to the 
sanctuary, on which condition the San Diego minis- 
ters could grant absolution without necessity of Ser- 
ra's interference. He also wrote the guardian about 
the matter, and after much difficulty in getting an 
escort from Rivera, who put him off with frivolous 
pretexts, he sent Cambon with the letter to overtake 
Anza. The next day, April 19th, Rivera himself 
started south again, refusing Serra's request to go 
with him on the plea of very great haste. 21 

Cambon overtook Anza at San Luis on the 19th, 
bringing besides the president's letters for Mexico 
one in which he announced his purpose to come down 
with Rivera if possible, and asked Anza to wait a 
little; another from Moraga telling of Rivera's arrival 
at Monterey, and volunteering the opinion that the 
commandant was insane; and still another from Rivera 
himself announcing his immediate departure, asking 
for a delay and consultation, and apologizing for past 
discourtesy on the plea of ill-health. 22 On the after- 
noon of the 21st some soldiers came in saying that 
Rivera had encamped for the night but a little way 
off. Anza at once sent a message that he would con- 
sult with him on matters affecting the service, but 
that all communication must be in writing. Next day 
came back a letter naming San. Gabriel as the place 
of consultation. Anza was there on the 29th, 23 and 

21 Palou, Not., ii. 291-7. Another serious cause of trouble between Rivera 
and Serra was the action of the former respecting the mules which were 
sent for mission use. One hundred mules were sent via Baja California, 
and 89 were sent up by Gov. Barri to Rivera, who, knowing that they 
belonged exclusively to the missions, distributed them all the same among 
his soldiers, except 40 which he brought to Monterey, admitting when ques- 
tioned that the mules were not his, but pleading military service. Subse- 
quently, a letter came to Serra for Rivera ordering the distribution of the 
mules. The letter was open, and was sealed and delivered after being read, 
but Rivera never mentioned the matter again. Id., 209-11. 

>22 Palou, Not., ii. 297-300, says that Anza was induced by the padres to 
read the letter, but would not answer it. According to this author Rivera's 
apology was in the subsequent letter. 

23 This is Anza's own version, Diario, MS., 189-97. Font, Journal, MS., 
44, tells us that Rivera came to San Luis on the 22d, and after staying a 
while without seeing Anza started for San Gabriel. Palou also says that 
Rivera came to San Luis, got angry because Anza refused to communicate 


found that Rivera had arrived two days before him. 
Here the two commandants had no personal interview", 
but exchanged several letters, Anza sending to Rivera 
a description and map showing his survey of San 
Francisco, and giving him three days in which to 
prepare such reports or other communications as he 
might wish to forward to the viceroy. When the 
time had passed Rivera was offered more time, but 
replied that no more was needed and that his de- 
spatches would soon overtake Anza. 24 The latter 
finally set out for Sonora May 2d, with the same 
company he had brought from Monterey and the re- 
mainder of his ten soldiers. 

Next day there came from Rivera, not his report 
to the viceroy on matters connected with his com- 
mand, but a private letter to Anza in which he said 
that he "lacked a paper bearing upon a criminal who 
took refuge in the place where mass is said at San 
Diego," and asked Anza to present his excuses to the 
viceroy. He also enclosed a letter to the guardian of 
San Fernando. Anza sent back both letters to the 
writer, and went on to the Colorado; while Rivera 
went immediately down to San Diego. The quarrel 
is certainly a curious item in the annals of California, 
being a subject which it is difficult fully to compre- 
hend. Rivera was evidently a weak man. Whether 
he was insane, or influenced solely by a spirit of child- 
ish jealousy, of which we have seen manifestations in 
a previous quarrel with Fages, is a question. Both 
officers were subsequently reprimanded by Bucareli 

except in writing, and went on to San Gabriel followed by Anza. Here may 
be mentioned a tradition of the natives recorded by Anza as having been 
told to P. Figuer, of the arrival and wreck, 23 years before, of a vessel bear- 
ing 12 white men like the Spaniards, who before their death in the wreck had 
landed and gave the Indians beads and other articles, including the knives 
found by the Spaniards in 1769. ' Qu6 gente seria esta queda al discurso de 
quien estd mas instruido que yo,' writes Anza, and I can do no better than 
follow his discreet example. 

24 Palou says that Anza did not stop at the mission but encamped at a little 
distance, fearing a controversy with Rivera; and that he subsequently sent 
back Rivera's letters with the message that ' he was not the mail. ' The cor- 
respondence "between the two was sent by Anza to the viceroy but has not, so 
far as I know, been preserved. 


for allowing a quarrel in matters of etiquette to inter- 
fere with the public service; but Rivera's early re- 
moval to Lower California put an end to the matter, 
as it did to his quarrel with the friars. 

The return march of Anza's party to the Colorado 
presents nothing of importance. They followed the 
same route as before, except between San Sebastian 
and Santa Olaya, where they kept more to the north, 
and arrived May llth at the Portezuelo de la Con- 
cepcion, just below Palma's rancheria, and nearly if 
not exactly identical with the site of the modern Fort 
Yuma. Here they found Padre Eixarch in safety and 
added him to the company; but of Garces nothing 
could be learned except that he had gone up the river 
to the country of the Jalchedunes, whither a letter 
was sent ordering him to return. Palma with three 
other natives also joined the party, being allowed at 
the earnest solicitation of himself and nation to go 
with Anza to Mexico to present his petition for mis- 
sionaries. They crossed the swollen river on rafts 
just below the Gila, followed the banks of the latter 
stream for two days, and then, turning to the right, 
returned to Horcasitas by way of Sonoita, Caborca, 
and Altar, arriving the 1st of June.' 


I have now to narrate briefly the Californian wan- 
derings of Father Francisco Garces, whom Colonel 
Anza had left on the 4th of December 1775 at 
Palma's rancheria opposite the mouth of the Gila, 
and whom he had subsequently seen at Santa Olaya 
on the 9th, the friar being already on his way to ex- 
plore the country and learn the disposition of the 
natives toward the Christians. This first trip lasted 
till January 3d, and in it the friar wandered with 

2b Anza, Diario, MS., 198-232; Font's Journal, MS., 45-52; Arrkiv'tta, 
Cr6n. Serctf. , 464-8, 490. The last author affirms that Palma was well received 
at Mexico, but there was some hesitation about sending missionaries, as he 
was chief of one rancheria only. I should add that one of the deserting mule- 
teers condemned by Anza to remain in California escaped from San Diego and 
crossed the country eastward alone and unmolested, joining Anza on the 
Colorado. The name of this first explorer on this route is not recorded. 
HIST. CAL., VOL. I. 18 


three Indian interpreters in all directions over the 
country between Santa Olaya and the mouth of the 
Colorado, 26 everywhere kindly received, everywhere 
showing his banner with a picture of the virgin on 
one side and of a lost soul on the other. The natives 
invariably looked with pleasure on the former paint- 
ing, pronouncing it muy buena, but turned with horror 
from the latter as something very bad, to the un- 
ceasing delight of Garces, who regarded their prefer- 
ance as a token of predestination to salvation. The 
diary contains much useful information respecting the 
aboriginal tribes. 

On the return of Garces early in January the two 
padres moved their residence from Palma's rancheria 
to what they called the Puerto, or Portezuelo, de 
Concepcion, the site, as already stated, of the modern 
Fort Yuma. They also examined the rancheria, or 
puerto, of San Pablo below on the river, and pro- 
nounced it a suitable site for a mission. Visitors 
came in from different nations, and among others 
from those dwelling in the mountains toward San 
Diego. The people called Quemeyabs announced that 
those on the coast had already killed a priest and 
burned his house, that war was expected, and that in 
case it came all the nations would combine against 
the Spaniards, asking the Colorado tribes to remain 
neutral. Garces paid, however, very little attention 
to this story, knowing of course nothing about the 
massacre at San Diego; yet he lost no opportunity 
to insist on the necessity of maintaining the most 
friendly relations with these tribes, in order to insure 
the safety of the coast establishments and communi- 
cation with them. 

On February 14th Garces started up the river, 
..always to the west of it, with two or three interpret- 
ers to visit the Yamajabs, as the Mojaves were orig- 

26 The general route is indicated by dotted lines on Font's map, but must 
have been added after the diary was finished, for then Font had heard noth- 
"ing of Garces. This part of the padre's wanderings might, indeed, have been 
reported by Eixarch, but not his northern travels, also shown 011 the map. 


inally called, arriving on the 28th in their country, or 
rather opposite, for they lived on the east of the river, 
between what are now the Needles and Fort Mojave. 27 
During his short stay two thousand natives came 
across the Colorado to visit the first white man who 
had ever been in that region. Here the adventurous 
friar conceived the idea of crossing the country west- 
ward to visit the friars who lived near the sea, and 
was encouraged by the natives, who had traded with 
the coast tribes and said they knew the way. Leav- 
ing some of his not very bulky effects and one of his 
interpreters, he started with the rest and a few Yarn- 
ajabs March 1st and arrived on the 24th at San 
Gabriel. 28 The route was substantially that of the 
modern road from Los Angeles to Mojave, up the 
Mojave River and through the Cajon Pass; and the 
journey was without incident requiring special mention. 
Garces was warmly welcomed by the priests at San 
Gabriel, where it will be remembered he had been with 
Anza in 1774, finding that establishment "muy adel- 
antada en lo espiritual y temporal," and remaining for 

27 This being the first exploration of most of this region, or of all west of 

the river, I give the route in Ml. See also Font's map route marked . 

Puerto de la Concepcion, Gvj 1. N. w. ; 2 1. w. N. w. through pass in Sierra de 
San Pablo to San Marcelo' watering-place; 5 1. N. w. in sight of Cabeza del 
Gigante in the east, Grande Medanal, and vicinity of San Sebastian, passing 
near Peiion de la Campana; 8 1. N. and N. N. w. through pass in the sierra on 
north of the Medanal to San Jose" watering-place 33 28'; 3^ 1. N. N. w. and E. N. 
E., across sierra to a valley; 61. N. N. w. and E. N. E.; 6L E. N. E. and N. into 
Sierra of Santa Margarita to banks of Colorado, across valley to watering-place 
in 3325'(?); 1J1. w.; Gor 11 1. N.W. and w. N.W. to Tinajas delTezquien, one 
day's journey from river; 8 1. (or G 1.) N. N. w. and N. across a sierra, to Santo 
Angel springs 34 31' (in Chemehneves country); 61. N. E. and N. w.; 71. N. N. 
E. across a sierra to Yamajab nation, whose rancherias, LaPasion, were across 
the river. (35 on Font's map. } 

28 The full route over a country which Garcds was the first, as also for many 
years the last, to traverse is worth recording as follows. (See also map): 3 1. 
N. w. to rancherias of Santa Isabel; 31. N. w. and E. N. w. (sic) to San Pedro 
de los Yamajabs in 35 1', still near the river; 2^1. s. w. to San Casimiro wells; 
81. w. w. s. w. to wells; 5 1. w., 31. w. s. w. to Sierra de Santa Coleta; 41. 
w. N. w. across sierra (Providence Mts.) to Canada de Santo Tomas; 61. w. 
s. w. to wells of San Juan de Dios, where the country of the Beiiemes begins; 
51. to Pinta Pass and Arroyo de los Martires (Rio Mojave); 12-JL w. s. w. on 
same stream; 2 1. w. N. w., and 2 1. s. w. and s. 34 37'; 5 1. s. w. up the 
stream; 8-J1. up the stream; 31. s. w. and s. to San Benito rancheria; 31. s. s. 
W. across sierra (Cajon Pass?) in sight of sea, and 31. E. s. E. to Arroyo de loa 
Alisos; 211. w. s. w. into Anza's trail, and 81. w. N. w.; 21. \v. N. w. to San 


over two weeks. 29 It had been his intention to reach 
San Luis instead of San Gabriel, but the natives had 
refused to guide him in that direction. He now de- 
termined to go up to San Luis by the highway, and 
thence to return eastward to the Colorado across the 
tulares. He applied to the corporal of the mission 
guard for an escort and supplies for the trip, and was 
refused, being subsequently refused also by Rivera to 
whom he wrote at San Diego. The commandant soon 


arrived, however, on his way to Monterey, and a dis- 
cussion ensued on the matter, which finally elicited 
from Rivera, after various excuses, the declaration 
that he was not in favor of any communication between 
the natives of the Colorado and those of the missions, 
having already taken some measures to prevent it by 
ordering the arrest of eastern Indians coming to the 
missions to trade. Garces deemed Rivera's views 
erroneous, but he was obliged to submit, receiving, 
however, from the missionaries supplies which enabled 
him to partially carry out his plans, though he did not 
venture along the Channel shores. 

Setting out on the 9th of April, the padre crossed 
the San Fernando Valley I use here for convenience 
modern names, referring to a note for those applied 
at the time 30 and the Santa Clara River; entered 

29 It appears by the mission record that Garcds on April 6th baptized an 
Indian of 20 years named Miguel Garce"s, Sergeant Grijalva being godfather. 
San Gabriel, Lib. de Mision, MS., 10. It is very strange that neither Anza 
nor Font in their diaries mention GarceV visit to San Gabriel, though the 
route is indicated on the latter's map, which, as I have said, must have been 
made after the completion of the diary. 

30 See also Font's map. San Gabriel; 1| 1. N. w. and w. N. w.; 51. N. w. 
at foot of sierra; 2^1. N. w. to rancheria in 34 13' (vicinity of San Fernando 
mission); 21. N. to Santa Clara Valley and 11. w. N. w. to a cieneya; 9 1. w. 
and N. across (?) the Sierra Grande; |l. N. E. to a lake where Fages had been 
(Elizabeth Lake?); 51. across valley to Sierra de San Marcos; 21. N. and 3^L 

w. across the Sierra to San Pascual rancheria of the Cuabajay nation (in 
edge of Tulare Valley, but this nation farther west on map); 1^1. w. N. w. to 
rancheria in 35 9'; 8 1. N. to Arroyo de Santa Catarina in country of the 
Noches ; 1 1. N. w. to a great river San Felipe flowing with rapid current from 
eastern mountains (Kern River above Bakersfield ?) and 31. N. w. and N. to 
smaller stream Santiago (Posa Creek?); 4J 1. N. ; 2J 1. N. to River Santa Cruz 
(White River?); 1 1. E. to rancheria. Back to San Miguel at junction of two 
branches of River San Felipe; back to San Pascual rancheria; 2 1. E. and N. E. 
in sierra to lagoon of San Venancio; 3 1. N. w. and s. E.; 1^1. s. E. to Arroyo 


the great Tulare Valley by way of Turner's and Tejon 
passes; crossed Kern River, which he called San 
Felipe, near Bakersfield; went up nearly to the lati- 
tude of Tulare Lake, which he did not see, being too 
far to the east; left the valley, probably by the Teha- 
chepi Pass but possibly by Kelso Valley; and thence 
went across to the Mojave, and back by nearly his 
original route to the starting-point on the Colorado. 
Thus he had been the first to explore this broad 
region, the first to pass over the southern Pacific 
railway route of the thirty-fifth parallel. His petty 
adventures with the ever friendly natives in the Tulare 
Valley are interesting, but cannot be sufficiently con- 
densed for insertion here. Seven days' journey north 
of the limit of his trip he heard of another great 
river which joined the San Felipe, and which Gar- 
ces thought might be that flowing into San Fran- 
cisco Bay, the San Joaquin, as it doubtless was. At 
one place the- priest was greeted by a native who 
asked him in Spanish for paper to make dgarritos, who 
said he came from the west, and who was, doubtless, 
a runaway neophyte from San Carlos or San Antonio. 
Everywhere the natives were careful to inquire of 
the guides whether the friar was a Spaniard of the 
west or of the east, the latter bearing a much better 
reputation than the former. 

On the Colorado Garces received Anza's letter 
requiring his return if he wished to accompany the 
party to Sonora. But it was already too late; there 
was much to be done in his favorite work of making 
peace between hostile tribes, the Indians desired him 
to stay, and there were other regions to explore. 
Consequently, although he had once started down the 
river, he suddenly changed his mind and decided to 
visit the Moqui towns. Parting from his last inter- 

de la Asuncion ; 6^ 1. s. s. w. out of mountains and over plains ; 7 1. s. s. w. 
to Rio Martires at old station in 34 37'; back to San Juan de Dios by old 
route; 21. E. N. E. to Medano; 4^-1. E. s. E. across Sierra of Santa Coleta; 31. 
E. N. E. to well of San Felipe Nerf; 5 1. N. E. ; 1 1. N. E. to Trinidad; 1 \ 1. N. E. ; 
9 1. E. and s. E. to San Casimiro ; 2 1. E. s. w. (sic) to starting-point. 


preter he crossed the river and started June 4th with 
a party of Hualapais for the north-east, reaching the 
Moqui towns the 2d of July. Here his good-fortune 
deserted him. The Moquis did not harm him, but 
would not receive him in their houses, would not re- 
ceive his gifts, looked with indifference on his paint- 
ings of hell and heaven, and refused to kiss the 
Christ. Having passed two nights in a corner of the 
court-yard, and having written a letter to the min- 
ister at Zuni, Garces turned sorrowfully back and 
retraced his steps to the country of the Yamajabs, 
where he arrived on the 25th. He was a month in 
going down the river to the Yuma country, and reach- 
ing San Javier del Bac, on the 17th of September. 31 

The expedition of Doininguez and Escalante may 
be alluded to here as an unsuccessful attempt to reach 
California. They went in 1776 from Santa Fe, New 
Mexico, to Utah Lake. But winter was near, food 
became scarce, reports of the natives were not en- 
couraging, and they soon gave up their plan of reach- 
ing Monterey, returning to Santa Fe by way of the 
Moqui towns. 32 

31 Garcts, Diario, 246-348. Signed at Inbutama Jan. 30, 1777. Forbes, 
Hist. CaL, 157-62, saw this diary in MS., at Guadalajara. Journey men- 
tioned in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 47-8; vi. 59. Palou, Not., ii. 281-2, mentions 
rumors that Garce"s had been killed by savages. 

32 Dominguez and Escalante, Diario y Derrotero, 1776. In his Carta de 28 
de Octubre 1775, MS., Escalante favors a route from Monterey to the Moquis 

,. and to Santa Fe\ He has heard of some light-colored natives somewhere on 
the route, who had probably reached the interior from Monterey, by the great 





THE expedition of Anza, described in the preceding 
chapter, was planned and executed with almost exclu- 
sive reference to the establishment of a presidio at 
San Francisco, and of one or two missions in the same 
region under its protection. Though I have not found 
the text of Bucareli's instructions to Anza, it was 
probably the intention that the foundation should be 
accomplished during that officer's stay in California, 
and to a certain extent under his supervision. The 
expedition, however, for various reasons, did not reach 
California so early as had been intended. The matter 
was delayed by the critical state of things at San 
Diego, and still farther delayed by Rivera's idiosyn- 
crasies; and Anza was obliged to leave the country 
before his colonists had been settled in their new 
home. Yet he did not go until he had made every 
possible effort to forward the scheme by repeatedly 



urging its importance upon the dilatory and obstinate 
commandant, and by making in person a new exam- 
ination of the San Francisco region. This examina- 
tion, minutely described in the original records, 1 was 
omitted from its chronological place as a part of 
Anza's expedition, and must now receive attention. 

With Moraga, Font, a corporal, and two soldiers 
from the presidio, eight of his own men, and provisions 
for twenty days, Anza left Monterey for San Fran- 
cisco the 23d of March 1776, having been but two 
days from his sick-bed at San Carlos. 2 The party 
followed the route of Rivera and Palou in tfreir jour- 
ney of December 1774, 3 to the Arroyo de San Fran- 
cisco, now known as San Francisquito Creek, at 
a spot where the Spaniards had first encamped in 
December 1769, and which Palou had selected two 
years previously as a desirable site for the mission of 
San Francisco. The cross set up in token of this 
selection was still standing, but intermediate explora- 
tion, as Anza tells us, referring presumably to Heceta's 
trip of the year before, had shown a lack of water in 
the dry season, very unfortunately, as in respect of 
soil, timber, and gentilidad the place was well adapted 
for a mission. 

Instead of entering the Canada of San Andres Anza 
seems to have kept nearer the bay shore though 
neither he nor Font states that the bay was kept in 
sight; but after crossing the Arroyo de San Mateo, 
so called at the time and since, there are but slight 

* O 

data, save the general course, between north-west 

l Anza, Diario, MS., 139-78; Font's Journal, MS., 30-43. 

2 Palon, Not., 285-7, says the start was March 22d, and the total number of 
soldiers 10. Anza wished Palou to go with him, but Serra objected. Two of 
the soldiers, however, had been over the route before. 

3 See chap. x. of this volume. The itinerary, with Font's distances in 
parentheses, was as follows: From Monterey, 7^ 1. (7) to Asuncion or Nativi- 
dad across the River Monterey or Santa Delfina: 81. (12) to Valley of San 
Bernardino or Arroyo de las Llagas (still called Llagas Creek) across Arroyo 
de San Benito and Pajaro River (?); 8 1. (12) to Arroyo de San Jose" Cupertino 
(93 on Font's map) in sight of bay; 4 1. (6 ?) to Arroyo de San Francisco. At 
one place on the way the poles used to support the altar on a previous visit 
of the Spaniards were found decorated with offerings of arrows, feathers, food, 
etc., recalling the similar occurrence at Monterey in 1770. 





and north, from which to determine the exact route/ 
until, on March 27th, he encamped at about 11 A. M. 
on a lake near the "mouth of the port," out of which 
was flowing water enough, as the writer says, for a 
mill. This was what is now Mountain Lake, to which 
the Spaniards at this time gave no name, 5 though 
they called the outlet Arroyo del Puerto, now known 
as Lobos Creek. As soon as the camp was pitched 
Anza set out exploring toward the west and south, 
spending the afternoon, and finding water, pasturage, 
and wood, in fact all that was required for his pro- 
posed fort except timber. 

Next morning he went with the priests to what is 
now Fort Point, " where nobody had been," and there 
erected a cross, at the foot of which he buried an ac- 
count of his explorations. 6 Here upon the table-land 
terminating in this point Anza determined to estab- 
lish the presidio. Font presently returned to camp, 7 
while Anza and Moraga continued their explorations 
toward the east and south-east, where they found, iii 
addition to previous discoveries, a plentiful supply of 
oak timber which, though much bent by the north- 
west winds, would serve to some extent for building 
purposes. About half a league east of the camp they 

4 From the topography of the region, and from the fact that no mention is 
made of seeing or being near either the bay or Lake Merced, it is most likely 
that Anza followed the route of the present county road and railroad from 
San Bruno to the vicinity of Islais Creek, thence turning to the left past the 
present Almshouse tract. 

5 The lake is called Laguna del Presidio on La Pe"rouse's map of 1786. 
That the lake on which this party encamped was Mountain Lake, an identity 
that no previous writer has noticed, is proved not only by Anza's subsequent 
movements, but by the following in Font's Journal, MS., 31: 'The coast of 
the mouth (of San Francisco Bay) on this side runs from N. E. to s. w., not 
straight, but forming a bend, on the beach of which a stream, fwhich flows 
from the lagoon where we halted, empties itself, and we called it the Arroyo 
del Puerto. ' No other part of the shore corresponds at all to this statement. 

6 Misled, perhaps, by this mention of the cross, Palou, Not., ii. 286, says 
that Anza followed his, Palou's, route of 1774 until he reached the cross 
planted at that time. 

7 Font in his diary gives a long and accurate description of San Francisco 
Bay. He clearly mentions Alcatraz Island, though without applying any 
name. It is to be noted that he mentions Punta de Almejas, or Mussel Point, 
still so called; but this was not the original Mussel Point of 1769, though 
Font very likely thought so. 


found another large lagoon, from which was flowing 
considerable water, and which, with some artificial im- 
provements, they thought would furnish a permanent 
supply for garden irrigation. This was the present 
Washerwoman's Bay, corner of Greenwich and Octa- 
via streets. About a league and a half south-east of 
the camp there was a tract of irrigable land, and a 
flowing spring, or ojo de agua, which would easily 
supply the required water. Anza found some well 
disposed natives also, and he carne back at 5 p. M. very 
much pleased, as Font tells us, with the result of his 
day's search. 

Next morning, the 29th, they broke camp, half the 
men with the pack animals returning by the way they 
had come, to San Mateo Creek, and the commander 
with Font and five men taking a circuitous route by 
the bay shore. Arriving at the spring and rivulet dis- 
covered the day before, they named it from the day, 
the last Friday in lent, Arroyo de los Dolores. 8 
Thence passing round the hills they reached and 
crossed the former trail, and went over westward into 
the Canada de San Andres in search of timber, of 
which they found an abundance. They followed the 
glen some distance beyond where the San Mateo 
creek flows out into the plain, killed a large bear, 
crossed the low hills, and returned northward to join 
their companions on the San Mateo. 

The next objective point was the great River San 
Francisco, which had in 1772 prevented Fages from 

8 It is to be noted that Anza calls it simply an ' ojo de agua 6 fuente ' and 
Font an 'arroyo,' but neither mentions any lagoon. Palou, however, says, 
' on reaching the beach of the bay which the sailors called De los Llorones 
(that is Mission Bay, called Llorones by Ayala's men on account of two weep- 
ing natives, see chap. xi. ), he crossed an arroyo by which empties a great 
lagoon which he named Dolores, and it seemed to him a good site for the mis- 
sion,' etc. This may be punctuated so as to apply the name to the stream 
rather than the lagoon ; but I suspect that the lagoon subsequently known 
as The Willows with its stream was entirely distinct from Anza's stream of 
Dolores. Of this more in note 26 of this chapter. Font from an eminence 
noted the bearing of the head of the bay E. s. E., and of an immense spruce, 
or redwood, afterwards found it to be 150 feet high and 10 feet in circumfer- 
ence, on the Arroyo cle San Francisco, s. E. 


reaching Point Reyes. 9 Save that in going round 
the head of the bay they named Guadalupe and 
Coyote streams, and further on the Arroyo de San 
Salvador, or Harina, there is nothing of value or 
interest in the diaries until April 2d when the ex- 
plorers reached the mouth of "the fresh water port 
held hitherto to be a great river," that is, to the 
strait of Carquines and Suisun Bay. The water was 
somewhat salt ; there was no current ; this great 
River San Francisco was apparently no river at all, 
but an extension of the bay. The matter seems to 
have troubled them greatly, and their observations 
were chiefly directed to learning the true status of 
this body of water. There was no reason for it, 
but tbey were confused. Crespi's diary of the for- 
mer trip had described the body of water accu- 
rately enough, and had not at all confounded the 
strait and bay with the River San Francisco, or San 
Joaquin ; but, possibly, Fages had also written a 
diary in which he expressed the matter less clearly. 10 
The camp on the 2d was on a stream supposed to 
be identical with the Santa Angela de Fulgino 11 of 
Fages. On the 3d they continued eastward past the 
low range of hills, from the summit of which, near 
Willow Pass, like Fages and Crespi before them, they 
had a fine view of a broad country, which they describe 
more fully, but not more accurately, than their prede- 
cessors. 12 The long descriptions are interesting, but 
they form no part of history and are omitted, strange 
as it may seem, on account of their very accuracy, as 
is also true regarding Font's description of San Fran- 
cisco :Bay. They described the country as it was and 

9 It is noticeable that Anza several times implies that more than one ex- 
ploration had been made in this direction, but only one, that of Fages, is 

10 See account of Fages' trip in chapter viii. According to Arricivita, 
Croii. Serdf. , 465-7, Font named the body of water Puerto Dulce. 

11 No. 100 of Font's map. 

12 See also Font's map in preceding chapter, on which 'a' is 'the hill to 
which Fages arrived;' 'b' a ' rancheria at edge of the water;' ' c,' a ' hill from 
which we saw the tulares;' *d' the ' summit of the sierra;' and V some 'min- 
eral hills.' 


is; it is only with the annals of their trip and such 
errors in their observations as had or might have 
had an effect on subsequent explorations that I have 
to deal. There are, however, errors and confusion to 
be noted. It is evident that for some reason they had 
an imperfect idea of Fages' trip. On the strait they 
had labored hard to prove it not a river, as it certainly 
was not, and as it had never been supposed to be, so 
far as can be known. Now that they had reached the 
river and were looking out over the broad valleys of 
the San Joaquin and Sacramento from the hills back 
of Antioch, they still flattered themselves that they 
were correcting errors of Crespi and Fages, and they 
still labored to prove that the broad rivers were not 
rivers, but 'fresh water ports' extending far to the 
north and south, possibly connecting by tulares in the 
former direction with Bodega Bay. In all this, how- 
ever, Anza was not so positive ; but in correcting an 
error Crespi never made respecting the Strait of Car- 
quines, Font was singularly enough led into real error 
left on record for others to correct. 

Like Fages, Anza descended the hills and advanced 
some leagues over the plain to the -water's edge, 13 
but instead of turning back and entering the hills by 
the San Ramon Canada, as Fages had done, after 
some rather ineffectual attempts to follow the miry 
river-banks, he kept on over the foot-hills, noting vast 
herds of elk, or jackass deer, passed to the left of 
what is now Mount Diablo, and crossed the moun- 

13 Font in one place calls the hill the terminus of Fages' exploration, and 
says: ' From said hill which may be about a league from the water, Captain 
Fages and P. Crespi saw its extent and that it was divided into arms which 
formed islands of low land; and as they had previously tasted the water 
on the road further back and found it to be fresh, they supposed without 
doubt that it must be some great river which divided itself here into three 
branches . . . without noticing whether it had any current or not, which was 
not easy for them to do from said hill at such a distance. ' Font counted 
seven islands. Anza, Diario, MS., 168, says of the body of water 'nos pareci6 
ser mas uiia gran laguna que rio,' and 172, 'Me hizo esta noticia (the state- 
ment of two soldiers that the tulares were impassable even in the dry season) 
y lo que yo observaba acabanne de conceptuar que lo que se ha tenido por rio 
es puramente una gran laguna.' San Ricardo was the name given to the 
rancheria in the Antioch region. 


tains by a difficult route not easy to locate, on which 
he named the Canada de San Vicente and the Sierra 
del Chasco, finding also indications of silver ore. 
April 6th the party encamped on Arroyo del Coy- 
ote, 14 and on the 8th arrived at Monterey. As before 
related, Anza started south on the 14th, and his final 
exhortation to Rivera on the importance of prompt 
action in the San Francisco matter was accompanied 
by a diary and map of the exploration just described. 15 

With the arrival of the colony at Monterey from 
the south, there had come instructions from Rivera 
to build houses for the people, since there w 7 ould be 
at least a year's delay before the presidio could be 
founded. 16 And such were the orders in force, not- 
withstanding Anza's protest, when that officer turned 
over the command to Moraga, 17 and left the country. 
But Rivera, coming to his senses perhaps after a little 
reflection, or fearing the results of Anza's reports in 
Mexico, or really taking some interest in the new 
foundation now that the object of his jealousy had 
departed, changed his policy, and the day after his 
arrival in San Diego, on May 8th, despatched an order 
to Moraga to proceed and establish the fort on the 
site selected by Anza. He could not, however, neg- 
lect the opportunity to annoy the priests by saying 
that the founding of the missions was for the present 
suspended, as Moraga was instructed to inform the 
president. Truly the latter had not gained much in 
the change from Fages to his rival. At the same 
time Rivera sent an order to Grijalva at San Gabriel 
to rejoin the rest of the colony at Monterey with the 

14 No. 104 of the map. 

15 The route of Anza's trip is shown, but of course in a general way, on 
Font's map. See chapter xii. The natives had been as usual friendly in every 
rancheria visited. 

10 Palou, Not., ii. 283. From the viceroy Rivera had permission dated 
Jan. 20th, to delay the exploration only until Anza's arrival. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., i. 193-4. But of course the viceroy knew nothing yet of the San Diego 

17 Feb. 4th, Rivera orders Moraga to take command of the expedition 
after Auza's departure. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 19. 


twelve soldiers and their families. Anza's departure 
had, it seems, greatly lessened the danger at San 

Gongora brought the order to San Gabriel, and 
Grijalva, setting out at once with his company, carried 
it to Moraga at Monterey. It was resolved to start 
north in the middle of June, and though the mission 
must wait, Serra thought it best that Palou and 
Cambon, the friars destined for San Francisco, should 
accompany the soldiers to attend to their spiritual 
interests and be ready on the spot for further orders. 
Meanwhile the transport vessels arrived on their 
yearly voyage, having sailed from San Bias together 
on the 9th of March. The San Antonio, Captain 
Diego Choquet, with Francisco Castro and Juan B. 
Aguirre, as master and mate, and Friar Benito Sierra 
as chaplain, arrived May 21st, unloading supplies for 
Monterey and waiting for some pine lumber for San 
Diego. The San Carlos, a slower vessel, arrived the 
3d of June, 18 under Captain Quiros, Canizares and 
Re villa as master and mate, with Santa Maria and 
Nocedal as chaplains. She brought supplies for Mon- 
terey and also for San Francisco, and many articles 
were put on board to go up by water and save mule 
transportation ; but as two cannons were to be taken 
from the presidio an order from Rivera was necessary, 
and the vessel was obliged to wait until this order 
could be obtained. 

On June 17th Moraga with his x company of sol- 
diers, settlers, families, and servants 19 set out in com- 
pany with the two friars by the old route, moving 
very slowly, halting for a day on San Francisco 

18 June 5th, Moraga to Rivera, announcing arrival of the transports. Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., i. 232-3. 

19 About the number of soldiers there is much confusion. Rivera's orders, 
Palou, Not., ii. 300, had been to take 20 of them, but the same author says, 

?age 307, that Moraga had 13; and elsewhere, Vida, 205-7, that there were 
7. He still claims that 12 of AiEa's force were at San Diego, but there is 
no doubt that all the 29 were at Monterey and that about 20 of them started. 
There were 7 settlers with their families, 5 vaqueros and muleteers, 2 Lower 
Californians, 1 San Carlos neophyte, a mule train, and 200 head of cattle. 


Arroyo, noting the abundance of deer and antelope, 
and finally encamping, June 27th, on the Laguna de 
los Dolores in sight of the Ensenada de los Llorones 
and of the south-eastern branch of the bay. An altar 
was set up and mass was said on the 29th, as on every 
succeeding day. Here Moraga awaited the coming 
of the San Carlos, because the exact location of the 
presidio site was to depend to some extent on her 
survey for anchorage. A month was passed in ex- 
plorations of the peninsula, in cutting timber, and in 
other preparations of which no detailed record was 
kept, and still no vessel came. The lieutenant finally 
determined to go over to the site' selected by Anza, 
and make a beginning by erecting barracks of tules 
and other light material. Thus far all had lived in 
the field tents, and the camp was transferred on the 
26th of July. The first building completed was in- 
tended for a temporary chapel, and in it the first mass 
was said on July 28th by Palou. 20 The priests, how- 
ever, did not change their quarters. They as well as 
Anza thought the first camp in a locality better fitted 
for a mission than any other part of the peninsula; 
and though by Rivera's orders the mission was not 
yet to be founded, the spot was so near the presidio, 
and the natives were so friendly, that it was deemed 
safe and best for the two friars to remain with the 
cattle and other mission property, guarded by six sol- 
diers and a settler, who might without disobedience 
of superior orders make preparations for their future 
dwellings. Things continued in this state for nearly 
another month. 

To their great relief on the 1 8th of August the San 
Carlos arrived and anchored near the new camp. 
After leaving Monterey she had experienced con- 
trary winds and had been driven first down to the 
latitude of San Diego, then up to 42, anchoring on 
the night of the 17th outside the heads and north of 

20 The camp was pitched July 26th, and building begun July 21 
Sal to Governor in 1792. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 52, 54. 

of Sal - " ' .r . __*. 


the entrance. Quiros and the rest having approved 
the choice of sites, work was immediately begun on 
permanent buildings for the presidio, all located within 
a square of ninety-two yards, according to a plan made 
by Canizares. Quiros sent ashore his two carpenters 
and a squad of sailors to work on the storehouse, com- 
mandant's dwelling, and chapel, while the soldiers 
erected houses for themselves and families. All the 
buildings were of palisade walls, and roofed with 
earth. They were all ready by the middle of Septem- 
ber, and the 1 7th was named as the day of ceremonial 
founding, being the day of the ' Sores of our seraphic 
father Saint Francis.' 21 Over a hundred and fifty 
persons witnessed the solemn ceremony. The San 
Carlos landed all her force save enough to man the 
swivel-guns. Four friars assisted at mass, for Pefia 
had come up from Monterey, and the prescribed rites 
of taking possession, and the te deum laudamus, 
were accompanied and followed by ringing of bells 
and discharge of fire-arms, including the swivel-guns 
of the transport. The cannon so terrified the natives 
that not one made his appearance for some days. 22 
Thus was the presidio of San Francisco founded, and 
after the ceremonies its commandant, Moraga, enter- 
tained the company with all the splendor circum- 
stances would allow. 23 

While the presidio supplies were being transferred 
to the warehouse, a new exploration of the head of 
the bay and of the great rivers was made by Quiros, 
Canizares, and Cambon in the ship's boat, and by 

21 'On that same 17th of September on the other side of the continent Lord 
Howe's Hessian and British troops were revelling in the city of New York.' 
Elliot, in Overland Monthly, iv. 33G-7. 

22 So says Palou, and it reads well. It must be added, however, that 
according to the same author all had left the peninsula a month before. 

25 In connection with the founding of the presidio it may be noted that 
Moraga in his preliminary search found one or two fine springs which Anza 
had not mentioned. Gen. Vallejo, in his Dixcurso Historico, pronounced at 
the centennial celebration of the founding of the mission, notes that some 
remarkable qualities were popularly attributed to the spring called El Polin. 
Women drinking the water were, it seems, made more than usually prolific, 
giving birth to twins in many instances. Several other Califomians men- 
tion this old popular belief. 

HISI. CAL., VOL. I. 19 


Moraga with a party of soldiers by land. The two 
expeditions were to meet beyond the ' round bay/ or 
at the mouth of the river, on a certain day, apparently 
September 26th, whence by water and land they were 
to go up the river as far as possible. They started on 
the 23d, the land party carrying most of the supplies, 
while the boat took only enough for eight days. On 
the 29th Quiros returned. He had reached the ren- 
dezvous at the appointed time, but not meeting 
Moraga, he had been obliged after waiting one day to 
turn back for want of provisions. Although prevented 
from exploring the great river, he was able to settle 
another disputed question and prove that the ' round 
bay' had no connection with Bodega. For sailing in 
that direction he had discovered a new estuary and 
followed it to its head, finding no passage to the sea, 
and beholding a lofty sierra which stretched toward 
the west and ended, as Quiros thought, at Cape 
Mendocino. This was, probably, the first voyage 
of Europeans up the windings of Petaluma Creek. 24 
Respecting the region at the mouth of the great 
rivers he had done no more than verify the accuracy 
of previous observations by Fages and Anza. 

Meanwhile Moraga, on arriving at the south-eastern 
head of the bay, had changed his plans, and instead of 
following the shore had conceived the idea that he 
could save time and distance by crossing the sierra 
eastward. This he accomplished without difficulty by 
a route not recorded, but apparently at an unexpected 
cost of time ; for on reaching the river he concluded it 
would be impossible to reach the mouth at the time 

24 Palou, Noticias, states that Quir6s sailed two days on the new estero, 
and he might with unfavorable winds have spent that time on Petaluma 
Creek; but if he waited a day for Moraga the two days rmist include the whole 
return voyage. He had not, however, disproved Font's theory that the bay 
communicated with Bodega by way of the great ' fresh water port, ' or lagoon, 
now called the Sacramento River. In his Vida, 210-14, Palou gives rather 
vaguely additional details. At the mouth of the great river was a fine har- 
bor, as good as San Diego, named Asuncion (Suisun Bay?). The lofty sierra 
stretching to Cape Mendocino was called San Francisco. The estuary on the 
west of Round Bay, up which they sailed one day and night, was named 


agreed on, and resolved to direct his exploration in the 
other direction. Marching for three days rapidly up 
the river he reached a point where the plain in all di- 
rections le liizo horizonte,tlia,t is, presented an unbroken 
horizon as if he were at sea ! The natives pointed out 
a ford, and Moraga travelled for a day in the plain 
beyond the river, seeing in the far north lines of trees 
indicating the existence of rivers. But he had no 
compass, and fearing that he might lose himself on 
these broad plains he returned by the way he had 
come, arriving at the presidio the 7th of October. 

Let us now return to the other camp at the Laguna 
de los Dolores, where since the end of July Palou and 
Cambon, reenforced after a time by Pena appointed to 
Santa Clara, had been making preparations for a mis- 
sion. Six soldiers and a settler had built houses for 
their families, and the establishment lacked only cer- 
tain dedicatory formalities to be a regular mission. 
True, there were no converts, even candidates, but 
the natives would doubtless come forward in due time. 
Their temporary absence from the peninsula dated from 
the 12th of August, before which time they had been 
friendly though apparently unable for want of an inter- 
preter to comprehend the aims of the missionaries. On 
the date specified the southern rancherias of San Mateo 
came up and defeated them in a great fight, burning 
their huts and so filling them with terror that they 
fled in their tule rafts to the islands and contra costa, 
notwithstanding the offers of the soldiers to protect 
them. For several months nothing was seen of them, 
except that a small party ventured occasionally to the 
lagoon to kill ducks, accepting also at such visits gifts 
of beads and food from the Spaniards. Two children 
of presidio soldiers were baptized before the founding 
of the mission. 25 As* soon, as Quiros arrived he had 

23 San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 3. These are the first entries in the 
mission books; the first on August ICth was the baptism of Francisco Jos< de 
los Dolores Soto, infant son of Ignacio Soto; the second that of Juana Maria 
Lorenza Sanchez 15 days of age, on Aug. 25th. Both were baptized ad instantem 
mortem without ceremony, the latter by a common soldier. 


given his attention to the mission as well as the pre- 
sidio, and immediately set six sailors at work to aid 
the priests in constructing a church and dwelling, so 
that the work advanced rapidly. 

No orders came from Rivera authorizing the estab- 
lishing of a mission, but Moraga saw no reason for 
delay and took upon himself the responsibility. A 
church fifty-four feet long and a house of thirty by 
fifteen feet, all of wood, plastered with clay, and roofed 
with tules, were finished and the day of Saint Francis, 
October 4th, was the time set for the rites of founda- 
tion. On the 3d the church, decorated with bunting 
from the vessel, was blessed; but next day only a mass 
was said, the ceremony being postponed on account of 
the absence of Moraga. He arrived, as we have seen, 
on the 7th, and on October 9th the solemne funcion 
was celebrated in presence of all who had assisted at 
the presidio a month before, save only the few soldiers 
left in charge of the fort. Palou said mass, aided by 
Cambon, Nocedal, and Pena; the image of Saint 
Francis, patron of port, presidio, and mission, was 
carried about in procession. Volleys of musketry rent 
the air, aided by swivel-guns and rockets brought from 
the San Carlos, and finally two cattle were killed to 
feast the guests before they departed. Thus was for- 
mally established the sixth of the California missions, 
dedicated to San Francisco de Asis on the Laguna 
de los Dolores. 26 

26 The patron of this mission, it is needless to say, was the founder of the 
Franciscan order of friars. He was born in the city of Assisi, Italy, in 1182, 
in a stable, and on the shoulder was a birth-mark resembling a cross. AYith 
a slight education and somewhat dissolute habits he was employed in trade 
by his father until 25 years of age. Taken prisoner in a petty local war, his 
captivity caused or was followed by an illness during which his future vocation 
was revealed to him in dreams. Useless thereafter for business and regarded 
as insane by his father, he renounced his patrimony, vowed to live on alms 
alone, and retired to the convent of Porciuncula near Assisi, where he laid the 
foundations of his great order. This organization was approved by the pope 
in 1209, and at the first chapter, or assembly, in 1219 had over 5,000 members 
in its different classes. The founder gave up the generalship as an example 
of humility, and went to Egypt in 1219 in search of martyrdom; but the Sul- 
tan, admiring his courage, would not allow him to be killed. Among the 
many miracles wrought by or through him, the most famous is that of the 
stigmata, or llagas de Jems, the wounds of the nails and spear inflicted on the 


The annals of San Francisco for the first months, 
or even years, of its existence are meagre. The 
record is indeed complete enough, but there was 
really very little to be recorded. On October 21st 

body of Christ imprinted by an angel on Saint Francis as he slept. Though 
in feeble health he continued preaching until his death on Oct. 4, 1226. He 
was canonized in 1228, and his festival is celebrated on the day of his death, 
October 4th. 

As to the exact date of the foundation there is a degree of uncertainty, it 
lying between the 8th and the 9th. True, Palou, Not., ii. 320, in a statement 
which from its connection with the date of Moraga's return (p. 318) cannot 
be a slip of the pen or typographical error, is the only authority for the 
former elate, while Palou himself, Vida, 214, and all other authorities (except- 
ing of course a few very recent writers who follow the Noticias), including the 
annual and biennial reports of missionaries so far as they have been pre- 
served, agree on Oct. 9th. Yet this evidence is not so overwhelming in favor 
of the latter date as it seems, since all printed works have doubtless followed 
Palou's Vida, and it is not certain that the regular reports alluded to did not 
follow the same authority. I have seen no report preceding 1787, the date 
when Palou's work was published, which gives the date at all. Ordinarily 
the writers of official reports obtained such dates from the mission books, on 
the title-pages of which the date of founding is in every other mission cor- 
rectly given ; but strangely enough in this instance San Francisco, Lib. de 
Mision, MS., 2, the date is given in Palou's own handwriting as August 1st, 
which is not only incorrect but wholly unintelligible. Lacking this source 
of information I suppose the friars may have used Palou's work, which was 
in most if not all the mission libraries. To name the writers who have given 
one elate or the other would not aid in settling the question, and it must be 
left in doubt. Since it is only conjecture that the source of information for 
official reports was Palou's printed book, the balance of evidence is of course 
in favor of Oct. 9th. Vallejo, in hisDiscurso Historico, MS., states that the 
founding was 011 Oct. 4th, but in a note appended to the translation of his 
discourse, San Francisco, Centennial Mem., 105-6, as in conversation, he ex- 
plains his meaning to be that as Oct. 4th was the day appointed for the cer- 
emony, as it was the day of San Francisco, and as it was the day annually 
celebrated by the Californians, it ought still to be the day celebrated as an 
anniversary. Whatever may be said of the theory, it has no bearing on the 
actual date as an historical fact. Vallejo's suggestion that both Oct. 8th and 
Oct. 9th in Palou may be typographical errors is scarcely sound. 

Respecting the locality of the mission there was a theory long current 
that it was first founded on Washerwoman's Bay, the lagoon back of Russian 
Hill, and subsequently moved to its present site. Soule's Annals of S. F., 
46-7; Tuthill's Hist. Cal., 85-6; and many other modern writings in books, 
magazines, and newspapers. This supposition was unfounded, except in the 
statements of Palou, Vida, 209-10, the only authority extant until quite 
recently, that Moraga's expedition encamped June 27th 'on the bank of a 
great lagoon which emptied into the arm of the sea of the port which extends 
inland 15 leagues toward the south-east,' and that a mission site was selected 
'in this same place at the lagoon on the plain which it has on the west.' To 
John W. Dwinelle, Colon. Hist. S. F., p. xiii., belongs, I believe, the credit 
of having been the first to show the inaccuracy of the prevalent opinion as 
early as 18G7, and without the aid of Palou's Noticias which he had never 
seen. By the aid of the Vida, of La Pe"rouse's map (which I reproduce in 
chap, xxii.) and the testimony of Dofia Carmen Cibrian de Bernal, an old 
lady at the mission, he identified the Laguna de los Dolores with ' The Wil- 
lows,' a lagoon, filled up in modern times, which lay in the tract bounded by 
17th, 19th, Howard, and Valencia streets, discharging its waters into Mission 


the San Carlos sailed for San Bias, leaving four sail- 
ors as laborers at the new mission, who completed 
the buildings and brought water in a ditch from the 
stream. Meanwhile Rivera, having received at San 

Bay. Gov. Neve in his report to the viceroy of Feb. 25, 1777, in Prov. Rec., 
MS., i. 141, says the mission was 1| leagues from the fort and near Lake 
Dolores. Vallejo, in his Discurso Hist6rico. advanced the theory that Laguna 
de los Dolores was a small lake situated between two hills to the right of the 
old road from the presidio to the mission. In the translation and accompany- 
ing notes, San Francisco, Centennial Mem., 25, 107, the lake is located, osten- 
sibly on Vallejo's authority, ' in Sans Souci Valley, north of the Mission. . . 
and immediately behind the hill on which the Protestant Orphan Asylum 
now stands.' Dwinelle in his oration delivered on the same day and printed 
in the same book (p. 86) declared in favor of ' The Willows ' and maintains his 
position in a supplementary argument (pp, 187-91). There can be no doubt, I 
think, that the Laguna .de Dolores of Palou was identical with the pond of 
the Willows, formerly the head of an estuary, according to the testimony of 
Sra Bernal and other old residents, though fed by springs, and not with the 
pond to which Vallejo alludes. The statement of Palou that the mission was 
on the plain westward of the laguna, together with La Pe"rouse's map which 
gives the same relative position, seems conclusive. But while Dwinelle's 
argument against Vallejo is conclusive, it contains some curious errors. 
Palou, Not., ii. 309, says the Spaniards encamped on June 27th ' dla orilla 
de una laguna que Ilam6 el Seiior Anza de Nuestra Seiiora de los Dolores que 
estd a la vista de la ensenada de los Llorones y playa del estero 6 brazo de 
mar que corre al Sudeste, ' that is, ' on the bank of the lake which Anza 
named Dolores, which is in sight of the Ensenada de los Llorones and of the 
beach of the estuary, or arm of the sea, which runs to the south-east.' Now 
the ' Ensenada de los Llorones, ' as we have seen, was Mission Bay, the name 
having been given by Aguirre in 1775 (see p. 247 of chap, xi.) from three 
' weeping Indians ' standing on the shore. Dwinelle, however, translated 
Llorones as 'weeping willows,' which but for the circumstance alluded to 
would be correct ; and having the willows on his hands, must have fresh 
water for their roots, which he obtains by translating ensenada as ' creek,' and 
thus identifying Ensenada de los Llorones with a stream of fresh water flow- 
ing from a ravine north-west of the mission and into the bay at what was 
in later years City Gardens, a stream which supplied the mission with water 
for all purposes, being ' in sight of ' the mission, and moreover lined in Dwi- 
nelle's own time with willows. Then having fitted the name of one of the 
objects seen from the mission site to the fresh-water stream, it remained to 
identify the other, the ' playa del estero 6 brazo de mar que corre al 
Sudeste ' with Mission Bay, which he does by a peculiar system of (unwrit- 
ten) punctuation and by changing de to del, making it read ' shore of the in- 
let, or arm, of that sea which trends to the south-east' ! The meaning of the 
original was ' in sight of Mission Bay and of the south-eastern branch of San 
Francisco Bay.' Dwinelle's reasoning is a very ingenious escape from diffi- 
culties that never existed. 

After all I have an idea that Palou made the first blunder in this matter 
himself. It will be remembered that Anza applied the name Dolores to an 
ojo de agua, a spring or stream, which he thought capable of irrigating the 
mission lands, making no mention of any laguna. I suppose that this was 
the fresh -water stream alluded to by Dwinelle which did, as Anza had 
thought it might, supply the mission with water. Later when Palou came 
up, for some unexplained cause he transferred the name of Dolores to the pond 
at the Willows, too low to be used for irrigation and probably at that time 
connected with tide-water. 

Respecting the name of this mission it should be clearly understood that 


Diego communications from the viceroy in which that 
official spoke of the new missions in the north as 
having been already founded, concluded that it was 
time to proceed north and attend to their founding. 
On the way at San Luis Obispo he learned that his 
orders had been disobeyed at San Francisco, and said 
he was glad of it and would soon go in person to 
found the other mission. From Monterey accom- 
panied by Pena, who had in the mean while returned, 
he went up to San Francisco, arriving November 
26th and cordially approving the choice of sites and 
all that had been done. Three days later he set out 
with Moraga to make a new exploration of the great 
river and plain, leaving Pena at the mission, and 
promising on arrival at Monterey to send up soldiers 
for the founding of Santa Clara. Rivera's expedition 
accomplished nothing, for after fording the river he 
did not go so far as Moraga had done, fearing that a 
rise in the stream might prevent his return. On his 
way back he was met by a courier with news of 
trouble at San Luis, which claimed his attention, 
whereupon Moraga returned to his presidio, and Pena 
was obliged to wait. 


In December the self-exiled natives began to come 
back to the peninsula; but they came in hostile atti- 
tude and by no means disposed to be converted. They 
began to steal all that came within reach. One party 
discharged arrows at the corporal of the guard; 
another insulted a soldier's wife; and there was an 
attempt to shoot the San Cdrlos neophyte who was 
still living here. One of those concerned in this 

it was simply San Francisco de Asis and never properly anything else. Asis 
was dropped in common usage even by the friars, as was Borromeo at San 
Carlos and Alcala at San Diego. Then Dolores was added, not as part of the 
name but simply as the locality, like Carmelo at San Carlos, and, more rarely, 
Nipaguay at San Diego. Gradually, as San Francisco was also the name of 
the presidio, and there was another mission of San Francisco Solano, it became 
customary among settlers, soldiers, and to some extent friars also, speak of 
the Mision delos Dolores, meaning simply 'the mission at Dolores.' No other 
name than San Francisco was employed in official reports. Dolores was in 
full Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores, one of the virgin's most common appella- 
tions, and a very common name for places in all Spanish countries. 


attempt was shut up and flogged by Grijalva, where- 
upon the savages rushed up and discharged a volley 
of arrows at the mission buildings, attempting a 
rescue, though they were frightened away by a dis- 
charge of musketry in the air. Next day the sergeant 
went out to make arrests, when a new fight occurred, 
in which a settler and a horse were wounded, while 
of the natives one was killed, another wounded, and 
all begged for peace, which was granted after sundry 
floggings had been administered. It was some three 
months before the savages showed themselves again 
at the mission. 

Events of 1777 may be very briefly disposed of, 
and as well here as elsewhere. The natives resumed 
their visits in March, gradually lost their fears, and 
on June 24th three adults were baptized, the whole 
number of converts at the end of the year being 
thirty-one. 27 Some slight improvements were made 
in buildings at both establishments ; but of agricult- 
ural progress we have no record. Jose Ramon Bo- 
jorges was the corporal jn command of the mission 
guard. In April San Francisco was honored by a 
visit from the governor of the Californias, who had 
come to live at Monterey, and wished to ma,ke a per- 
sonal inspection of the famous port. 28 May 12th the 
Santiago, under Ignacio Arteaga, with Francisco Castro 
as master, and Nocedal as chaplain, entered the harbor 
with supplies for the northern establishments and San 
Bias news down to the 1st of March. This was the 
first voyage to the port of San Francisco direct with- 
out touching at intermediate stations. Arteaga set 
sail for Monterey on the 27th. In October the good 

27 San Francisco, Lib. deMision, MS. The first convert was named Fran- 
cisco Moraga, the commandant of the presidio standing as godfather. The 
first burial of a neophyte was on October 20th. There had already been eight 
deaths of Spaniards, but there were no more for two years. The first marriage 
was that of Mariano A. Cordero, a soldier, and Jtiana F. Pinto on November 
28, 1776; the first burial that of Maria de la Luz Mufioz, wife of J. M. Valen- 
cia, a soldier. 

28 His report to the viceroy dated February 25, 1777, isinProv. Rec., MS., 
i. 140-2. 


padre presidente oi\ his first visit to San Francisco 
arrived in time to say mass in the mission church on 
the day of Saint Francis in the presence of all the 
'old residents' and of seventeen adult native converts. 
Passing over to the presidio October 10th, and gazing 
for the first time on the blue waters under the purple 
pillars of the Golden Gate, Father Junipero exclaimed: 
"Thanks be to God that now our father St Francis 
with the holy cross of the procession of missions has 
reached the last limit of the Californian continent. 
Togo farther he must have boats." 29 

29 Comprehensive references on the general subject of this chapter are 
PaloiifNot., ii. 285-347; Id., Vida, 201-24. A few additional notes on minor 
topics of San Francisco history are as follows: February 25, 1777, the governor 
reports that Moraga has been ordered to enclose the presidio, and has begun 
the work. The commandant's house and the warehouse are of adobe, though 
very unsubstantial; all the other structures are mere huts. Prov. Rec., MS., 
i. 142. On June 4th the governor notes the arrival of a picture of St Francis 
for the presidio chapel, Id., 69, which it s<eems was sent at Moraga's request. 
Arch. Santa Bdrbara, MS., vi. 139. The value of effects received in the 
warehouse in 1776 was $14,627. St. Pap. Sac., MS., vi. 60. The expense of 
building the presidio down to 1782 had been in goods as per Mexican invoice 
$1,200. Id., iii. 230. Eight servants at the mission at end of 1777, names 
given. Id., Ben., i. 11. The force of the San Francisco district, including 
San Jose", at the end of 1777, was as follows: Lieutenant Moraga; Sergeant 
Juan Pablo Grijalva; corporals Domingo Alviso, Valerio Mesa, Pablo Pinto, 
Gabriel Peralta, and Ramon Bojorges; 33 soldiers, including mission guards 
at San Francisco and Santa Clara; settlers Manuel Gonzalez, Nicolas Berrey- 
esa, Casimiro Varela, Pedro Perez, Manuel Amezquita, Tiburcio Vasquez, 
Francisco Alviso, Ignacio Archuleta, and Feliciano Alballo; sirvientes of the 
presidio, including mechanics, etc. , Salvador Espinosa, Juan Espinosa, Pedro 
Lopez, Pedro Fontes, Juan Sanchez, Melchor Cardenas, Tomds de la Cruz, 
Miguel Velez, Felipe Otondo; sirvientes of the mission, Diego Olvera, Alejo 
liciano, Victoriano Flores, Joaquin Molina, Angel Segundo, Jose 1 Rodri- 
ez, Jos6 Castro, Jos Gios; sirvientes of Santa Clara, 9 (see chapter xiv.); 
dres, Francisco Palou, Pedro Benito Cambon, Jos6 Antonio Murguia, and 
'omas de la Pciia; store-keeper, Hermenegildo Sal. Total 80 men, Moraga's 
report in MS. Moraga, Informe de 1777, MS. 




ALL that is known of Monterey affairs during the 
year 1776 has been told in connection with the found- 
ing of San Francisco, except a rumor of impending 
attack by gentiles on San Carlos in the spring, which 
filled Father Junipero's heart with joy at the thought 
of possible martyrdom a joy which, nevertheless, the 
good friar restrained sufficiently to summon troops 
from Monterey; but the rumor proved unfounded. 1 

Of San Antonio nothing is recorded save that the 
mission was quietly prosperous under the ministrations 
of Pieras and Sitjar. At San Luis Obispo there was 
a fire on November 29th which destroyed the build- 
ings, except the church and granary, together with 
implements and some other property. The fire was 
the work of gentiles who discharged burning arrows 
at the tule roofs, not so much to injure the Spaniards 

l Palou, Vida, 318-20. Anza in his report, Diario, MS., 133, represented 
San Carlos as in a very prosperous condition, with over 300 neqphy tes. 

I 298 ) 


as to revenge themselves on a hostile tribe who were 
the Spaniards' friends. Rivera hastened to the spot, 
captured two of the ringleaders, and sent them to 
the presidio. 2 Cavalier and Figuer were in charge, 
assisted much of the time by Murguia and Mugartegui; 
while at San Gabriel, of which mission something has 
been said in connection with Anza's expedition, Pa- 
terna, Cruzado, and Sanchez were serving. 

In the extreme south as in the extreme north the 
year was not uneventful, since it saw the mission of 
San Diego rebuilt and that of San Juan Capistrano 
successfully founded. Rivera returned to San Diego 
in May, to resume his investigations in connection 
with the disaster of the year before; but he seems to 
have had no thought of immediate steps toward re- 
building the destroyed mission. His policy involved 
long investigations, military campaigns, and severe 
penalties, to be followed naturally in the distant 
future by a resumption of missionary work. Such, 
however, was by no means the policy of Serra or of 
the missionaries generally. Throughout the north- 
west both Jesuits and Franciscans had from the first, 
on the occurrence of hostile acts by the natives, 
favored prompt and decisive action, with a view to 
inspire terror of Spanish power; but long-continued 
retaliatory measures they never approved. Condemna- 
tion and imprisonment were sometimes useful, but 
mainly as a means of increasing missionary influence 
through pardon and release. This policy, though 
sometimes carried too far for safety, was a wise one, 

2 Palou, Not., ii. 339-40. Neve's Report of Sept. 19, 1777, in Prov. fiec., 
MS., i. 19. The mission register of marriages was destroyed. Note of Serra 
in S. Luis Obixpo, Lib. de Elision, MS., 57. The mission was twice again on 
fire within ten years, which caused the use of tiles for roofs to be universally 
adopted. Palou, Vida, 142-3. Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 83, says that 
Ignacio Vallejo, the author's grandfather, was at the intercession of the 
padres allowed to quit the service temporarily to superintend the rebuilding 

^J? J-K 1 j 1 i P ' ' J*' 1 1 P i TT 11 1 


of the mission and the construction of irrigation works; and in fact Vallejo's 
name appears as witness in a marriage which took place the day after the fire, 
as 'carpenter and em ploy 6 of the mission.' San Luis Obispo, Lib. de Mision, 
MS., 57. 


and indeed the only one by which the friars could 
have achieved their purpose. 3 

The viceroy on hearing of the massacre at San 
Diego had given orders for protective measures, in- 
cluding a reenforcement of twenty-five men; but a 
little later he expressed his opinion, agreeing with 
that of the missionaries, that it would be better to 
conciliate than to punish the offending gentiles, and 
that the reenforcement ordered should be employed 
rather to protect the old and new establishments than 
to chastise the foe. 4 Bucareli's communications, 
though dated in the spring of 1776, seem to have 
been delayed; at any rate Rivera was doing nothing 
towards reestablishment, and the southern friars were 
becoming discouraged. Serra therefore determined 
to go down in person. As we have seen, he had 
wished to accompany Rivera, but that officer had 
pleaded necessity for a more rapid march than was 
suited to his advanced age and feeble health. Now 
he sailed on the San Antonio which left Monterey the 
last day of June, and arrived at San Diego the llth 
of July. Father Nocedal was left at San Carlos; 
Serra took the latter's place as chaplain; and Santa 
Maria accompanied the president, who intended to 
substitute him for some southern missionary whose 
discontent might not impair his usefulness, for three 
had already applied for leave to retire. 5 

Serra found the natives peaceable enough; in fact 
Rivera had reported them to the viceroy as ' pacified;' 
but though the military force was idle in the presidio, 
the friars for want of a guard could not resume their 

3 In a communication to Rivera Serra urges a suspension of hostilities, 
which would do more harm than good, and a light punishment to captives. 
Let the living padres be protected ' as the apple of God's eye, ' but let the dead 
one be left to enjoy God, and thus good be returned for evil. St. Pap., MS., 
xv. 14, 15. 

4 Bucareli's letters to Serra of March 26th and April 3d, in Arch. Santa 
Barbara, MS., vi. 1-3, and Palou, Vida, 187-90. It is stated in the letters 
that instructions of similar purport were sent to Rivera. 

5 These were probably Fuster, the survivor of San Diego, and Lasuen and 
Amurrio destined for San Juan. Their petition to retire was simply a protest 
against Rivera's inaction, and not improbably had been suggested by Serra 


work. The president at once made an arrangement 
with Captain Choquet of the San Antonio, who of- 
fered to furnish sailors to work on the mission, and 
go in person to direct their labors. Then Rivera, 
asked in writing for a guard, could not refuse, and 
detailed six men for the service. On August 22d 


the three friars, Choquet with his mate and boat- 
swain and twenty sailors, a company of neophytes, 
and the six soldiers went up the river to the old site 
and began work in earnest, digging foundations, col- 
lecting stones, and making adobes. The plan was to 
erect first an adobe wall for defence and then build 
a church and other structures within the enclosure. 
Good progress was made for fifteen days, so that it 
was expected to complete the wall in two weeks and 
the buildings before the sailing of the transport, with 
time enough left to put in a crop. But an Indian 
went to Rivera with a report that the savages were 
preparing arrows for a new attack, and though a ser- 
geant sent to investigate reported, as the friars claim, 
that the report had no foundation 7 the commandant 
was frightened, and on September 8th withdrew the 
guard, advising the withdrawal of the sailors. Cho- 
quet, though protesting, was obliged to yield to save 
his own responsibility, and the work had to be aban- 
doned, to the sorrow and indignation of the mission- 

About this time a native reported that Corporal 
Carrillo was at Velicata with soldiers en route for 
San Diego. Serra was sure they were the soldiers 
promised him for mission guards, and Rivera equally 
positive that they were destined to reenforce tho pre- 
sidio; but he refused to send a courier to learn the 
truth until a letter came from Carrillo on the 25th. 

6 Lasuen in his report of 1783, in Bandlni, Doc. Hist. Gal., MS., 2, states 
that the mission was reestablished in June 1776. There may, however, be 
an error of the copyist. 

7 The governor in a later report says that investigations had proved a 
second convocation of 21 rancherias for hostile operations. Prov. Rec., MS., 
i. 60-1. It is not certain however that the allusion is to this occasion. 


Three days later the viceroy's despatches arrived and 
proved favorable to Serra's claims, directing the 
troops, which arrived on the 29th, to be used for the 
restoration of the missions. The president celebrated 
his triumph by a mass and the ringing of bells. Rive- 
ra was obliged to modify his plans, assigning twelve 
of the twenty-five men to the mission, ten to San 
Juan, two to San Gabriel, and the remainder to the 
presidio. He also released the Indian captives whom 
he had intended to exile to San Bias. 8 On the llth 
he started north to establish the missions near San 
Francisco, learning on the way, as we have seen, that 
one of them had already been founded in spite of his 
orders to the contrary. 9 

Work was at once resumed at the mission, and the 
buildings were soon ready for occupation. Three friars, 
Fuster, Lasuen, and probably Santa Maria, moved 
into their new quarters and under the protection of 
an increased escort renewed their labors, the date being 
apparently the 17th of October. 10 Already the lost 
mission registers of baptism, marriages, and deaths 
had been replaced with new ones in which the miss- 
ing entries were restored, so far as possible, from 
the memory of priests, neophytes, and soldiers, by 
Sefra himself, who added some valuable notes on the 
past history of the mission, at various dates from 
August 14th to October 25th; Fuster also added an 
interesting narrative of the tragedy of November 5, 
1775. These records, which I have had occasion to 

8 But this release would seem not to have been immediate, for the gov- 
ernor in a letter of Feb. 27, 1777, says that there were still 13 prisoners at 
San Diego implicated in the revolt. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 143. In a letter of 
June 3d lie states that on receipt of the viceroy's orders of Feb. 2d, the troops 
were drawn up, the prisoners called out and harangued on the enormity of 
their offence meriting death, warned that if they abused the present clem- 
ency they must expect the severest penalty, and then they were dismissed 
with an exhortation by the priests, both soldiers and criminals uniting in a 
cheer, and a salute from two cannons celebrating this termination of a pain- 
ful matter. Id., 60-1. One of the prisoners had strangled himself on Aug. 
15th, the anniversary of the clay when six years before he had attempted to 
kill Father Serra in the first attack on the mission. Palou, Vida, 87. 

Palou,Not. ii, 325-37; Id., Vida, 191-3, 196-7. 

10 Ortega to Rivera, Dec. 3d, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 151. 


use freely in the preceding chapters, are among the 
most valuable original authorities on the early history 
of California. 11 Palou asserts that progress in the 
work of conversion was rapid from the first, whole 
rancherias coming in from far away to ask for baptism. 
The only additional record for the year at San Diego 
is in letters of Ortega to Rivera complaining of some 
minor matters of the presidio routine, among others 
of want of clothing and tortillas. 12 

In the last days of October, leaving San Diego 
affairs in a satisfactory condition, Serra started north- 
ward with Gregorio Amurrio;and the escort of ten 
soldiers 13 to establish the new mission of San Juan 
Capistrano, 14 on the site abandoned the year previous. 
The buried bells were dug up to be hung and chimed ; 
mass was said by the president, and thus the seventh 
mission was founded the 1st of November 15 on or near 
the site where stood the ruins of a later structure 
a century after, 16 near a small bay which offered good 
anchorage and protection from all but south winds, and 
which long served as the port for mission cargoes. La- 
suen, originally assigned to this mission, had remained 

11 Serra, Notas,M.S.; Fuster, Registro de Defunciones, MS. 

12 Ortega to Rivera, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 152-3. 

13 The mission guard under Corporal Nicolas Carabanas included the 
soldiers Jacinto Gloria, Jose" Antonio Pena, Francisco Pena, Pio Quinto 
Zufiiga, Nicolas Gomez, Matias Vega, Jose 1 Dolores Dominguez. Julian Ace- 
bedo, and Jose" Joaquin Armenta. It is to be noted that many early Cali- 
fornians wrote their names 'Joseph ' rather than Jose". 

14 The patron saint of this mission was born at Capistrano in the kingdom 
of Naples in 1385, was educated as a lawyer, became a judge, and in 1415 
took the habit of St Francis. He was noted thereafter for his austere life and 
his zeal against heretics, occupying high positions in the Inquisition. He also 
travelled extensively in Europe on diplomatic business for the pope. He took 
part in the crusades, and hated Jews and Turks no less than heretics. He was 
prominent in the siege and Christian victory of Belgrade in 1456, and died in 
October of that year, to be canonized in 1690. He was the author of many 
ecclesiastical works, and his festival is celebrated by the church the 31st of 

]5 . Juan Capistrano, Lib. de Mision, MS., title-page; Ortega, in Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., i. 151. * r 

10 According to Los Angeles, Hist., 5, the first mission was located some 
miles north-easterly from the present location, at the foot of the mountain, 
the place being still known as Mision Vieja; but this can hardly agree with 
Palou's statement, Vida, 197-200, that the mission stood half a league frcnn 
the bay, on a stream running into it, and in sight of it as at present. 


in Jaume's place at San Diego, and Pablo Mugdrtegui, 
appointed in his place, soon came down from San Luis. 
A few clays after the founding Serra made a trip to 
San Gabriel. While returning in company with a 
pack-train and a drove of cattle he went a little in 
advance with a soldier and a neophyte, and was met 
on the Trabuco stream by a horde of painted and 
armed savages who approached with shouts and 
hostile gestures, but were induced to desist by a few 
judicious falsehoods applied by the San Gabriel neo- 
phyte, who affirmed that there was a large body of 
soldiers close behind who would take terrible vengeance 
for any harm done to the friar. 17 There were no further 
demonstrations of the kind. The natives near the 
mission were not averse to Christianity, and Amurrio 
administered baptism December 15th, and Mugartegui 
again on Christmas, the whole number during the year 
being four, and during the next year forty. The 
native name of the mission site was Sajirit. 1 ^ 

As soon as Rivera arrived from the south in the 
autumn of 1776, he gave his attention to the two 
new missions which the viceroy in his late communi- 
cations had spoken of as already founded, and which 
the commandant now realized to have been too long 
neglected. One of them had indeed been established; 
Tomas de la Pena and Jose Murguia had long since 
been assigned to the other; mission guard, church para- 
phernalia, and all needed supplies were ready; and 
JPena had already been over the northern country and 

17 Nov. 12th Corporal Beltran reports the hostile demonstrations against 
Serra and the soldier Pena, and adds that the natives are at the mission ready to 
fight. Nov. loth Ortega reports having sent Mariano Carrillo to investigate. 
He adds that two soldiers and a servant have deserted from the new mission. 
Nov. 23d Carrillo reports that all is quiet since the original demonstration ; all 

:i xi _ i * it t f t t i __ 


18 San Juan Capistrano, Lib. de Mision, MS. In several of the missic 
registers the aboriginal name was written Quanis-Savit, which was, in all " 
one, erased and Sajirit substituted. 


made up his mind about the most desirable site. Set- 
ting out in November to inspect the establishments 
at San Francisco, and accompanied by Peiia, Rivera 
visited on the way the proposed site near the banks of 
the Guadalupe River in the broad San Bernardino 
plain, since known as Santa Clara Valley. 19 Subse- 
quently Friar Toma"s was left at San Francisco with 
the understanding that Rivera on his return to Mon- 
terey should send up the men and supplies, with the 
other priest, and orders to proceed at once to the 
founding. On account of the alarm at San Luis 
Obispo already noticed, these orders were delayed, but 
they came late in December, and on the 6th of Janu- 
ary 1777, Moraga with Peria and a company of sol- 
diers 20 started southward. 

A cross having been erected and an enramada pre- 
pared, Father Tomas said the first mass on January 
12th, dedicating the new mission to Santa Clara, 21 
virgin, on the site called aboriginally Thamien, among 
the natives known as Tares, who had four rancherias 
in the vicinity. 22 In respect of agricultural advantages 
this valley was thought to be hardly inferior to the 
country of San Gabriel, but it was feared, and with 
reason as it proved, that the mission site might be 
liable to occasional inundations. 23 The work of build- 

19 Palou, Not., ii. 341-3, implies that the site was formally selected by 
Moraga later; but this is not probable; at any rate the site had doubtless been 
long before fixed upon more or less definitely by the priests. 

20 The soldiers destined for the new mission were the remaining ten of 
Anza's company who had been all this time at Monterey. Palou, Vida, 218- 
20, implies that these soldiers with their families came up to San Francisco; 
which may be true, but it seems more likely that they met Moraga at the head 
of the bay, the latter taking with him a few men from his own presidio. 

21 Santa Clara was the daughter of a rich and noble family of Assisi, Italy, 
born in 1193, and wholly devoted to the fashionable frivolities of her class, 
until at the age of 17 she was converted by the preaching of Saint Francis, 
retired to the convent of Porciuncula, and became as famous for the austerity 
and piety of her life as she had been for her wit and beauty. She founded an 
order of religiosas named for herself, died in 1253, and was canonized in 1255. 
Her day is celebrated on the 12th of August. 

22 Pena's Report of Dec. 30th, in Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., ix. 505-9. 
Tares was the native word for men. A newspaper scrap says the place was 
called SocoisuJca from the abundance of laurels. The governor on Feb. 25th 
writes that the mission was located on Jan. 4th. Prov. Eec., MS., i. 141. 

23 In January and February 1779 the mission was twi<je flooded. Several. 
HIST. GAL., VOL. I. 20 


ing was at once begun within a square of seventy 
yards. Father Murguia arrived with cattle and other 
mission property on the 21st, and Moraga went back 
to San Francisco. The latter however was soon 
recalled, for the natives, though friendly at first, soon 
developed a taste for beef, which flogging and even 
the killing of three of their number did not entirely 
eradicate. 24 In May an epidemic carried off many 
children, most of whom were baptized, and missionary 
work proper was thus begun. 25 

According to the minister's report at the end of the 
year there had been sixty-seven baptisms, including 
eight adults, and twenty-five deaths. Thirteen Chris- 
tians and ten catechumens were living at the mission, 
and the rest at the rancherias with their parents. In 
the way of material improvements the new estab- 
lishment could show a church of six by twenty 
varas, two dwellings of six by twenty-two and five by 
thirty-one varas respectively, divided into the neces- 
sary apartments, all of timber plastered with clay and 
roofed with earth. There were likewise two corrals 
and a bridge across the stream. 26 

Since March 1775 Felipe de Neve had been ruling 
at Loreto as governor of the Californias, though his 
authority over Upper California had been merely 
nominal, the commandant of the new establishments 

houses fell and all had to be moved to higher ground. Governor's report of 
April 4th, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 125-6. 

24 Gov. Neve in a report of Sept. 19, 1777, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 19-20. 

25 Santa Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS. The first baptism of a child de razon 
on July 31st was that of an illegitimate son of Jose" Antonio Gonzalez and 
of a woman whose marriage with another man the next year is the first 
recorded. The first death was that of Jose" Antonio Garcia in Jan. 1778. 
Both Ramon Bojorges and Gabriel Peralta are named as corporals of the 
mission guard during the first year. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., i. 11. 

26 Murguia and Pena, In forme de Santa Clara, 1777, MS. The sirvtentes 
of the mission not all 'servants ' as we use the word, but including mechanics, 
vaqueros, etc. were Francisco Ibarra, Crist6bal Armenta, Agustin Soberanes, 
Antonio Romero (1st and 2d), Joaquin Sanchez, Manuel Antonio, Joaquin 
Puga, Girilo Gonzalez. Moraga, in Prov. St. Pap. Den., MS., i. 9, and Gleeson, 
Hist. Cath. Ch. , ii. 80-2, say the founders reached Santa Clara Jan. 1st. Shea, 
Cath. Miss., 100, tells us the mission was founded Jan. 6th. For account of 
founding from Palou, see Hall's Hist. San Jose, 416-18; The Owl, Jan. 1871. 


being directly responsible to the viceroy and subordi- 
nate to the governor only in being required to report 
fully to that official. Soon however a change was 
ordered, due largely it is believed to the influence of 
Jose de Galvez, now in Spain and filling the high posi- 
tion of minister of state for the Indies. The 16th of 
August 1775 the king issues a royal order that Gov- 
ernor Neve is to reside at Monterey as capital p-f the 
province, while Rivera is to go to Loreto and rule 
Baja California as lieutenant-governor. At the same 
time, perhaps, Neve's commission as governor is for- 
warded, for his office down to this time had been 
merely provisional under appointment of the viceroy 
requiring the king's approval. A second royal order 
of April 19, 1776, directed the change to be made 
immediately. 27 It is difficult to ascertain in the absence 
of original instructions of king and viceroy exactly 
what effect the change of residence had on the respec- 
tive powers of Neve and Rivera, especially those of 
the latter. But it is evident that while Rivera's au- 
thority as lieutenant-governor on the peninsula was 
less absolute and his subordination to the governor 
greater than in Upper California as commandant, 
Neve's authority in the north was practically the 
same as Rivera's had been; that is, in California the 
only change in government was in the title of the 
ruler. The new establishments were recognized by 
Carlos III. as more important than the old. In six 
years the child had outgrown its parent. Monterey 
was to be capital of the Californias as it had always 
n of California Setentrional. 23 


27 The order of Aug. 16th is merely referred to in a list of documents in Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., xxii. 3, and may possibly be an error. The order of April 19th 
is referred to in a letter of the viceroy in Id., i. 203. Neve's commission as 
governor was forwarded to him by the viceroy on Dec. 20, 1775. Prov. Rec., 
MS., i. 39. 

28 The formation of the Provincias Internas de Occidents under Teodoro de 
Croix as commandant general with viceregal powers was nearly simultaneous 
with the change in California; and to this new official Gov. Neve became 
responsible instead of to the viceroy as Rivera had been. March 8, 1777, 
Croix writes to Neve that Art. 20 of royal instructions requires the governor 
and officials of California to render individual reports of acts and events to 


For the first time so far as the record shows, Vice- 
roy Bucareli transmitted the king's orders to Neve 
at'Loreto the 20th of July 1776. During this month 
and the next a correspondence took place between the 
two official?, 29 which, from its fragmentary nature as 
preserved, is unsatisfactory, but from which it appears 
that Bucareli was desirous that Neve should start as 
soon as possible, that orders to Rivera were enclosed 
to the governor, that a herd of live-stock was to be 
taken from the peninsula, and that twenty-five sol- 
diers were sent by the Concepcion to Loreto to accom- 
pany Neve northward. Though Bucareli had nothing 
to do with the change in rulers and capitals, he could 
not fail to be well pleased with the order received from 
Spain, since it came just in time to relieve him from 
the undesirable task of deciding several quarrels. 
Rivera's troubles with the Franciscans and with Anza 
are fresh in the reader's mind, and Neve's relations 
with the Dominicans were but little less uncomfortable. 
Complaints to the viceroy were frequent, and it was 
an easy reply to say that the impending change would 
probably remove ail reason for dissatisfaction and pre- 
vent the necessity for any. specific measures. 80 Had 
Rivera's peculiar conduct been known in Spain it is 
not likely that he would have been retained in office ; 
but the viceroy hoped that in a new field he might 
succeed better. 

The troops referred to in the viceroy's communica- 
tions were probably those whose arrival at San Diego 
in September 1777 has been already noticed, since there 

him. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 245. Dec. 25, 1776, the viceroy notified Neve of 
the appointment of Croix, to whom he is to report directly on occurrences in 
California; but for supplies, etc. , he is still to communicate with the viceroy. 
Prov. Rec., MS., i. 66-7. Neve had written to the viceroy for certain instruc- 
tions, which were transmitted to Croix. The latter writes to Neve Aug. 15, 
1777, that his duties in other provinces will prevent his attention to California, 
and he has therefore turned the whole matter over to he viceroy for the 
present. He, however, asks for Neve's suggestions respecting reforms, etc., 
for a new reglamento for California. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 252-3. 

29 /Vou. St. Pap., MS., i. 203-7. 

30 Bucareli wrote on Dec. 25, 1776, to Serra, announcing the change ordered. 
Palou, Vida, 194-5. 


is no record of any soldiers having come up with Neve 
except an escort of six who returned with Rivera. 31 
Indeed, respecting Neve's journey to California noth- 
ing is known beyond the facts that it was made by 
land via San Diego ; that he made close^ observations, 
as ^ shown by his later reports, of the condition and 
needs of each establishment on the way; and that he 
arrived at Monterey February 3, 1777. 32 His first act 
after a review of the troops and a consultation with 
Serra, was to 6end to Mexico a report on February 
25th that the new presidio and the four new missions, 
including San Diego, had been successfully founded 
and were in a condition more or less satisfactory. 33 
In March Rivera started for Baja California. Then 
in April Neve made a tour in the north, visiting San 
Francisco and Santa Clara. It had been proposed by 
Rivera to move the presidio of Monterey to the river 
since called Salinas, chiefly because of the insufficient 
supply of water at the original site. The viceroy 
approved the measure; 34 but the royal orders to Neve 
expressly forbade the removal, declaring that the pre- 
sidio must be maintained where it was at any cost, for 
the protection of the port. Still another matter had 
been intrusted to the patriotic zeal of the new ruler, 
though one that did not prove a very severe tax on 
either ability or time. He had an order from the king 
to be on the watch for Captain Cook's two vessels 
that had been despatched from England on a voyage 
of discovery in the South Sea, and by no means to 

81 According to a communication of some official on Feb. 10, 1776, in Prov. 
JRec., MS., i. 139, the cattle from the old missions amounted to 1,209, and 
were to be sent up to the frontier, with 80 mules and 36 horses for the 25 San 
Diego recruits. 

32 Letter of Neve to viceroy, Feb. 26th, in Prov. Kec., MS., i. 139-40, in 
which he notes the bad condition in which he found the San Diego force in 
respect of clothing, arms, and horses. March 2d he writes, Id., i. 59, that he 
has given .Rivera full instructions, and the latter will depart to-morrow. Rivera 
writes Feb. 6th, that Neve has arrived, and that he is about to retire to Loreto. 
Pro?-. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 20. See also Palou, Not., ii. 344-5. 

33 Neve, Informe de 25 de Feb. 1777, MS., in Prov. Rec., i. 140-2. There 
are several other minor communications of the governor written about this 

34 Letter of Jan. 2, 1775, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 169. 


permit that navigator to enter any Calif or nian port. 35 
The transports of 1777 were the San Antonio and 
the Santiago. The former under Francisco Villaroel, 
with Serra as chaplain, arrived at San Diego in May 
with supplies for the south, and having unloaded sailed 
at once for San Bias. The latter, whose arrival at 
San Francisco has already been noted, came down to 
Monterey and sailed for San Bias the 8th of June. 
By her Neve sent a report on the Santa Barbara 
Channel and its tribes, giving his views of what was 
necessary to be done in that region to control and 
convert a large native population, that might in the 
future become troublesome by cutting off land com- 
munication between the north and south, which from 
the peculiar nature and situation of their country they 
could easily do. His plan included a mission of San 
Buenaventura at Asuncion at the southern extremity 
of the channel, another of Purisima near Point Con- 
cepcion at the northern extremity, and a third of 
Santa Barbara with also a presidio in the central 
region near Mescaltitlan. The military force required 
for the three establishments would be a lieutenant 
and sixty-seven soldiers. This report was dated June 
3d, and next day the governor wrote asking permis- 
sion to resign and join his family in Seville whom he 
had not seen since 1764, being also in ill-health grow- 
ing out of seven years' service in administering the 
colleges of Zacatecas. 36 

The shipment of grain from San Bias for the mili- 
tary establishments of the Californias was a very 
expensive and uncertain method of supply, and offi- 
cials had been instructed from the first to suggest 
some practicable means of home production to be 

35 Royal order, July 14, 1776; sent by viceroy Oct. 23d. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 
13; Prov. St, Pap., MS., i. 213. The governor acknowledges receipt of the 
order on June 6th. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 76. 

SG There are 22 communications of Neve to Bucareli, written during the 
first half of 1777, preserved in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 59-79. His correspondence 
for the last six months has for the most part been lost. 



introduced as soon as possible. In June 1776, before 
leaving Loreto, Neve in a communication to the 
viceroy proposed an experimental sowing for account 
of government on some fertile lands of the northern 
frontier, both to supply the usual deficiency on the 
peninsula, and especially to furnish grain at reduced 
cost for the new establishments. Bucareli in August 
approved the proposition in a general way, but stated 
that in view of the proposed change in the governor's 
residence it would be impossible for Neve to attend 
personally to the matter, and suggested that the 
scheme might be carried out with even better chances 
of success in the fertile lands of New California, 
referring also to Anza's favorable report on the Colo- 
rado River region as a source of grain supply in case 
of special need. 37 

Accordingly Neve kept the matter in view during 
his trip northward, closely examining the different 
regions traversed to find land suited to his purpose. 
The result of his observations was that there were 
two spots eminently fitted for agricultural operations, 
one being on the Rio de Porciuncula in the south, 
and the other on the Rio de Guadalupe in the north; 
and he also made up his mind that the only way to 
utilize the advantages offered was to found two pueblos 
on the rivers. To this end he asked for four laborers 
and some other necessary assistance. 38 Without wait- 
ing, however, for a reply to this communication, and 
possibly having received additional instructions from 
Mexico, the governor resolved to go on and make a 

87 Neve's letter of June 21st is not extant, but is referred to with a re'sume' 
of its contents in the viceroy's letter of August, in Prov, St. Pap. , MS. , i. 

38 Neve's letter is missing as before, but is alluded to in a subsequent letter 
of April 1778, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 7-9. In another letter of June 4th, the 
day after the first, Neve says that he has made no formal distribution of 
lands to either settlers or soldiers, except to one soldier (Butron?) to whom 
Rivera in past years had given a title to a lot of land near San Carlos mission. 
Also that as there are no suitable lands near the presidio he cannot for the 
present carry out the sowing order. Id., i. 68. From this it would seem 
likely that he had received some more direct order from Bucareli to sow near 



beginning of the northernmost of the two pueblos. 
He selected for this purpose nine of the presidio 
soldiers of Monterey and San Francisco, who knew 
something of farming, and five settlers, who had come 
to California with Anza, 39 and the fourteen with their 
families, sixty-six persons in all, started on November 
7th from San Francisco under Moraga for their new 
home. A site was chosen near the eastern bank of 
the river, three quarters of a league south-east of 
Santa Clara, and here the new pueblo, the first in 
California, was founded on the 29th under the name 
of San Jose de Guadalupe, that is San Jose on the 
River Guadalupe. The name was apparently selected 
by Neve as an honor to the original patron of the 
California establishments, as named by Galvez in 
1768. 40 

The first earth-roofed structures of plastered pali- 
sades were erected a little more than a mile north of 
the centre of the modern city. 41 The settlers received 

39 Palou, Not., ii. 348-50, says that all were of Anza's company, lying idle 
at San Francisco. Neve, letter of April 15, 1778, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 8, 
says lie took 3 of those who had come as pobladores and ' recruited ' 2 more, 
from what source it does not appear. We have no list of the San Jose" settlers 
until the more formal distribution of lands in 1781, when the number was 9 
instead of 14. The names of all the first settlers of 1777 cannot therefore be 
given; but from Moraga's list of all the pobladores in the San Francisco dis- 
trict in December 1777, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 8, 9, and from an examina- 
tion of the Santa Clara records, Santa Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS., I conclude 
that 4 of the 5 original pobladores of San Jos6 were Jos6 Ignacio Archuleta, 
Manuel Francisco Ame"zquita, Jose" Manuel Gonzalez, and Jose 1 Tiburcio Vasquez, 
while the fifth was not improbably a lady, Gertrudis Peralta. Of 9 soldier settlers 
I can give the names of only 4; Valeric Mesa, corporal in command, Seferino 
Lugo, Juan Manuel Marcos Villela, and Jose" Antonio Romero. Gabriel Peralta 
was the corporal in 1779. Romero was the only soldier who remained, and the 4 
pobladores mentioned make up 5 of the 9 names on the list and map of April 
1781. See St. Pap. Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 243. Of the other 4, Claudio Al- 
vires was a servant before 1780, while Bernardo Rosales, Sebastian Alvitre, a 
soldier in 1769-74, and Francisco Avila were new names. 

40 See chapter iv. of this volume. In the heading of one document in 
the archives I find the pueblo called San Jose" de Galvez. This name though 
perhaps a copyist's error would have been a most appropriate one. In later 
times an effort was made to christen the town San Jos6 de Alvarado, in honor 
of the governor; but it was unsuccessful so far as common usage was con- 

41 Near the little stream crossed by the first bridge on the road leading 
from the city to Alviso. nail's Hist. San Jost, 14-19, 46. This modern work 
contains a tolerably accurate and complete history of San Jose". Documents 
on the early years are not numerous, and the author seems to have consulted 
most of them. There are a few errors in names and translation, but the book 


each a tract of land that could be irrigated sufficient 
for planting about three bushels* of maize, with a 
house-lot, ten dollars a month, and a soldier's rations. 
Each also received a yoke of oxen, two horses, two 
cows, a mule, two sheep, and two goats, together with 
necessary implements and seed, all of which were to 
be repaid in products of the soil delivered at the royal 
warehouse. The mission of Santa Clara being near, 
the ministers consented to attend for the present to 
the settlers' spiritual interests, and accordingly the 
names of the latter are frequently found in the mis- 
sion-book entries. In April of the next year Neve 
reported to the viceroy what he had done. 42 

The first work in the new pueblo after building houses 
to shelter the families was to dam the river above, 
bring down water in a ditch, and prepare the fields for 
sowing; but the attempt was not successful, and the 
sowing of over fifty bushels of corn was a total loss, 
since it was necessary to change the site of the dam, 
and the new one was not completed and water brought 
to the fields till July. The second sowing yielded 
between six and eight hundred bushels. A second 
dam was built above the first to protect it in time of 
freshet, and the irrigation system thus completed was 
planned to supply thirty-six suertes, or sowing-lots, of 
two hundred varas each. As early as 1778 the gov- 
ernor complained that the lands were nearer -^hose of 
the mission than he had intended, and badly dis- 
tributed. In 1779 much damage was done by high 
water both at San Jose and Santa Clara, among other 

is far above the average of what has been given to the California public as 
history. Hall's San Jos6, from the San Jos6 Pioneer, Jan. 1877, being an 
address by the author on July 4th, is full of errors, many of which are doubt- 
less due to the newspaper and not the writer. 

4:2 April 15th, Prov. Rec., MS., i. 7-8. A duplicate was sent to General 
Croix. Id. , 9, 10. See an English translation of this report in Dwindles Colon. 
Hist. S. F., addenda, 8. The viceroy's acknowledgment of this report and 
approval of Neve's actswas dated July 22, 1778. St. Pap. Miss. andColon.,~MS., 
i. 28-9. He mentions a servant besides the 5 settlers, and makes the whole 
population G8 instead of 66. He also speaks of a dam not alluded to by Neve. 
Croix's acknowledgment and approval was dated July 19, 1779, and included 
that of the king dated March 6th. Hall's Hist. San Jose, 14-19. 


things the new dam at the pueblo being washed away. 
At this early date also the governor notes the in- 
fluence of the friars as adverse to pueblo progress. 
Before founding San Jose he had considered the 
prospects of obtaining supplies from the missions, and 
had concluded that for some years, at least, the prod- 
ucts of the missions would not increase faster than 
the mouths of neophytes to be fed. The missionaries 
well knew that suchw^as the prospect; but on general 
principles they were opposed to all establishments in 
the country save their own. The presidios were a 
necessary evil, and the soldiers must be fed, therefore 
the government should feed them until the missions 
could do so. As soon as Serra realized that Neve 
was in earnest about founding pueblos, he began to be 
very certain that his missions could have supplied the 
presidios; "but he forgets," says Neve, "that this 
would not people the land with Spanish subjects." 
There is nothing more to be recorded concerning San 
Jose for several years, and down to 1781 the estab- 
lishment may be regarded as to a great extent provi- 
sional or experimental. 43 

Certain troubles with the southern savages, during 
this year and in the spring of the following, remain 
to be noticed in this chapter. They seem to have 
begun in June 1777 when the Alocuachomi rancheria 
threatened the neophytes of San Juan Capistrano, 
and Corporal Guillermo Carrillo was sent with five 
men to chastise the offenders, which he did by killing 
three and wounding several. Sergeant Aguiar was 
sent by Ortega to investigate, and his report showed 
the existence of disorders among the soldiers, in their 
relation to the natives, by no means creditable to 
Spanish discipline in California, A native chieftain 
who was in league with the offenders and who fur- 
nished women to the guard, was deemed to merit 

43 Neve's communications in Prov. Rec.< MS., i. 90-2, 125-6, ii. 21-2; 
Prov. St. Pap., iii. 145. 


fifteen lashes and an admonition from the minister; 
and two culprit soldiers were taken south to San 
Diego. It was, perhaps, in connection with these 
disturbances that the Indians of San Gabriel came in 
arms to the mission to avenge some outrage ; but they 
were subdued, as by a miracle, when the friars held 
up a shining image of our lady, kneeling, weeping, and 
embracing the missionaries. 44 Hardly had the excite- 
ment of the disturbances alluded to died out, whon 
on August 13th four soldiers bearing despatches from 
General Croix to Neve were surprised at midnight, 
at a place called San Juan just above San Diego, by 
a party of savages who killed the corporal in command, 
Antonio Briones. The rest escaped with their horses, 
after having repulsed the foe in an hour's fight. Ser- 
geant Carrillo was ordered to make a retaliatory cam- 
paign, but the result is not recorded beyond the 
statement that a chief was arrested. In February 
of 1778 Carrillo was obliged to make a new expedi- 
tion to San Juan Capistrano, where several rancherias, 
Amangens, Chacapamas, and Toban Juguas were 
assembled and threatening. A chieftain's wife had 
eloped with a Lower Californian, and the outraged 
husband made his grievance a public one by appealing 
to the natives to avenge the death of their comrades 
jslain the year before ; also charging that the Spaniards 
were really devils come to destroy the crops by 

In March it was reported that the people of Pamo, 
one of the San Diego rancherias, were making arrows 
to be used against the Spaniards, counting on the aid 
of three neighboring bands and of one across the 
sierra, and having already murdered a San Juan 
Indian. Ortega sent a message of warning and 
Aaaran sent back a challenge to the soldiers to come 
and be slain. Carrillo's services were again called 
into requisition and he was sent with eight soldiers to 

44 This story is told by Hugo Reid and Benjamin Hayes, and it is also the 
subject of a poem by Miss M. A. Fitzgerald. Hayes 1 Mission Book, i. 197. 


chastise this insolence, capture the chiefs, and to give 
thirty or forty lashes each to such warriors as might 
seem to need them. In carrying out his orders the 
sergeant surprised the foe at Pamo, killed two of the 
number, and burned a few who refused to come out of 
the hut in which they had taken refuge. The rest 
surrendered and took their flogging, while the four 
chieftains were bound and carried to San Diego. 
Captured in this battle were eighty bows, fifteen hun- 
dred arrows, and a large number of clubs. The four 
chiefs, Aachil, Aalcuirin, Aaaran, and Taguagui were 
tried on April 6th, convicted of having plotted to kill 
Christians in spite of the mercy shown them in the 
king's name for past offences, and condemned to death 
by Ortega, though that officer had no right to inflict 
the death penalty, even on an Indian, without the 
governor's approval. The sentence was: " Deeming it 
useful to the service of God, the king, and the public 
weal, I sentence them to a violent death by two 
musket-shots on the llth at 9 A. M., the troops to be 
present at the execution under arms, also all the 
Christian rancherias subject to the San Diego mission, 
that they may be warned to act righteously." Fa- 
thers Lasuen and Figuer were summoned to prepare 
the condemned for their end. " You will cooperate," 
writes Ortega to the padres, " for the good of their 
souls in the understanding that if they do not accept 
the salutary waters of holy baptism they die on Sat- 
urday morning; and if they do they die all the 
same!" This was the first public execution in Cali- 
fornia. 45 

45 On these Indian troubles see reports of Neve and Ortega in St. Pap. Sac., 
MS., vii. 61-3, viii. 31-52; Prov. Rec., MS., i. 19, 96-7; Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
ii. 1-6; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., i. 41-4. 






THE years 1778 and 1779, completing the first de- 
cade in the annals of Alta California as a Spanish 
province, together with 1780, formed a period rather 
of preparation than of accomplishment, of theories 
rather than practice, in matters affecting the general 
interests of the country ; though there was a satisfac- 
tory showing of local progress at the several missions. 
One of the most important general subjects which 
claimed Governor Neve's attention, was the prepara- 
tion of a new reglamento, or system of military gov- 
ernment for the Californias; the new establishments 
having in a general sense outgrown Echeveste's regu- 
lation of 1773, and some articles of that document 
having in practice proved unsatisfactory. The king's 
order of March 21, 1775, for the reform of the sys- 
tem was, on August 15, 1777, forwarded by Gen- 
eral Croix to Neve with a letter in which he says : 
"Lacking knowledge on the subject, I need that you 
report to me at length and in detail what are the 



faults that impair the usefulness of the old regulation, 
and what you deem necessary for its reform, so that 
I may be enabled to decide when consulted about the 
country." This request came by the Santiago in 
June, and on December 28, 1778, Neve dated the 
required report. 1 We hear no more of this subject 
till the appearance of the regulation itself, full fledged, 
and with all its reforms, accredited to Neve, as 
author, under date of June 1, 1779. 2 

That the preparation of so extensive and important 
a state paper, and especially of those portions relating 
to colonization which was a new and difficult subject, 
should have been intrusted in toto to the governor, 
seems strange, and equally so the fact that no corre- 
spondence on the subject has been preserved; but both 
Croix and Galvez in signifying the king's approval 
accredit Neve with the authorship. It was certainly 
a mark of great confidence in his ability, and a still 
greater compliment was the adoption of his plan with- 
out, so far as appears, a single modification. Septem- 
ber 21, 1780, General Croix writes to the governor 
from Arizpe that the plan has been forwarded by the 
viceroy to the king, and that provisionally, pending 
the royal approval, it is to go into effect in California 
from the beginning of 178 1. 3 The subject-matter of 
the reglamento, and the new system of government 
resting on it, may be properly deferred until the be- 
ginning of the next period, when the changes went 
into practical effect. 

An important and new feature of Neve's plan was 
that relating to pueblos and colonization, enforced in 
connection with the redistribution of lands in the 
hitherto informal pueblo of San Jose, and the found- 
ing of a new pueblo of Los Angeles on the Rio Por- 
ciiincula. It is therefore in connection with these 

1 Neve, Informe sobre Reglamento, 28 de Die. 1778, MS. 

2 Neve, Reglamento e Instruction para los Presidios de la Peninsula de Cal- 
ifornia, Erection de Nuevos Misiones y fomento del pueblo y estension de los 
Establecimientos de Monterey, MS. 

3 Croix to Neve, Sept. 21, 1780, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 114. 


events, which took place in 1781, that the general 
subject may be best considered. Another matter 
pending was the occupation by Spain of the rich and 
densely populated central region along the Santa Ba"r- 
bara channel. From observations made during his 
first trip northward Neve had sent in a report in June 
1777, urging the importance of such occupation and 
the dangers of its postponement; also giving his views 
as to the best methods of its accomplishment. He 
favored the establishing of three missions and of 
a central presidio, requiring a force of sixty-two men. 
Croix approved his views 4 and they were embodied in 
the plan of June. A correspondence respecting de- 
tails followed during 1779-80. Meanwhile, Rivera 
was sent to recruit settlers in Sinaloa and Sonora, as 
well for the Channel establishments as for the pueblos 
of Los Angeles and San Jose; but of these special 
preparations I shall speak as before stated in the 
chapters devoted to results. At first, as we have seen, 
Neve was wearied with long service or dissatisfied with 
his position, and had asked leave to retire and go to 
Spain. On January 14, 1778, the viceroy writes that 
the request has been forwarded to the king and will 
probably be entertained with favor. At the end of 
May Neve sent in his formal resignation, and in 
August thanked Bucareli for a favorable report 
thereon; but in October he requests the viceroy to 
keep back his memorials and petitions respecting res- 
ignation. The reason of his change of purpose is 
perhaps to be found in another letter of the same 
date, in which he thanks the king for promotion to the 
rank of colonel in the Spanish army, he having been 
only major before. 5 

The right to administer the rite of confirmation be- 
longed exclusively to bishops, and could be exercised 
even by the highest officials of the religious orders 

4 Sept. 1778, Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 6, 7. 

6 Prov. Rec., MS., i. 85-96; Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 8, 9. 


only with special authorization from the pope. It 
was of course desirable that mission neophytes should 
not be deprived of any privileges and consolations 
pertaining to the new faith they 'had embraced; but 
in isolated provinces like the Californias, episcopal 
visits must of necessity be rare, so that most neo- 
phytes, to say nothing of gente de razon, must live 
and die unconfirmed but for some special exercise of 
the papal power. In fact Alta California, though 
included successively in the bishoprics of Durango 
and Sonora, never was visited by a bishop until it 
had one of its own in 1835. When Father Juniper o 
first came to Lower California he found in the Jesuit 
archives a bull of Pope Benedict XIV. conceding the 
power of confirmation to missionary officials of the 
company. Anxious that the neophytes should lose 
nothing of their privileges under Franciscan manage- 
ment, he soon forwarded the old bull to the guardian 
of San Fernando, with a request that a similar favor 
be obtained from the pope in behalf of himself and 
his flock. 6 The Franciscan authorities -exerted them- 
selves in bringing this matter before the pope, and 
obtained under date of July 16, 1774, a papal de- 
cree, approving that rendered by the sacred congre- 
gation of propaganda fide on July 8th, which au- 
thorized the comisarip prefecto of the colleges for a 
period of ten years to administer confirmation and to 
delegate his power in this respect to one friar con- 
nected with each of the four colleges in America. 
Both church and crown in Spain were zealous de- 
fenders of their respective prerogatives; and as not 
even a bishop could exercise the functions of his of- 
fice until his appointment had received the royal ap- 
proval, of course this special concession of episcopal 

6 Palou, Vida, 226-8, is careful to explain that Serra was too humble to 
have sought the episcopal power for the dignity involved ; in fact hearing 
that a great honor was in store for him he had made a vow to accept no 
honor that would separate him from his mission work, and had directed the 
influence of his friends in Spain toward the obtaining of the episcopal power 
in behalf of his neophytes. 


powers must be submitted to the king's royal council 
of the Indies. It was so submitted, and received the 
sanction of that body December 2, 1774, being also 
approved by the audiencia of New Spain September 
27th, and by Viceroy Bucareli October 8, 1776. 7 

On October 17, 1777, the commissary and prefect of 
the American colleges, Father Juan Domingo de 
Arricivita, well known to my readers as the chroni- 
cler of his college, 8 issued from Queretaro in ponder- 
ous latin the desired 'faculty to confirm' to President 
Junipero Serra. The patent with instructions came 
up on the Santiago and reached Serra's hands in the 
middle of June 1778. No time was lost in exercising 
the newly acquired power, and at different dates from 
the 29th of June to the 23d of August, the president 
confirmed one hundred and eighty-one persons at San 
Carlos. Then, notwithstanding his infirmities, he em- 
barked for San Diego, and from the 21st of September 
to the l3th of December administered confirmation, 
with all its attendant solemnities and ceremonies, to 
the neophytes at each of the five missions on his way 
back to Monterey, resuming the work in the north at 
the beginning of 1779 and extending his tour to Santa 
Clara and San Francisco. Two thousand four hun- 
dred and thirty-two persons in all received the rite 
in 1778-9, about one hundred of the number being 
gente de razon. g 

But now the president encountered obstacles in his 
way. As we have seen, the apostolic brief conceding 

7 Facultad de Confirmar, 1774-7, MS., containing the Decretum Sacrce 
Conyreyationis Generalls de Propaganda Fide hablte die 8 Julij, etc., with 
the other documents referred to and much additional correspondence on the 
same subject. 

8 Arricivita, Cr6nica Serdfica del Colegio de Santa Cruz de Queretaro. 

9 Register of confirmations in San Carlos, Lib. de Mision, MS., 56-64, with 
an explanation of the authority to confirm and citation of documents recorded 
by Serra himself, and in the books of the other missions. It will be remem- 
bered that one neophyte, Juan Evangelista, was carried to Mexico by Serra 
in 1773 and received the rite of confirmation from the Archbishop of Mexico 
on August 4th. Serra entered this fact in the book of confirmations at San 
Carlos when such a book was opened in 1778. In a letter of March 23, 1781, 
focultad de Confirmar, MS., 270, Serra says he had confirmed 2,455 before 
the power was suspended, and the mission books make the number 2,457. 
HIST. CAL., VOL. I. 21 


the right to confirm had required sanction of the 
royal council, a requirement which the Franciscan 
authorities understood perfectly, and to which as an 
unfortunate necessity they had submitted. Whether 
this approval of the secular authorities was certified 
in due form in the document forwarded to Serra in 
1778, and from which he derived his powers, there 
are no means of knowing; but Neve, as representative 
of the crown in California, had a right to know whether 
the required formalities had been observed, and it was 
clearly the duty of Serra to satisfy him on this point 
before exercising his new power. Serra, however, had 
no idea of humbling his pride of ecclesiastical preroga- 
tive before any Californian representative of royalty; 
in fact to him secular authority in the province was 
something to be used rather than obeyed. Exactly 
when or how the inevitable quarrel broke out the 
records very strangely do not show; but it would 
seem that in the middle of 1779, soon after Serra's 
return from his first tour of confirmation in the south, 
the governor summoned him to show the authority 
under which he was acting. 

Whether Serra from pride, or knowledge of their 
defective nature, refused to show his papers, or whether, 
being shown, they were pronounced insufficient by 
Neve, I am not sure; neither is it certain that the 
governor ordered an absolute suspension of confirma- 
tions; 10 but the indications are that Serra refused to 
show his papers, and that Neve to save his responsi- 
bility ordered confirmations to cease, and refused to 

10 In an opinion on the matter dated April 17, 1780 Facultad de Con- 
firmar, MS. , 259 it is stated that Serra confirmed in all the missions except 
San 'Francisco and Santa Clara, in which places he did not, because Neve 
refused him an escort and required him to suspend confirmation until he could 
show the papal bull approved by the Council of the Indies, which Serra could 
not do, since he had no document to prove it. The same statement is made in 
a communication from Bonilla to Croix on Apr. 20, 1780. St. Pap. Sac., MS., 
viii. 53. This is however partially erroneous, for Serra did go to Sta Clara 
and San Francisco with or without an escort. The guardian simply says, Id. , 
253, that Neve had raised a doubt whether the apostolic brief has the proper 
sanctions. Had Serra's papers been defective he would have known it find 
would have hesitated to administer a sacrament which might prove illegal. 


authorize a continuance even by supplying the escort 
demanded, but did not of course attempt to enforce 
his order, referring the whole matter to General Croix 
in Sonora. At all events Serra paid no heed to Neve's 
orders or protests, but went on confirming through 
the year, even administering the sacrament to twenty- 
four or twenty-five persons in 1780. In October 1779, 
however, he reported from San Francisco to the com- 
mandant general, and also to the guardian of San Fer- 
nando, taking the precaution to forward to the latter 
all the documents he had bearing on the matter in dis- 
pute, having doubtless a shrewd and well founded 
suspicion that an order might come to deliver the 
papers to the governor. 

Croix on receipt of despatches from California, 
which had been forwarded by Arteaga's exploring 
fleet to be noticed later in this chapter, referred the 
subject in dispute to his asesor, or legal adviser, 
Pedro Galindo Navarro, in accordance with whose 
counsel he sent April 20, 1780, an order to Neve to 
take possession of the original patent and instructions 
which had been sent by the guardian to Serra and 
must still be in possession of the latter; and, further- 
more, under no pretext whatever to permit the presi- 
dent to go on administering the sacrament till new 
orders should be given. The papers were to be sent 
at once to Croix, who would communicate with the 
viceroy respecting the original concession by the pope, 
and would settle the matter as soon as possible. To 
Serra Croix communicated the purport of the order to 
Neve, "charging and entreating" him to obey the 
order punctually by giving up the papers. 11 

The details of what took place between Neve and 
Serra on receipt of these orders must be left to the 
imagination of the reader. The president could not 
give up the papers because he had taken the precau- 


11 The order to Neve is not extant, but its purport is given in the communi- 
cation to Serra in St. Pap. Sac., MS., viii. 28; and Facultad de Confirmar, 
., 258-60. 


tion to get rid of them; and he suspended confirma- 
tions, as he flattered himself, at the 'entreaty' of 
Croix and not the 'command' of Neve. The 20th of 
July Serra replied to the letter of Croix " about a con- 
tinuation of administering the sacrament of confirma- 
tion which I solicited." He has the day before 
s received Neve's letter containing the general's order 
to suspend confirmation, which of course he will cheer- 
fully obey; though he regrets that the legal adviser has 
not given more weight to his argument on the gossip 
and wonder that a suspension of the power to confirm 
will cause among ignorant people. In order, however, 
to prevent this gossip as far as possible, he will absent 
himself on some pretext or other, when he hears that 
the vessel is coming; though that will be just the time 
when his presence will be most needed. As to the 
papers, he has sent them nine months ago to his col- 
lege, and as a tribulation sent upon him by an all-wise 
God, the vessels are late this year and the documents 
have not come; but they will soon be here and will 
be delivered to the governor for the purposes indi- 
cated, though with a little delay they might be deliv- 
ered in a more complete and satisfactory state. 1 ' 2 

l2 Facultad de Conjirmar, MS., 260-6. There are two copies of the letter, 
both in Serra's handwriting, but differing somewhat in the closing portions. 
The variations are not however in substance essential. It is but fair to the 
padre to say that in speaking about the documents his language is not clear, 
and might possibly bear a different construction from that I have given in the 
text; that is, he may mean to say in substance, 'I have sent copies of my 
papers ' (though it reads ' remitiendo alld todos mis papeles que hacian al 
caso ' ) to Mexico for completion by the addition of missing ones, and by a 
little delay I could send them in a completed state; but as it is I give up the 
originals as they are to the governor. Or he might mean that he had sent 
the most important papers to Mexico and would give up what were left. There 
is however no evidence outside of this letter that he ever gave up any papers, 
but it appears rather that he gave up none. It is not impossible that his 
language was intentionally made vague. Governor Neve in a subsequent 
letter to Croix, March 26, 1781, in Pror. Rec., MS., ii. 81, speaks very plainly 
on the subject, saying that Serra claimed to have sent his patent to Mexico, 
and he does not deem it wise to take possession of and search his papers, be- 
cause if he has not sent the document away he will have hid it ' with his 
unspeakable artifice and shrewdness; ' and the only result will be trouble 
with the padres and delay in the Channel foundations, for which they will 
refuse to contribute supplies. Being exasperated there is nothing these friars 
' with their immeasurable and incredible pride ' will not attempt, since 011 
more than four occasions it has required all Neve's policy and moderation to 



The commandant general, on receipt of Serra's let- 
ter, simply repeated on November 29th his previous 
order that the papers were to be given up at once. 
This brought out from the venerable friar under date 
of March 23, 1781, a letter in which he protests that 
his patent is not in his possession nor indeed in Cali- 
fornia, but was sent to Croix by way of Mexico, since 
Neve was absent in Baja California and the date of ' 
his return uncertain. He swears in verbo sacerdotis 
and tacti pectori sacerdotali that he tells the truth, 
and wonders greatly that Croix has not received from 
Mexico all needed papers and proofs to settle the 
whole matter permanently. 13 For an explanation of 
this extraordinary reply it is necessary to turn back a 
little. The guardian, Rafael Verger, on receipt of 
Serra's first letter of October 1779, 'had written to 
Viceroy Mayorga Bucareli having died in April of 
the same year stating the case and instituting pro- 
ceedings to obtain certified copies of all documents 
bearing on the subject of confirmation. 14 This was on 
December 17th; the required certificates were ob- 
tained without difficulty, and on February 16, 1780, 
the guardian sent them in due form to Serra to be 
shown to Neve, at the same time facilitating a settle- 
ment of the matter in dispute by forwarding a copy 
to General Croix. The president received the papers 
by the vessel which arrived at Monterey October 6th, 
and, in the confident expectation of an order from 
Croix to resume confirmations, felt very independent, 
so much so that he deemed it safe to disregard the 
orders both of Croix and of the guardian requiring 
the delivery of the documents to Neve. Circum- 

turn them from surreptitious conspiring against the government. At a more 
fitting time it will be well to carry out certain measures which he has deemed 
it best for the present to defer as the only means of bringing ' this president 
to a proper acknowledgment of the authority which he eludes while pretend- 
ing to obey. ' This is very strong language from a man who was not prone to 
excitement or exaggeration. 

13 Facultad de Confirmar, MS., 269-71. This is the first use, by the way, 
of the name Baja California that I have noticed. 

11 The guardian says nothing of having received any papers from Serra; 
t of course this is not very strong evidence that he did not get them. 


stances favored his plans, for Neve was at the time 
absent from the capital on a visit to the frontier mis- 
sions of the peninsula. Accordingly, apprehending 
the receipt of more positive orders from the general, 
and resolved to take no risk of eventual discomfiture, 
the venerable friar despatched his patent forthwith to 
Croix, via Mexico, probably by the very vessel that 
had brought it. 

Soon the governor returned to Monterey and on 
December 30th demanded the documents in order 
that he might forward them as ordered to Croix. 
Serra did not deign to say whether he had the papers 
or not, but coolly replied on the same date by saying 
in substance: 'The whole matter has been settled by 
higher authorities ; the papers proved to be all right ; 
I have written to General Croix, and he will doubt- 
less be satsified with what I have said. You and I 
have only to wait for orders." Neve for reasons 
already mentioned did not enforce his demand, and 
Serra was happy in the thought that he had snubbed 
his enemy. Then, as the president had anticipated, 
came the order of Croix dated November 29th, and 
written before he had received despatches from Mex- 
ico. Serra's reply was an easy one and has been 
already given. Meanwhile, Croix on receipt of the 
Mexican despatches, sent as a matter of course the 
corresponding instructions dated the 23d of Decem- 
ber. They were received by Neve at San Gabriel, 
whence in a letter dated May 19, 1781, he informed 
Serra that as the apostolic brief had been shown to 
have the requisite approval of the council, there was 
no longer any obstacle to his administering the sacra- 
ment. 15 

During the continuance of this quarrel the presi- 
dent took advantage of another opportunity to show 
his independence of the government. The governor 
had been ordered to send in connection with his an- 

15 All the communications referred to are found in the Facultad de Con 
jirmar, MS. 


nual reports inventories of the missions; but Serra 
refused to render any account of the missions, claim- 
ing that he was acting according to orders from the 
guardian, and would send the inventories direct to 
Mexico. 16 

This episode of California history, now for the first 
time made public, exhibits the character of Junipero 
Serra in a new and, considering the previous char- 
acter of the man, in a startling light. And though 
from this distance nothing can be seen in the contro- 
versy which might affect the interests of Christianity, 
of the Franciscan order, or of the California missions, 
we must conclude that Serra was conscientious in his 
belief that principles of the gravest character were 
involved or he never would have manifested the firm- 
ness and the stubborn pertinacity he did from the 
beginning to the end of this dispute with the gov- 
ernor. The great battles between the royal prerogative 
and ihefuero eclesidstico had been fought in Spain; it 
certainly could have been no trifling matter that would 
induce this man of peace to renew them in California. 
On the other hand Neve claimed what he regarded 
as a well known right, nothing in the slightest degree 
humiliating to the president, and so far as can be 
known he urged his claims in a courteous and re- 
spectful manner; and when obedience to his demands 
was refused nothing but his moderation and cool- 
minded patriotism prevented a scandal which would 
have been unfortunate to the country, and perhaps 
disastrous to the missions. No ardent churchman 
entertains a more exalted opinion of the virtues of 
Junipero Serra, his pure-mindedness, his self-sacrificing 
devotion, his industry and zeal than myself. Nor would 
I willingly detract from the reputation of a man who 
has been justly regarded as an ideal missionary, the 
father of the church in California; but I am writing 


16 Neve to Croix June 4, 1779, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 127-8. The governor 
says that the natives are taiight that the padres are supreme and the secular 
officials are to be regarded with indifference. 



history, and I must record the facts as I find them 
and leave rny readers to form their own conclusions. 17 
The license to confirm for ten years expired with the 
life of Serra in 1784, before which time he had con- 
firmed 5,309 persons. The privilege was again given 
at Home in 1785 and forwarded by the bishop of 
Sonora in 1790 to President Lasuen, who confirmed 
within five years about 9,000 persons. The license 
was never again renewed. 

The transport vessels of 1778 were the San Carlos, 
which arrived at San Diego in May, returning at 
once to San Bias; and the Santiago, under Captain 
Juan Manuel de Ayala, pilotos Castro and Aguirre, 
and chaplain Nocedal, which anchored at San Fran- 
cisco June 17th, one hundred and five days out from 
San Bias. Besides more material supplies she brought 
an unusual budget of news. An exploring fleet for 
the northern coast was fitting out at San Bias; Teo- 
doro de Croix had been appointed commandant gen- 
eral of the Interior Provinces; a change was proposed 
in mission government, making California a custodia, 
though this was never carried out; and the right to 
confirm had been granted to President Serra. The 
Santiago on her return touched at Monterey at the 
end of July and at San Diego. 

The Santiago returned to San Francisco in 1779, 
but we have no further, information about her trip 
than that several of her officers served as godfathers 
at the baptism of natives on the 6th of July. The 
officers included Captain EsteVan Jose Martinez, 
Piloto Jose Tobar, and Chaplain Nicolas de Ibera. 18 

17 Palou, Vida, 235-6, alludes to the quarrel very briefly, admitting that 
Neve was not actuated by malice. In his Noticlas he does not mention the 
subject at all. Shea, Cath. Miss., 100, says that Serra was for a time pre- 
vented by the government from exercising his right. Taylor, Ditcov. and 
Founders, ii. No. 28, affirms that P. Junipero had a serious fright soon after 
beginning to confirm on account of a rumor from Mexico that there was some- 
thing i rregular in his papers; but on assurance from all the prominent men acces- 
sible that there was nothing wrong he was comforted ! Gleeson, Hist. Cath. Ch. , 
ii. 84-6, attributes the hindrance to the Chevalier de Croix who was opposed 
to the missions, and would not allow Serra to confirm until the viceroy was 
appealed to and told him to let the padres alone. 

l% San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 10. She came back next year with 


Entered San Francisco Bay the Favorita September 
14th, followed next day by the Princesa. They were 
exploring vessels commanded by lieutenants Bodega 
y Cuadra and Ignacio Arteaga respectively, the latter 
being chief in command. 19 They had left San Bias in 
February, and had been up the coast to latitude 60, 
and on the return had explored the old bay of San 
Francisco under Point Reyes where the San Augustin 
was cast away, this being the first visit since the time 
of Vizcaino. The men were many of them sick with 
scurvy and the ships remained for six weeks in port 
for their benefit. In Cuadra's possession was an 
image in bronze of Nuestra Senora de los Remedies, 
copied from the original in Mexico, which he presented 
to the mission and which was placed on the altar with 
proper ceremonies the 3d of October. Next day the 
festival of the patron saint was celebrated, and in 
connection with the ceremony three natives brought 
from the northern coasts were baptized. Serra could 
not come up in time for the festival on account of 
etiquetas with Neve; but a little later he was met by 
the naval officers at Santa Clara and came to San 
Francisco to administer confirmation as we have seen, 
insisting on walking all the way and refusing to have 
his ulcerated leg treated after arrival. A courier now 
arrived overland with tidings of Viceroy Bucareli's 
death and of the war with England. This hurried the 
vessels away, and after hasty preparations in view of 
possible hostilities on the high seas, they sailed Octo- 
ber 30th, bearing important despatches from Serra, 
and leaving Matias Noriega in place of Father Cam- 
bon, who retired on account of ill-health. 20 

the same officers, except that Miguel Ddvalos was chaplain, entering Mon- 
terey in October and unloading there, to the great inconvenience of San Fran- 
cisco, whither the cargo had to be carried by land. Pdlou, Not., ii. 368-9; 
Prov. Etc., MS., ii. 32-3. 

19 According to S. Francisco, Lib de Mision, MS., 11-12; Pdlou, Vida, 
231-3. Lieut. Quiros y Miranda was one of the officers. Cauizares and 
Maurelle were also on the vessels. 

20 San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 11 ; Boderja y Cuadra, Navegacion, 
etc., 1779, MS.; Arteaga, Tercera Exploration, 1779, MS.; Maurelle, Nave- 


There is yet another maritime event to be included 
in the annals of 1779, namely: the arrival of the,first 
Manila galleon. Off Monterey harbor the llth '.of 
October arrived the San Jose, and the commander, 
Jose Imparan, sent a boat ashore asking for a pilot 
and that buoys be placed to mark deep water, alluding 
to the royal orders for the galleons to get water and 
food here. 21 Neve's reply the records fail to show. 
Palou states that the ship's boat took off a sheep and 
basket of vegetables from Carmelo Bay, while the offi- 
cer went across to the presidio. There a bull was 
given and the key of the storehouse, also the required 
pilot, or a soldier" who knew the harbor; but the boat 
was upset just as the men boarded the ship and a sud- 
den wind forced her to depart without anchoring, 
taking the soldier with her to Cape San Lucas. 22 Im- 
paran was however blamed subsequently for his action 
in this affair; for General Croix writes to Neve on 
July 17, 1782, that the king has been notified of Im- 
paran's refusal to anchor at Monterey; 23 and indeed 
Minister of State Galvez writes in February of the 
same year that though signal fires were lit at Monte- 
rey the galleon paid no attention, sailing for Cape San 
Lucas in defiance of royal orders; that the king is 
much displeased ; and that in future galleons must call 
at Monterey under a penalty of four thousand dollars^ 
unless prevented by contrary winds. 

Besides the arrival and departure of vessels, and 
Father Junipero's visits to the different missions for the 

gacion, MS.; Bodega y Citadra, Serjunda Salida, MS.; Prov. Rec., MS., i. 
132-4; Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 49-50; Palou, Not., ii. 356-64; Id, }"I(t, 
165-71; Bustamante, Suplemento, 345. There are some differences about 
the date of departure. The rumor of war with England caused the two Cali- 
fornia transports San Curios and San Antonio to be sent in the autumn of 
1779 over to Manila to give notice of danger and carry $300,000 in money. 
Padre Font went as chaplain on the San Cdrlos. Cambon recovered his 
health, resolved to return, and bought maize and sugar with his earnings as 
chaplain. The supplies he sent up on the Santiago, but he was obliged him- 
self to make a trip to Acapulco and perhaps to Manila under Heceta on the 
frincesa. Palou, Not., ii. 365-7. 

"Imparan's letter in Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 38. 

22 Palou, Not., ii. 363-4. 

23 Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 228. 



iurpose of administering confirmation, there is but 
ttle to be noted in the way of local events. Neophyte 
alcaldes and regidores were chosen in 1779 for the 
older missions; two of each for San Cdrlos and San 
Diego, and one for San Antonio, San Luis, and San 
Gabriel. Neve at his coming had found the so-called 
presidios to be mere collections of huts, enclosed in 
slight fences of sticks called palisades, altogether 
inadequate to purposes of defence, even against the 
poorly armed Californians. He gave special attention 
to this matter and with such success that on the 3d 
of July 1778 there was completed at Monterey a wall 
of stone 537 yards in circumference, 12 feet high and 
four feet thick, enclosing ten adobe houses each 2 1 by 
24 feet, with barracks 136 by 18 feet not quite fin- 
ished. At San Francisco walls were also being built, 
but of adobe, which the rains of January and February 
of 1779 undermined and destroyed, showing that here 
also stone must be used. At San Diego stones were 
being collected for foundations in 1778, but we hear 
nothing definite of progress for several years. At 
San Francisco presidio a new chapel was in course of 
erection at the beginning of 1780; 24 while at San 
Diego mission a new adobe church, strengthened and 
roofed with pine timbers, was this year completed. It 
was ninety feet long by seventeen feet wide and high. 
The farmers of San Jose were prospering in a quiet 
way, raising over 700 bushels of grain in 1780, and 
having at that date nearly 600 head of live-stock, large 
and small. San Gabriel and San Luis had some 
2,000 bushels of surplus maize. 25 

At the end of this first decade of its history the 
Spanish settlements in California consisted of three 

I presidios, one pueblo, and eight missions. There were 
at these establishments besides the governor, two lieu- 
24 A house was bunied at the presidio Oct. 11, 1779, and with it the hos- 
pital tent of the two vessels Princes' i and Favorita. 
25 On local matters 1778-80 see Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., x. 495-513; Prov. 
7?ec., MS., i. 18, 51, 83; 89, 104, 117, 120, 122-5, 127-8; ii. 21-2; Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., ii. 36-7. 


tenants, three sergeants, 14 corporals, about 140 sol- 
diers, '30 sirvientes, 20 settlers, five master-mechanics, 
one surgeon, and three store-keepers, 16 Franciscan 
missionaries, and about 3,000 neophytes. The total 
population of Spanish and mixed blood was not far 
from 500. The annual expense to the royal treasury 
of keeping up these establishments was nearly $50,000, 
or some $10,000 more *than was provided for by the 
regulation of 1773. 26 

26 For a lisj of male inhabitants of California from 1775 to 1800, see end of 
this volume. 





AT the beginning of 1781 the new regulation for 
the government of California went into effect pro- 
visionally by order of Comanclante General Croix of 
the Provincias Internas de Occidente, receiving the 
formal approval of King Carlos III., October 24th 
of the same year, 1 but dating back to the 1st of June 
1779, in its original drawing-up by Neve. Echeveste's 
regulation of 1773, 2 resulting chiefly from the labors 
of President Serra in behalf of California during his 
visit to Mexico, had been designed as a temporary 
expedient rather than a permanent system; and the 
aim in preparing the document to supersede it was to 
bring the California!! establishments, so far as possible, 

1 Neve, Reglamento 4 Instruction, MS. For the Reglamento in print see 
Arrlllarja, RecopUadon, 1828, 121-75. Orders of Croix of Sept. 21, 1780, in 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 114. Neve acknowledged receipt of preceding order 
Jan. 20, 1781. Id., ii. 38-0. See first pages of chapter xv. of this volume. 

2 Reglamento de.%4 de Mayo 1773, and Id., Determination de 8 de Julio, MS., 
5; Palou, Not., i. 556-71, 589-94. See chapter ix. of this volume. 

1 1-33 ) 


under the general system prevalent in the other 
interior provinces, and embodied in the royal regu- 
lation for frontier presidios, 3 with such modifications 
as were rendered necessary by the distance and peculiar 
circumstances of California as shown by experience 
under the old system. Elsewhere in this series I 
devote some space to a careful study of the presidio 
system in all its workings and details. Hence to enter 
here into the minutiaa of the new regulation would 


serve no useful purpose. I therefore notice the docu- 
ment briefly in its main features as the beginning of 
a new epoch; its practical workings will in a general 
way be apparent in the course of events from year to 
year. The reader will thus be led to peruse with 
interest, qualified to study with profit, or enabled to 
omit altogether the later analysis necessary in a work 
of this character for purposes of reference, but not 
interesting to a large class of general readers. 

The distance and isolation of California preventing 
regular visits of the royal inspector of frontier pre- 
sidios, the governor was made provincial inspector, 
responsible by virtue of this new commission for the 
enforcement of the regulations. But that the duties 
of the new position might not interfere with other 
official duties, the actual work of inspecting the pre- 
sidios was given to an adjutant inspector acting under 
the inspector's orders. 4 Supplies of all kinds were as 
before to be shipped from San Bias, being purchased in 
accordance with annual memorias of articles required, 
forwarded through governor to viceroy, and delivered 
to soldiers and servants in payment of their wages. 
There was, however, an important change in one re- 
spect; for the former profit of a hundred and fifty per 
cent was relinquished by the government, and sup- 
plies were furnished to the men at their cost in San 
Bias, no addition being made for transportation by 

3 Presidios, Reylamento t Ii</n/<-<'/on tic 10 tie Sept. 1772. 
* Nicolas Soler first held this position from November 1781 under Inspect- 
or Neve. 




sea, As an offset to this reduction the pay of soldiers 
was reduced about forty per cent, 5 they were obliged 
to submit to losses and damage incurred on the voy- 
age, and they were obliged to pay two per cent to an 
hdbilitado. This last named official took the place 
of the old guarda-almacen, or store-keeper, and had 
charge, subject to the inspection of his commandant, 
of the reception and distribution of pay and rations 
and the keeping of company accounts. The habi- 
litado was chosen from among the subaltern officers 
by each presidial company, and the company was re- 
sponsible for any deficit in his accounts. While sup- 
plies were yet to be imported from abroad as a mat- 
ter of necessity, the habilitado was authorized to pur- 
chase California productions whenever offered, and it 
was expected that all grain consumed would soon be 
grown in the country, or in 'the peninsula,' as even 
tipper California was still called. 

The new regulation provided for the occupation of 
the Santa Barbara Channel region, in accordance 
with Neve's original idea, by the founding of a 

O ' \J O 

new presidio and mission of Santa Barbara in the 
centre, and two missions, San Buenaventura and Pu- 
risima, at the extremities of the Channel coast. It 
also made provision for two pueblos, the one al- 
ready founded at San Jose, and another to be estab- 
lished on the Bio Porciiincula and called Nuestra 
Senora de los Angeles. For the four presidios, and 

he eleven missions and two pueblos under their pro- 
ction, a force of four lieutenants, four sub-lieutenants, 

r alfereces, six sergeants, sixteen corporals, one hun- 
dred and seventy-two soldiers, one surgeon, and five 
master-mechanics was allowed at an annual expense 
for salaries of $53,453. From this force a sergeant 

, 5 A sergeant's pay was reduced from $400 to $262 ; corporal, $400 to $225; 
soldier, $360 to $217.50; mechanic, $300 to $180. A lieutenant was to get 
$.3.30 instead of $500 ; an alferez $400; and a surgeon $450. 

6 The first habilitados, in 1781, were Mariano Carrillo at Monterey, Her- 
menegildo Sal at San Francisco, Jose de Zuniga at San Diego, and Jose" F. 
Ortega at Santa Barbara. 


and fourteen men were to be stationed temporarily 
at San Buenaventura and Purisima; a corporal and 
five men at each of the other missions; four soldiers 
at each of the pueblos for two years; and the rest to 
be retained for presidio service proper. 7 

Section xiv. of the regulation deals with the new 
and important subject of pueblos and colonization. As 
the foundation of pueblo land-titles this section has 
played an important part in the subsequent litigations 
of Californian courts, and has often been republished 
and translated. 8 The system of distributing pueblo 
lands, left somewhat vague at first, not reduced to an 
exact science in the practical application of later 
years, and almost inextricably confused by the volu- 
minous explanations of lawyers since 1849, need not 
be closely analyzed here. It was only in its strictly 
legal aspects that the pueblo system was vague or 
complicated. Historically all was Hear enough. Ac- 
cording to the new regulations settlers were to be 
"^obtained from the older provinces and established in 
California; to be granted each a house-lot and a tract 
of land for cultivation; to be supplied at the beginning 
with the necessary live-stock, implements, and seed, 
which advance was to be gradually repaid within five 
years from the produce of the land; to be paid each an 
annual sum $116.50 for two years, and of $60 for the 
next three years, the payment to be in clothing and 
other necessary articles at cost prices; to have as 
communities the use of government lands for pastur- 
age and the obtaining of wood and water; and, finally, 
to be free for five years from all tithes or other taxes. 
Government aid in the way of money and cattle was to 
be given only to colonists who left their own country to 
come to California; but in respect of, lands other colo- 

7 This left 27 men to San Diego, 23 to Santa Barbara, 27 to M